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Jr. * i * w—c THE COXSTITI TIUAA LIST, c " ' Ity tiUKI A- HI.ViK. f , 0 U* TEEMS—For the semi-weekly paper, published f every Tuesday and Friday morning, So P« r annum < and for the weekly §3, all payable in advance. tT ADVERTISEMENTS are inserted weekly for 6fi | 1-2 cents per square; semi-weekly 62 1-2 cents for the t first, end 43 3-4 cents for each subsequent insertion, t and monthly for 91, 00 per square for each insertion. > For yearly advertisements private arrangements are to be made. A deduction is made on the advertise- ( menu ofpublic officer?. i jy Postage must be paid on letters of bacincss. PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE. ftllott-Citizens of the Senate, ’ ■ nndaf the Hanse i>/ Representative* : 1 It give* me pleasure to congratulate you upon your 1 return to the Seat of Government, for the purpose of dis- i charging your duties to the people of the United States, i Although the pestilence, which had traversed the Old i World, has entered our limits, and extended its ravages i over much of our land, it has pleased Almighty God to I ‘"mitigate its severity, and lessen the number of its vie * fitns, compared with those who have fallen in most other i "countries aver which it has spread its terrors. —Not- < •' withstanding this visitation, our country presents, on i t .every side, marks of prosperity and happiness, unequal- i ‘' led, perhaps, in any other portion of the world. 11 i *■ ere fully appreciate our comparative condition, existing * causes of discontent will appear unworthy of attention, ’’and, with hearts of thankfulness to that Divine Being * who has filled our cup of prosperity, we shall feel our ' resolutions strengthened to presc rve and hand down to * posterity, that liberty and that Union which we hare re ceived from our fathers, and which constitute the sour ces and the shield ol all our'We isings. The relations of our country continue to present the ** came picture of amicable intercourse that I had the sat isfaction to hold up to /our view at the opening of your $ last session. The same friendly professions, the same ' desire to participate in our flourishing commerce, the . same disposition to retrain from injuries unintentional • Jy offered, are, with few exceptions, evinced hy all na tions with whom we have any intercourse. I his desir , able stale of things may be mainly ascribed to our un deviating practice of the rule which has long guided our national policy, to require no exclusive privileges in commerce, and to grant none. It is daily producing its beneficial effect in the respect shown to our flag, the pro , tection of our citizens and their property abroad, ami in the increase of our navigation, and the extension ot our . imercantile operations. The returns which have been made out since we last met, will show an increase du ... ring the last preceding year, ot more than 80,000 tons in our shipping, anil of near forty millions of dollars in the aggregate of our imports and exports. N >r have we less reason to felicitate ourselves on the position of our political 'nun of our commercial con cerns. They remain in t. ■ • -tc in which they were when I last addressed y< -a state of prosperity and peace, the effect of tt wise attention to the parting ad vice of the revered Father of his Country an this sub ject, condensed into a maxim for the use ot posterity, by one of Ins moot distinguished successors, to culti vate free commerc'd and honest friendship with all na tions, but to make entangling alliances with none. A strict adherence to this policy has kept us aloof from the perplexing questions that now agitate the European world, and have more than once deluged those countries with blood, should those scenes unfortunately recur, the parties to the contest may count on a faithful per formance of the duties incumbent on us as a neutral na tion, and our own citizens may equally rely on the firm assertion of their neutral rights. With the nation that was our earliest friend and ally in the infancy of our political existence, the most friend * ly relations have subsisted through the late revolution# «f its government; and, -trout the events ot the last, promise a permanent duration. It has made an approx imation in some of its political institutions to our own, and raised a monarch to the throne who preserves, it is ■aid, a friendly recollection of the period during which he acquired among our citizens the high consideration that could then have been produced by his personal qua lifications alone. Our commerce with that nation is gradually assum. ing a mutually beneficial character, and the adjustment -of the claims of our citizens has removed the only ob •tacie there was loan intercourse not only lucrative, but productive of literary and scientific improvement. From Great Britain, I have the satisfaction to inform you that I continue tp receive assurances of the most amicable disposition, which have, on my part, on all proper occasions, been promptly and sincerely recipro cated. The attention of that Government has latterly been so much engrossed by matters ot a deeply interest ing domestic character, that we could not press upon it the renewal of negotiations which had been unfor tunately broken oft ••by the unexpected recal ot our minister, who had commenced them with some hopes of success. My great object was the settlement of questions which though now dormant, might hereafter bo revived under circumstances that would endanger the good understanding which it is the interest ot both par ties to preserve inviolate, cemented, as it is, by a com munity of language, manners, and social habits, and by the high obligations we owe to our British ancestors for many of our most valuable institutions, and for that sys tem ol representative Government which has enabled us to preserve and improve them. The question of our northeastern boundary still remains unsettled. In my last pnnual message I explained te you the situation in which I found that business on my coin ing into ollico, and the measures I thought it my duty to pursue for asserting the rights of the United States, be fore the sovereign who had been chosen by my predeces sor to determine the question; and also the manner in which he had disposed ot it. A special message to the Senate, in their executive capacity, afterwards brought before them the question, whether they would advise a submission to the opinion of the sovereign arbiter. I hat body having considered the award as not obligatory, and advised me to open a further negotiation, the proposition was immediately made to the Britisli Government; but the circumstances to which I have alluded have hitherto prevented any answer being given to the overture. Lar ly attention, however, lias been promised to the subject, and every effort, on my part, will be made tor a satisfac tory settlement of this question, interesting to the Union generally, and particularly so to one ot its members. T,»e claims oi our citizens on Spain are not vet ac knowledged. On a closer investigation of them than ap •*** pears to have heretofore taken place, it was discovered • that some of these demands, however strong they might be upon the equity of that Government, were not such as could be made the subject of national interference. And, faithful to the principle ol asking nothing but what was dearly right, additional