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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
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GEORGIA LEGISLATURE.
Impeachment of Shadrach liogan, the. Lottery
Commissioner.
IN SENATE, November ‘29.
The following message was received Ironithe
Hou»e of Representatives —Messrs. Glascock,
Ryan, Burney and Hardeman delivering the
same :
Mr. President and Gentlemen of theSenatc :
We are directed by the House ot Representa
tives to impeach at the Bar of the Senate Shao
rach Bogan, one of the Lottery Commissioners
of the Land and Gold Lotteries of this State, ot
malpractice in his office and of divers high
crime* and misdemeanors, to wit : of the of
fence of cheating and swindling, of forgery and
of fraudulently making or being concerned in the
fraudulently making a writing or writings with
intent to defraud the good citizens of this State,
or some portion thereof.
And we do hereby, in the name of all the citi
zens of tliis State, impeach the said Shadracb
Bogan of malpractice in office, to wit : for the
offence of cheating mid swindling, of forgery
and of fraudulently making or L ing concerned
iutlie fraudulvn.ly making of a writing or wri -
ings with intent to defraud the good citizens of
this State, or some portion thereof.
And we do demand, in the name of the House
of Representatives, and of all the citizens of this
State, that the said Shadracb Bogan shall be
sequestered from all offices and appointments,
unless duly delivered by judgment of the Sen
ate.
And we are surlier directed to inlorm the
Senate, that in due time their body shall be fur
nished with articles of impeachment against flic
said Shadracb Bogan, and to submit to their wis
dom whether it might not be proper at this time
to take into custody the body ot the said Shad
rach Bogan, by virtue of a warrant to be issued
by the President of the Senate, by the order or
resolution of your honorable body.
Read and referred to a select committee, con
sisting of Messrs. Cobb, Chappell, and Henley :
when Mr. Cobb, the Chairman, made instanter
the following
REPORT.
Whereas the House of Representatives, by a
committee appointed by that branch of the Le
gislature, have notified the Senate, that they
will prefer before the Senate articles of im
peachment against Shadracb Bogan, one ot the
Commissioners appointed for conducting thejire
sent Lotteries, of high crimes and misdemean
ors, and that said Shadracb Bogan may be forth
coming to answer said charge :
It is therefore Resolved , That the President
of the Senate do issue bis warrant, directed to
the Messenger of the Senate, and to all the civil
officers of this State, to take in f o custody the
body of said Shadracb Bogan, and him safely
keep, that lie may be forthcoming to answer
said charges, when so preferred.
Resolved Further, That the rules observed
upon the trial of John Loving, Samel Jackson,
and Fleming F. Adrian, so far as they are ap
plicable, be and they are hereby adopted for the
government of the Court of Impeachment, in
the case of the said Shadracb Bogan. Agreed
to.
Whereupon, the lion, the President of the
Senate did issue, and deliver his warrant to the
Messenger of the Senate, in the words following :
“ The Hon. Thomas Stocks, President ot the
Senate of the State of Georgia, in General As
sembly met,
To Gustav us A. Parker, gentleman, Messenger
of the Senate, and to all the civil officers of said
State, Greeting :
Whereas the Senate by message from the
House of Representatives, received the Ist day
of December, instant, have been informed in
the following words, to wit :
(Here follows the communication of the House
a* precedently published.)
And whereas the Senate has resolved that the
President do issue his warrant against the said
Shadracb Bogan, on the information contained
in said message :
These are therefore, in the name of the State
of Georgia, to command you, the said Gustavus A.
Parker, to take into custody the hotly of the
said Shadracb Bogan, and cause him forthwith
to appear before the Senate of the State afore
said, to answer such charges ns have been, and
shall be exhibited against him by the Hon. the
House of Representatives, and further to be
dealt with according to law and justice, and a
bide by any further order of the Senate there
on, until he shall be duly delivered from said
charges by judgment of the Senate—and for
your, and each of your so doing, this shall he
to you, or either of you, sufficient authority.
Herein fail not.
THOMAS STOCKS, P. S.
Attest—lverson L. Harris, Sec. Senate.
Mr. Echols of Walton, laid upon the table a
resolution, requesting and authorizing the Go
vernor to sequester and suspend from office
Shadracb Bogan, until he shall have answered
to the several charges preferred against him by
the House of Representatives. The Senate
then adjourned to 4 o’clock, P, M.
4 O’clock, P. M.
The Senate met pursuant to adjournment.
The Messenger appeared at the Bar of the
Senate—-announced the execution of the Presi
dent’s warrant against Shadracb Bogan, and
returned the same to the Secretary, with the fol- i
lowing statement in writing thereon :
“ December Ist, 1532.
I have arrested the body of the within named
Shadrach Bogan, and have him before the bon.
orable the Sena’e ofthe State of Georgia.
G. A. PARKER, Messenger.”
The President then stated to the Senate, that
a communication had been received !rom Suad
r«ch Bogan, and ordered the same to be read,
which is as follows ;
M Shadrach Bogan, now in the custody of the
Messenger of the Senate, demands the right ot ,
appearing by Counsel in his defence.
SHADRACH BOGAN.
December Ist, 1632.”
On motion ot Mr. Wood of Mc*ntosh, perniis- i
sion to appear by counsel was granted said Bo- '
gan, and \V m, L Hansel 1, Esq. appeared as that
counsel.
On motion ofMr, Henley, it was then ordered .
that Shadrach Bog as be recognized in a bond of \
•5000. with two securities each in a bond of
f
On i notion of Mr, Henley, it was then ordered
that Shadrach Bogaa fee recognized in a bond of
•S<WO. with two securities each in a bond of
©ISOO, to appear and attend at the bar of the
I Senate from day today, until the said charges
* of the House of Representatives shall be duly
considered and decided.
Mr. Dunagan laid upon the table n preamble
and resolution for the regulation and continuance
i of the drawing of the Land and Gold Lotteries,
; during flie suspension ol Shadrach Bogan.
The Senate then adjourned until 10 o’clock,
Monday morning.
To the People of Georgia.
FelJoic-Citizens. —The undersigned have been
appointed a Committee, by the Convention
which lias just temporarily closed its sittings,
“ to prepare an address to the people of Geor
gia, illustrating the objects and proceedings of
that body.”
In the discharge of this duty, we desire res
pectfully, but earnestly, to commune with you,
on questions of deep and solemn import, inti
mntcly connected with the peace ami prosperity
of our common country, and necessarily there
fore interesting to every citizen of Georgia.
Tim crisis at which we have arrived is one of
awakening interest. No man can be insensible
to the dangers which beset us. No patriot can
be mdiffi-rent to the consequences which may
flow from them. A portion of the people of this
great confederated republic, respectable lor
their numbers, and equally distinguished by their
intelligence, and their devoted attachment to the
principles of civil liberty, complain ot the sys
tematic and persevering oppression to which
they are subjected hv their brethren. A sys
tem of taxation has been adopted by the fede
ral Government wirii the distinctly avowed ob
ject of protecting domcs’ic manufactures. Its
character inav be thus briefly described : It la
visbes bounties upon one class of our people,
which are ex orted from another, and a differ
ent por ion of the same people. It denies to the
American citizen the right of regulating his
own industry according to the dictates of his
own judgment., a right which is equally essen'i
al to individual and to national prosperity. It
forbids to the planter of the South, the right of
selecting his own market, and makes him tribu
tary to the manufacturer of the North for the
necessaries of life. It docs this by an usurpa
tion of the power to create and uphold domes
tic manufactures within the States, a