instructions have been sent to modify our demands, so as to embrace those only on which, according to the lews ol nations, we had a strict right to insist. An inevitable delay in procuring the docu memo necessary tor this review ot the merits ot these elauns, retarded this operation, until an unfortunate ma *’ lady, which has afflicted his Catholic Majesty, prevented t an examination ot them. Being now, for the first time, * presented in an unexceptionable form, it is confidently hoped the application will be successlul. I have the satisfaction to inform you that the applica tion I directed Co be made for the delivery of a part ot the archives of Florida, which had been carried to the Havana, has produced a royal order tor their delivery. Sc • that measures have been taken to procure its execution. By the report of the Secretary ol State, communicated to you on the 25th June last, you were informed ot the conditional reduction obtained by the minister ot the U. Slates, at Madrid, of the duties on tonnage levied on A nicricau shipping i:* the ports ot Spain. The condition of that reduction having been complied with on our part, by the act passed the 13th of July last, I have the sat isfaction to inform you that our ships now pay no higher ■or other duties, in the continental ports of Spain, than •re levied on their national vessels. *Rie demands against Portugal for illegal captures in <h« blockade of Tcrceira, have been allowed to the full •mount of the accounts presented by the claimants, and payment was promised to be made in three instalments. The first of these has been paid; the second, altho* due, had not, at the date of our last advices, been received; owing, it was alleged, to embarrassments m the finances, consequent on the civil war in which the natiod is en e payments stipulated by the convention with Den- j mark have been punctually made. A. the amount is ready for distribution among the claim ; ?as soon as the board, ■tv sitting, shall have performed ;.ieir functions. I regret that, by the last advices from our Charge d’- • Affairs at Naples, that Govenaent had still delayed the satisfaction due to our citizens; but, at that date, the ef lisct of the last instructions was not known. Despatches fcom thence are hourly expected, and the result will be communicated to you without delay. ; . With the rest of Europe, our relations, political and commercial, remain unchanged. Negotiations are go ing on, to put, on a pennenent bans, the liberal system aC commerce now carried on between us and the Empire ofEosau. The treaty-concluded with Austria is exe cuted V luo Imperial Majesty, with the qjost perfect rx»d faith: mad, as we have ao dipletnatie ageut at bis ooer, ha personally inquired into, end corrected a pro- c ceeding of some of his subaltern officers, to the injury of t our consul in one of his ports. ‘i Our treaty with the Sublime Porto is producing its ex pectcd effects on our commerce. New markets are i owning for our commerce, and a more extensive range t for the employment of our ships. A slight augmentation i of the duties on our commerce, inconsistent with the spirit of the treaty, had been imposed; but, on the re presentation of our Charge d’affaires, it has been prompt ly withdrawn, and we now enjoy the trade and naviga tion ot the Black Sea, and of all the ports belonging to the Turkish Em; ire and Asia, on the most perfect equal. - ity with all foreign nations. I wish earnestly that, in announcing to you the con tinuance ol friendship, and the increase of a profitable commercial intercourse with Mexico, with Central A merica, and the States of the South, 1 could accompany it with the assurance that they all are blessed with that internal tranquillity, and foreign peace, which their he roic devotion to the cause of their independence merits. In Mexico, a sanguinrry struggle is nowc arried on, which has caused some embarrassment to our commerce; but botii parties profess the most friendly disposition to wards us. To the termination of this contest, we look for the establishment ot that secure intercourse, so neces sary to nations whose territories are contiguous. How important it will be to us, we may calculate front the fact that, even in this unfavorable state of things, our man time commerce has increased, and an internal trade, by caravans, from St. Louis to ■ anta Fe, under the protec tion of escorts furnished by the'Government, is carried on to great advantage, and is daily increasing The a gents provided for by the treaty with thispo-ver, to desig uate the boundaries which it established, have been named on our part; but one of the evils of the civil war now raging there, has been, that the appointment of those with whom they were to co-operate has not yet been announced to us. The Government of Central America has expelled from its territory the party which, some time since, dis turbed its peace. Desirous of fostering a favorable dis position towards us, which has, on more than one occa sion, been evinced by this interesting country, I made a second attempt, in this year, to establish a diplomatic intercourse with them; but the death of the distinguished citizen whom I had appointed for that purpose, lias re tarded the execution of measures from which I hoped much advantage to our commerce. Tiie union ot the three v tales which formed the Republic of Colombia has been dissolved; but they all, it is believed, consider themselves as separately bound by the treaty which was made in their federal capacity. The minister accredited to the federation, continues in that character near the Government ofNew Granada; and hopes were enter tained that a new union would be formed between the separate States, at least for the purpose of foreign inter course. Our minister has been instructed to use his good offices, whenever they shall be desired, to produce the re- union so much to be wished for the domestic tranquillity of the parties, and the security and facility of foreign commerce. Some agitations, naturally attendant on an infant reign, have prevailed in the empire of Brazil, which have the usual effect upon commercial operations ; and, while they suspended the consideration of claims created on similar occasions, they have given rise to new complaints on the part of our citizens. A proper consideration for calami ties and difficulties of this nature, has made us less ur gent and peremptory in our demands for justice than da ty to our follow citizens would, under other circumstan ces, have required. But their claims are not neglected, and will, on all proper occasions, be urged, and it is hop ed, with effect. I refrain from making any communication on the sub jectof our affairs with Buenos Ayres, because the nego tiation communicated to you in my last annual message, was, at the date of our last advices, still pending, and in a state that would render a publication of the details inexpedient. A treaty ot amity and commerce has been formed with the Republic of Chili, which, if approved by the senate, will be laid before you. That Government seems to be established, and at peace with its neighbors; and its ports being the resort of our ships, which arc employed in tho important trade of the fisheries, this commercial convention cannot but be of great advantage to our fellow citizens engaged in that perilous but profit able business. Our commerce with the neighboring state of Peru, owing to the onerous duties levied on our principal arti cles of export, has been on the decline, and all endea vors to procure an alteration have hitherto provad fruit less. With Bolivia, we have yet no diplomatic inter course, and the continual contests carried on between it and Peru have made me defer, until a more favorable period, the appointment of any agent for that purpose. An act of atrocious piracy having been committed on one of our trading ships, by the inhabitants of a settle, ment on the west coast of Sumatra, a frigate was dc-. spatched with orders to demand satisfaction for the inju ry, if those who committed it should bo found member* of a regular government, capable of maintaining the usual relations with foreign aations ; but if, as it was supposed, and aa they proved to he, they were a band of lawless pirates, to inflict such a chastisement as would deter them and others from like aggressions. This last was done, and the effect has been an increased respect for our flag in those distant seas, and additional security for our commerce. In the view I have given of our connexion with fo reign powers, .-illusions have been made to their domes, tic disturbances or foreign wars, to their revolutions or dissentions. It may be proper to observe, that this is done solely in cases where these events affect our politi. cal relations with them, or to show their operation on our commerce. Further than this, it is neither our poli cy nor our right to interfere. Our best wishes, on all oc casions, our good offices when required, will be afforded to promote the domestic tranquillity and foreign peace of all nations with whom we have any inlerceurse. Any intervention in their affiirs further than this, even by the expression of an official opinion, is contrary to our principles of international policy, and will always be a voided. The report which the Secretary of the Treasury will, indue time, lay before you, will exhibit the national fi nances in a highly prosperous state. Owing to the con. tinued success of our commercial enterprise, which has enabled the merchants to fulfil their engagements with the Government, the receipts from customs during the year will cxcSed the estimates presented at the last ses sion ; and, with the other means of the Treasury, will prove fully adequate, not only to meet the increased ex penditures resulting from the large appropriations nude by Congress, but t# provide for the payment of all the public debt which is at present redeemable. It is now estimated that customs will yield to the Treasury, dur ing the pressent year, upwards of twenty.eight millions of dollars. The public lands, however, have proven lew productive than was anticipated ; and, according to pre sent information, will not much exceed two millions. The expenditures for all objects other than the public debt, are estimated to amount, during the year, to about sixteen millions and a half, while a larger sum, viz. eigh teen millions of dollars, will have been applied to the principal and interes of the public debt. It is expected, however, that, in consequence of the reduced rates of duty, which will take effect after the 3d of March next, there will be a considerable falling off in the revenue from customs in the year 1833. It will, nevertheless, be amply sufficient to provide for all the wants of the public service, estimated even upon a liberal •calc, and for tho redemption and purchase of the re mainder of the public debt. On the first of January next the entire public debt of the U. States, funded and un. funded, will be reduced to within a fraction of seven millons of dollars; of which 92,227.363 are notof right redeemable until the Ist of Jan. 1834, & 04,735,296 not until the 2J of Jan., 1835. The commissioners of the sinking fund, however, being invested with full authori ty to purchase the debt at tho market price, and the means of the Treasure being ample, it may be hoped that the whole will be extinguished within the year 1833. I cannot too cordially congratulate Congress and my fellow-cititzens on the near approach ot that memor able and happy event, the extinction of the public debt of this great and free nation. Faithtul to the wise and patriotic policy marked out by the legislation of the country for this object, the present administration has devoted to it all the means which a flourishing commerce has" supplied, and a prudent economy preserved, for the public Treasury. Within the four years for which the people have confided the executive power to my charge, fifty-eight millions of dollars will have been applied to the payment of the public debt. That this has been accomplished without stinting the expenditures for all other proper objects, will he seen by referring to the liberal provision made, during the same period for the support and increase of our means of maritime and military defence, for internal improvements of a national character, for the removal and preservation of the Indi ans, and, lasjly, for the gallant veterans of the revolu tion. The final removal of this great burthen from our re- • sources affords the means of further provision for all the objects of general welfare and public defence which the constitution authorizes, and presents the occasion ' for such further reduction in the revenue as may not be required for them. From the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, it will be seen that, after the present year, aaefa a reduction may be made to a considerable extent; and the subject is earnestly recommended to the consideration oi Congress, in'the hope that the combin' ' ed wisdom es the representatives of the peoplojarill de rm sock means of effecting that salutary abject, as may rmutt thoee burthens which shall bs found to fall h unequally upon any, and aa may promote all the great fl interest of the community. c Long and patient reflection has strengthened the opin ions I have heretofore expressed to Congress on this 1 subject; and I deem it my duty, on the present occasion, c again to urge them upon the attention of the Legisla- f ture. Tne soundest maxims of public policy, and the 1 principles upon which »ur republican institutions are i tounded, recommend a proper adaptation of the revenue < to the expenditure, and theyalso require that the expen- j ditures shall be limited to what, by an economical ad- s ■ ministration, shall be consistent with the simplicity ofthe i Government, and necessary to an efficient public service. i In effecting tins adjustment, it is due, injustice, to the in- i terests of the different States, and even to the preserva- i tion of the Union itself, that the protection afforded by existing laws to anv branches ot the national industry, should not exceed what may be necessary to counteract the regulations of foreign nations, and to secure a sup. ply of those articles of manufacture, essential to the na tional independence and safety in time ot war. It, upon investigation, itshaiUbe found, as it is believed it will be, that the legislative protection granted to any particu lar interest is greater than is indispensably requisite for these objects, 1 recommend that it be gradually diniit»-sh ed, and that, as tar as may be consistent with these ob jects, the whole scheme of duties be reduced to the re venue standard as soon as a just regard to the faith of the Government, and to the preservation of the large capital invested in establishments of domestic industry, will permit. That manufactures adequate to the supply of our do- • mestic consumption would, in the abstract, be beneficial to our con ur,', there is no reason to doubt; &, to effect their establishment, there is, perhaps, no American citi- ■ zen who would not, for a while, be willing to pay a high er price for them. But for this purpose it is presumed that a tariff of high duties, designed tor perpetual pro- ' tection. has entered into the minds ot but few qf our statesmen. The most they have anticipated is a tempo rary, and generally, incidental protection,.which they maintain has the effect to reduce the price by domestic competition below that of the foreign article.—Experi ence, however, our best guide on this as on other sub jects, makes it doubtful whether the advantages of tins system are not counterbalanced by many e vils* vvlieth-' er it does not tend to beget, in the minds of a large por tion of our countrymen, a spirit of discontent, *St jealousy, ■ dangerous to the stability ofthe Union. What then shall be done? Large interests have grown up under the implied pledge of our national legislation, which it would seem a violation ot public faith suddenly to abandon. Nothing could justily it but the public safe ty,"which is the supreme law. But those who have ves ted their capital in manufacturing establishments, cannot expect that the people will continue permanently to pay high taxes for their benefit, when the money is not re quired for any legitimate purpose in the administration of the Government. Is it not enon a that the high duties have been paid as long as the mo; arising from them could be applied to the common L- in the extinguish ment of the public debt ? Those who take an enlarged view of the condition of our country, must be satisfied that the policy of protec tion must be -ultimately limited to those articles of do. mestic manufacture which are indispensable to our safe ty in time of war. Within this scope, on a reasonable • scale, it is recommended by every consideration ot pa* triotism and duty, which will doubtless always secure to. it a liberal and efficient support But beyond this object-, we have already seen the operation ot the system pro. ductive of discontent. In some sections ofthe republic its influence is deprecated as tending to concentrate wealth into a few hands, and as creating those germs of dependence and vice, which in other countries, have characterized the existence of monopolies, and proved so destructive of liberty and the general good. A large portion of the people in one section of the republic de. , dares it not only inexpedient on those grounds, hut as dis turbing the equal relations of property by legislation, and therefore unconstitutional and unjust. Doubtless, these effects arc, in a great degree, exag gerated, and may be ascribed to a mistaken view of the considerations which led to the adoption of the tariff system; but they are nevertheless important in enabling us to review the subject with a more thorough knowledge of all its bearings upon the great interests of the repub lic, and with a determination to dispose of it so that none can, with justice, complain. It is my painful duty to state, that, in one quarter of the United State*, opposition to the revenue laws has ri sen to a height which threatens to thwart their execution, if not endanger the integrity of the Union. Whatever obstructions may be thrown in the way of the judicial authorities of the general government, it is hoped they will be able, peaceably, to overcome them by the pru dence of their own officers, and the patriotism of the peo ple. But should this reasonable reliance on the mode ration and good sense of ail portions of our-fellow.citi zens, be disappointed, if is believed that the lawhihem. ■ selves are fully adequate to the suppression of Such at tempts as may be immediately made. Should the exu , gcncy arise, rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable, from any cause whatever, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with lho Sugges tions of such views and measures as may be deemed nc cessaryto meet it. .-'f lu conformity with principles heretofore explained, and with the itopc of reducing the generalgov&rnment to that simple machine which the constitution created, and of withdrawing from the states all other influence than that of itsunive sal beneficence in preserving peace, affording an uniform currency, maintaining the ; inviola bility of contracts, diffusing intelligence, and discharg- ■ ing, unfelt, its other superintending functions, I recom mend that provision be made to dispose of all'stocks now held by it in corporations, whether created by the gene ral or state governments, and placing the proceeds in the Treasury. As a source of profit these stocks arc of no use or value ; as a means of influence among the states, they are adverse to the parity of our institutions. The whole principle upon which they are based, is deemed by many unconstitutional, and to persist in the policy which they indicate, is considered wholly inexpedient. It is my duty to acquaint you with the arrangement' made by the Bank of the United'States with a portion of the holders of the three per cent, stock, by which the Government will be deprived of the public f unds longer than was anticipated. By this arrangement, which will be particularly explained by the Secretary of the Trea. sury, a surrender of the certificates of this stock may be postponed until October, 1833; and thus the liability of the Government, after its ability to discharge the debt, may be continued by the failure of the bank to perform its duties. Such measures as are within the reach of the Secrete ry of the Treasury, have been taken, to enable him to judge whether the public deposites in that institution may be regarded as entirely safe; but as his limited power may prove inadequate to this object, I recommend the subject to the attention of Congress, under the firm be lief that it is worthy of their serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of the institution, embracing the branches as well as the principal bank, seems called for by the credit which is given throughout the country, to many serious charges impeaching its charter, and which, if true, may justly excite the apprehension that it is no longer a safe depository of the money of the -peo ple. Among the interests which merit the consideration of Congress, after the payment of the public debt, one ofthe most important, in my view, is that of the public lands. Previous to the formation of the present constitution, it was recommended by Congress that a portion of the waste lands owned by the States should be ceded to the United State* for the purpose of genecal harmony, and as a fund to meet the expenses ofthe war. The recom mendation was adopted, and at different periods of time, the States of Massachusetts, New. York, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia, granted their vacant •oil for the use for which they had been asked. As the lands may now be considered as relieved from this pledge, the object for which they were ceded having been ac complished, it is in the discretion of Congress to dispose of them in such away as best to conduce to the quiet, harmony, and general interest, of the American people. In examining this question all local and sectional feel ings should be discarded, and the whole United States regarded as one people, interested alike in the prosperity of their common country. It cannot be doubted that the speedy settlement of these lands constitutes the true interest of the republic. The wealth and strength of a country are its population, and the best part of that population are the _ dtivators of the soil. Independent fanners are every e the basis of society, and true friends of liberty. In addition to these considerations, q : nions' have al ready arisen, and may be expected hereafter tp grow out of the public lands, which involve the rights of the States, and the powers of the General Government; and, unless « liberal policy be now adopted, there is danger that these questions may speedily assume an importance not now generally anticipated. The influence of a great sectional interest, when brought into full action, will be found more dangerous to the harmony and union of the states than any other cause of discontent; and it is the part of wisdom and sound policy to foresee its approach es, and endeavor, if possible, to counteract them. Os the various schemes which have been hitherto pro posed in regard to the disposal of the public lands, none has yet received the entire approbation of the National Legislature. Deeply impressed with the importance of a" Speedy and satisfactory -arrangement of the subject, I deem it my duty, on this occasion, to urge" it upon your consideration, and, to the propositions which have been heretofore suggested by others, to contribute those re flections which have occurred to me in the hope that they may assist you in your future deliberations. It seems to me to be our true policy that the public lands shall cease, as soon as practicable, to be a source of reve'nae, and that they be sold to settlers, in limited parcels, at a price barely sufficient to reimburse to the United States the expense of the present system, and cost arising under bur Indian compacts. The advantages of accurate surveys and undoubted titles, now secured to purchasers, seem to forbid the abolition of the present system, because none can be substituted which will more'perfectly accomplish these important ends. It is desirable, however, that, in convenient time, this machine ry be withdrawn from the states, and that the right ot sou, and the future disposition of it. be surrendered to the stales, respectively, in which it lies. The adventurous and hardy population of the west, be sides couiributing their equal share of taxation under our impost system, have, in the progress of our Government, for the lands they occupy, paid into the Treasury a large proportion of forty millions of dollars, and, ot the revenue received therefrom, but a small part has been expended amongst them. W hen, to the disadvantage ot their san ation in this respect, we add the consideration that it is their labor alone which gives real value to the lands, and that the proceeds arising from their sale are distributed chiefly among Stales which had not originally any claim to them, pud which have enjoyed the undivided emolu ment arising from the sale of their own lands, it cannot be expected that the new States will remain longer con tented-with the present policy, after the payment ol the • public debt. To avert the consequences which may be apprehended from this cause, to put an end forever to all partial and interested legislation on this subject, and to afford to every American citizen of enterprise, the op portunity of securing an independent freehold, it seems to me,.therefore, best to abandon tlie idea of raising a lu ■ ture revenue out ot tiie public lands. In former messages, I have expressed my conviction that the Constitution does not warrant the application of tire funds of tl.- General Government to objects of inter nal improvement which are not national in their charac ter; and, both- as a means of doing justice to all interests, and putting an end to a course of legislation calculated to destroy the purity of the Government, have urged the necessif." of reducing the whole subject, to some llxe.l & certain rule. As there never will occur a period, per haps, more propitious than the present to the accomplisn ment ol this object, I beg leave to press the subject a gain upon your attention. -Without some general and well defined principles as certaining those objects of internal improvement to which the means ofthe nation may be constitutionally applied, it is obvious iii.it the exercise ofthe power cun never be •satisfactory. Besides the danger to which it exposes Congress of making hasty appropriations tor works otrhe character of which they may be frequently ignorant, it promotes a mischievous and corrupting influence upon elections, by holding out to the people the fallacious 'nope that the success of a certain candidate will make naviga ble their neighboring creek or river, commerce to their doors, and increase the value of their property. It thus favors combinations to squander the treasure of the country upon a multitude of local objects, as fatal to just legislation as to the purity of public men. If a system compatible with the constitution cannot he devised, which is tree troin such tendencies, we should recolicet that that instrument provides within itself the mode-of its amendment; and that there is, therefore, no excuse, for the assumption of doubtful powers by the General Government. If those which are clearly grant. ed«hiffll bo found incompetent to the endsot its creation, it ettn at any time apply,for their enlargement; and there is no probability that such an application, ifloundedon the.publ.ic inierest, will ever be refused. If the propriu ty of the proposed grant be not sufficiently apparent to command the assent of three fourths ot the States, the best possible reason why the power should not be assumed on doubtful authority is afforded; tor il more than one fourth of the States are unwilling to make the grant, its exercise will be productive of discontents which will tar overbalance any advantages that could be derived from it. All must admit that there is nothing so worthy of the constant solicitude of this Govercment as the har mony and union of the people. Being solemnly impressed with the conviction that the extension of the power to make internal improve ments beyond the limit I have suggested, even if it he deemed constitutional, is subversive ot the best interests of our country, I earnestly recommend to Congress to refrain from its exercise, in doubtful cases, except in re lation to improvements already begun, unless they shall first procure from the States such an amendment ot the constitution as will define its character, and prescribe its bounds. If the states feel themselves competent to these objects, why should this Government wish to as sumo, the power ? If they do uot, then they will not hesitate to make the grant. Both Governments arc the Governments of the people : improvements must be made with the money of the people , and if the money can be collected and applied by those more simple and economical political machines, the State Governments, it will, unquestionably, be safer and better tor the peo ple, than to add to the splendor, the patronage, and the power of the General Government. But if the people of the several states think otherwise, they will amend the constitution, and, in their decision, all ought cheer fully to acquiesce. " For a detailed and highly satisfactory view of the o perations of the V\ ar Department, I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of War. The hostile incursions of the Sac and Fox Indians, necessarily led to the interposition of the Government. A portion of the troops, under Generals Scott and Atkin son-, and of the militia of the state of Illinois, were called into the field. After a harrassing warfare, pro longed by the nature of the country, and by the difficui ty of procuring subsistence, the Indians were entirely ■defeated, and the disaffected band dispersed or destroy ed. The result has been creditable to the troops en gaged in the service. Severe as is the lesson to the Indians, it was rendered necessary by their unprovoked aggressions; and it is to be hoped that its impression will be permanent and salutary. This campaign has evinced the efficient organization of the army, and its capacity for prompt and active ser vice. Its several departments have performed their functions with energy and despatch, &. the general move ment was satisfactory. Our fellow-citizens upon the frontiers were ready, a* they always are, in the tender of their services in the hour of danger. But a more efficient organization of our militia system is essential to that security which is one of the principal objects of all governments. Nei ther our situation nor our institutions, require or permit the maintenance of a large regular force. History of fers too many lessons of the fatal result of such a mea sure, not to warn us against its adoption here. The ex pense which attends it, the obvious tendency to employ it because it exists, and thus to engage in unnecessary wars, and its ultimate danger to public liberty, will lead us, I trust, to place our principal dependence for protec. tion upon the great body of the citizens of the republic. If, in asserting rights or in repelling wrongs, war should 'come upon us, our regular force should be increased to an extent proportioned to the emergency, and our pre sent small army is a nucleons around which such force could be formed and embodied. But, for the purpose of defence under ordinary circumstances, we must rely up on the electors of the country. Those by whom, and for whom, the Government was instituted, and is supported, will constitute its protection in the hour of danger, aa they do its check in the hour of safety. But it is obvious that the militia system is imperfect.— Much time is lost, touch unnecessary expense incurred, and much public property wasted, under the present ar rangement. Little useful knowledge is gained by the muster drills as now established, and the whole subject evidently requires a thorough examination. Whether a plan of classification remedying these defects, and pro providing for a system of instruction, might not be a dopred, is submitted to the consideration of Congress. The constitution has invested in the general government an,independent authority upon the subject of the militia, which renders its action essential to the establishment or improvement of the system, and I recommend the mat ter jo your consideration, in the conviction that the state of this important arm of the public defence requires your .attention. f am happy to inform you, that the wise and humane policy of transferring from the eastern to the western side of the Mississippi, the remnants of our aboriginal tribes, with their own consent, and upon just terms, has been steadily pursued, and is approaching, I trust, its consummation. By reference to the report of the Sec retary ot U ar, and to the documents submitted with it, you will see the progress which has been made since your last session in the arrangement of the various mat ters connected with our Indian relations. With one ex ception, every subject involving any question of conflict ing jurisdiction, or of peculiar difficulty, has been happi ly disposed of, and the conviction evidently gains ground among the Indians, that their removal to the country as. signed by the United States for their permanent resi. dence, furnishes the only hope of their ultimate prosper ity- With that portion of the Cherokees, however, living within the state of Georgia, it has been found impracti. cable, as yet, to make a satisfactory adjustment. Such •was my anxiety to remove all the grounds of complaint, and to bring to a termination the difficulties in which they are involved, that I directed the very liberal propo sition* tpr be made .to them which accompany the docu. tnents herewith submitted. They caninqt but have seen in these offers the evidence ofthe strongest disposition, <w the part of the Government, to deal justly »«d LbereL ly with them. An ample indemnity was offered for their present possessions, a liberal provision for their future support and improvement, and full security for their pri vate and public rights. W hatever difference of opinion may have prevailed respecting the just claims of these i people, there will probably be none respecting theliberal ity of the propositions, and very little respecting the ex pediency of their immediate acceptance. They wery however, rejected, and thus the position of these Indians remain unchanged, as-do the views communicated in me message to the Senate, ofFebruary, 1831. I refer you to the annual report of the Secretary ot the \avy, which accompanies this message, for a detail or operations ol that branch of the service during the pre sent year, . , Besides the general remarks on some of the transac tions ufour navy, presented in the view which has been taken of our foreign relations, I seize this occasion to m vite to your notice the increased protection which it ias afforded to our commerce and citizens on distant seas, without any augmei.tation of the force in commission. In the gradual improvement of its pecuniary concerns, in the constant progress in the collection ol materials suita ble for use during future emergencies, and in the con struction of vessels, and the buildings necessary to their preservation and repair, the present state ot this branch of the service exhibits the Iruits ot the vigilance & care which are so indispensable to its efficiency. Various new suggestions contained in the annexed report, as well as heretofore submitted to Congress, are worthy of your attention; but none more so than that urging the removal, for another term of six years, of the general appropriation for the gradual improvement of the navy. From the accompanying report ot the Postmaster Gen. eral, you will also perceive that that department continues to extend its usefulness without impairing its resources, or lessening the accommodations which it affords in the secure and rapid transportation of the mail. I beg leave to call the attention of Congress to the ' views heretofore expressed in relation to the mode of choosing the President and Vice President ot the United Stales, and to those respecting the tenure of office gene rally. Still impressed with the justness ot those views, and with the belief that the modifications suggested on those subjects if adopted, will contribute to the prosperi ty and harmony of the country, I earnestly recommend them to your consideration at this time. I have heretofore pointed out delects in the Jaw for punishing official frauds, especially within the District ot Columbia. It has been found almost impossible to bring notorious culprits to punishment, and, according to a decision of the court for this District, a prosecution is barred by a lapse ot two years after the fraud has been committed. It may happen again, as it lias already happened, that, during the whole two years all the evi dences of the fraud may be in the possession of the culprit himself. However proper the limitation may be in relation to private citizens, it would seem that it ought uot to commence running in favor ot public officers un til they go out of office. The judiciary system of the United States remains imperfect. Os the nine western and southwestern states three only enjoy the benefits of a circuit court, Ohio, Ken tuckv, and Tennessee, are embraced in the general sys tem ; but Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi and Louisiana, have only district courts. If the existing sys tem be a good one, why should it rjt be extend*-i? II it be a bad one, why is it suffered to exist ? T he new states were promised equal rights and privileges when they came into the Union, and such are the guarantees of the constitution. Nothing can be more obvious than the ob ligation of the General Government to place all thejstates on the same footingia relation to the admisitration ot i justice, and I trust this duty will be neglected no longer. On many of the subjects to which your attention is in i vited in this communication, it is a source of much grati fication to reflect that the steps to bo now adopted arc uninfluenced by the embarrassments entailed upon the country by the wars through which it has passed. In re gard to most of our great interests, we may consider ourselves as just starling into our career, and, after a salutary experience, about to fix, upon a permanent ba sis, the policy best calculated to promote the happiness of the people, and facilitate their progress towards the most complete enjoyment of civil liberty. On an occa sion so interesting and important in our history, and of such anxious concern to the friends of freedom through out the world, it is our imperious duty to lay aside all selfish and local considerations, and be guided by a lofty spirit of devotion to the great principles on which our in stitutions are founded. That this Government may be so administered as ta preserve its efficiency in promoting and securing these general objects, should be the only aim of our ambition; and we cannot, therefore, too carefully examine its structure, in order that we may not mistake its powers, or assume those which the people have reserved to them selves, or have preferred to assign to other agents. We should bear constantly in mind the fact, that considera tions which induced the framers ot the constitution to withhold from the Gen. Government the power to regu late the great mass of the business and concerns ot the people, have been fully justified by experience ; and that it cannot now he doubted that the genius of all our in stitutions prescribes simplicity and economy as the char acteristics of the reform which is yet to be effected in the present future execution of the functions bestow, cd upon us by the constitution. Limited to a general superintending power to maintain peace at home and abroad, and to prescribe laws on a few subjects of general interest, not calculated to re- ( strict human liberty, but to enforce human rights, this government will find its strength and its glory in the faith ful discharge of these plain and simple duties. Believ ed by its protecting shield from the fear of war and the apprehension of oppression, the free enterprise of cur citizens, aided by the state sovereignties, will work out improvements and ameliorations which cannot fail to de monstrate the great truth, that the people can govern themselves, is not only realized in our example, but that is done by a machinery in government so simple and economical as scarcely to be felt. That the Al mighty Ruler of the Universe may so direct our delibera tions, and overrule our acts, as to make us instrumental in securing a result so dear to mankind, is my most ear nest and sincere prayer. ANDREW JACKSON. December 4th, .832. TUESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1832. CONGRESS* The Congress of the U. S. assembled in Washing ton on the 3d inst. In the Senate, Mr. White, of Ten nessee, was, in the absence of the Vice-President, and the resignation of Mr. Tazewell, chosen President pro tempore. The next day, the President transmitted the annual message, which we received last night, and which, after a night’s labour, we are enabled to present to our customers in this morning’s paper. GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. On Friday last, J. VV. Hooper, was elected Judge of the Cherokee Circuit, and William Ezzard, Solicitor. BANK REPORTS, Wc published in our paper of the 20th of November, the reports of all the banks, except the report of the Bank of Hawkinsville, which we did not find among those then transmitted by the Governor to the Legisla ture. The Georgia Journal of last Thursday, contains this report, which we subjoin, and which completes the reports of all the Banks in the state. [BANK OF HAWKINSVILLE. Hawkinsville, Oct. 15, 1832. To His Excellency Wilson Lumpkin , Governor of Georgia. Sir—l have the honour herewith to transmit to your Excellency, a statement of the situation of the Bank; by which it will be perceived, that it is solvent; and its business prosperous; and that since its commencement, no loss has been sustained by bad papers, debts, or other wise. I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JOHN RAWLS, President. A statement of the situation of the Bank of Hawkins, ville, October Ist, 1332. DR. To Capital Stock paid in, 50,000 00 Bank Notes in circulation 48.920 00 Discount on notes and bills of exchange Deposites by Individuals, 9,651 15 Due other Banks, *590 59 §111,566 52 CR. By specie, 48,427 44 United States' bank notes, 2,300 00 Bills of other solvent local banks, 924 00 - 51,651 44 Notes discounted running to maturity, 11,559 53 Bills of Exchange discounted 45,844 69 Banking House and Lot, 775 10 Incidental Charges, 1,735 76 §111,566 52 D. CLAYTON, Cashier. ELECTORAL COLLEGES. | Election of President and Vice President of the {J States on Wednesday, the sth of December, Jgjjj GEORGIA, 11 votes, for Andrew Jackson and jj i tin Van Buren. 1 SOUTH-CAROLINA, 11 votes, for John Floyd of I Virginia, and Henry Lee, of Boston. I NORTH-CAROLINA, 15 votes, for Andrew J I son and Martin Van Buren. I REVIEW OP THE MARKET, I We, ourselves, shall henceforth report the state of n market. We have adopted this course, in order t» f withhold from the malicious and evil.disposed, the ? portunity of making, either directly or indirectly, i n ; ul , P ous insinuations against this paper. lV e , a [ one fij now be responsible for our reports ; if we commit error* in them, we shall cheerfully acknowledge and correct H them; if insinuations are made of an insidious and d». P respectful character, we shall certainly resent it, and c»U I the author or authors of them to an account, w. I ,T ® ire K thus explicit, because it is our sincere desire to mer;{ 1 that confidence of our commercial friends, which is X essential a requisite to the prosperity of a paper devoted 1 in a great measure to commercial information and aavt j tisements : to preserve the confidence of such li will be our constant aim. ’ M OPPOSITION TO THE TARIFF. I The Charleston Mercury says, that it is very pl lln I there was a majority of lhaHouse of Representatives -1 Georgia opposed to any kind of resistance to the lar ; r y I And why thi* misrepresentation? Because Mr R v V A resolutions passed that body by a large majority T(, I Mercury has wilfully misrepresented the views and th* I motives of that majority; for the editor of that p B p tr I knows better ; and if he docs not know better, he sj,u U |-t 1 have informed himself of the true state of thecas* be I fore he ventured to make such a bold and unwarrantable I assertion. We believe that we know the feelings o fth» people of Georgia, respecting the tariff, protective m ft tern, and internal improvement system; and w fc sav «I ill ' "UQ H truth, that our people are as much opposed to such op. ■ pressive schemes as the most genuine nullifies can I possibly be ; and as much more than tiiese nullifier, I can be, because the people of Georgia are opposed to I monopolies, of every kind, on principle, and will resi« I to the last, any encroachment upon their rights, or any I abuse or perversion of the federal constitution, in away I warranted by that instrument and the spirit of the fed, ftj ral compact ;in away which will not produce civil war I or a dissolution of the Union. The people of GeoHo I have shown already, : : ~v they could resist invasions of I their rights—succesoiully and triumphantly they h av# H shown that to the world, and the Union was not in ths I least shaken to its very centre. When the time arrive* I for action against the protective system —if ever it i* I demanded—the people of Georgia will act, and their I action will not place the Union in danger; they will I act, and their action will prove most effective; they I will not call a legislature together, which will cal! * I convention, which will authorize the legislature tonal. XI lify the objectionable law of Congress; and thi* legij. ! lature will not pass laws equally as unconstitutionil, I equally as much against the spirit of our public instit*. I lions, as the law nullified. And a Governor of Gear. I gia will not dare to speak to the legislature, at the I Governor of v . Carolina spoke to the legislature of tin; I w tate. Georgia, when it will be necessary to act, will f show to her sister states, that she can resist an uneon, slitulional law, and yet remain in the Union; she will show to South-Carolina, that, in the mode of resistance aU she will have adopted, she will be supported by all irn* patriots throughout the country, while South-Caroiini, in her mode of resistance, has already met the condcra. nation of the real friends of their country, and of ft true advocates ot civil and political liberty. PitSTAGE. Extracts from the report of the Post Master Genera!, |jfl laid before Congress at the last session. The following I amount of postage was received in each of the stales & | territories, and in Several cities, the year ending I March 31, 1832. , I New. York §312,018 I Alabama §27,240 (ft Pennsylvania 185,217 New Jersey 22,390 I k Massachusetts 119,388 Vermont 18,997 I 4 Virginia 84,078 New Hampshire 17.298 I S Maryland 69,039 Mississippi 15,499 I j Ohio 58,883 Rhode Island 14,80t> HI Georgia 54,232 Missouri 12,907 South-Carolina 47,993 Indiana 11,509 I i Louisiana 40,794 Illinois 7,701 I 1 Kentucky 38,705 Florida 6.321 If 1 Connecticut 34,245 Delaware 4,707 I Tennessee 31,423 Michigan 4,5t)8 I Maine 29,932 Arkansas 4,071 || North-Carolina 28,750 I New. York 144,767 Richmond 15,096 ij| Philadelphia 95,284 Savannah 14,032 BF Boston 64,711 Cincinnati 13,010 I Baltimore 49,7130 Albany 11,604 HL New Orleans 30,729 Pittsburg 11,172 I Charleston 24,327 Augusta, Geo. 9,089 I SOUTH-CAROLINA. I We arc indebted to the Charleston Courier, of Fri- I day, for the following information respecting the proceed- I ceedings of the Legislature of South-Carolina. li In the House of Representatives, Dec. 4, Mr. ft** l« ton, from the Committee on Federal Relations, to whom |» was relerred that part of the Governor’s Message relai- ft* ing to the Ordinance of the Convention, reported m I* part, by introducing a bill to carry into effect, in part, th l * ft| Ordinance of Nullification; which was read a first time* Jp ordered to be printed, and made the special order oltha §1 day for Thursday next, at 12 o’clock. 1 This is a lengthy paper, and provides that if after the Ist February next, goodc are seized for the non-paymem ftj of duties, the consignee may recover them by action ol ■! replevin, but before the sheriff deliver the goods to the IB plaintiff, he must take bond for the value of the goodi, H that plaintiff in replevin will prosecute his case and 1 < H by the judgment of the Court. If the writ of replevin BB be uot executed, and a complaint to the effect be lodged under oath to a Magistrate, a capias ad withernam may be sent out to distrain the goods of defendant to doubi* the value of the goods seized, and if the goods seized HR are not delivered in one month, the sheriff is to sell it# goods'and chattels of defendant for cash, and after de ducting expenses, pay over the money to Plaintiff. K shall hold the same until the trial of the case. The»h* H riff, however, is not by this act to be deprived of o! the rights he may have to execute the writ of replevin by the provisions of the bill. IS If money be paid in nature of duties, it may be ie coT * H eredby the payer by action of assumpsit; if any p^ rS ° n H be arrested and committed to confinement under l| judgment, order, or execution of the Federal Court, n* ■ shall be entitled to his habeas corpus and action for fa ß6 H imprisonment. If goods are sold under any p*° v,w ®? If of the laws of the United States concerning the Tip ß * If the sale is declared illegal, and the title of defends* 1 * 11 II not by the sale impaired. If any person obstruct ’-b** 1- IX ecution of this law, or nullify the same, or eloign good 8 ’ H or assist in carrying away or concealing the same, a* ||| guilty of a high misdemeanor, and may, on H be fined in the sum of §SOOO, and not less than 8 *HR and be imprisoned not longer than two years, nor 0 ftl less time than six months. This act to be given in Bg dence without special pleading, and to go i ito effect I ! the Ist of February next. R 9 Mr. Jones from the Military Committee to, ’ Ba i referred so much of the Governor’s Message, a* rt *k f Sg |to placing the state in an attitude of defence, re ? O T > bill to provide for the security and protection oi I ■ Carolina, which was read a first time, ordered to a Mm reading on to-morrow, and to be printed. - [This bill authorises the Governor, in the event 0 crcion by the Genera! G eminent, to call out the H tia of the Stale, to enforce the declarations ana P‘° H ions of the Ordinance; to accept the services 0 Bf thousand volunteers; to class the militia into four K es, which are to be in service at different peno H compel ail able bodied white men, between the y e , ' H sixteen and sixty, to bear arms; and in general, n r H vides for all such contingencies in the mi!it»7. 5e IS as if the State were already engaged in the defen c H her rights from actual invasion.] H NORTH-CAROLINA. not I David L. Swain, one of the Judges of the H Court, has been elected by the Legislature, now in» ■ sion, Governor of the State. j H A bill has been introduced for the establish 18 * 0 ■ “The Bank of North-Carolina.” The capital 1* M V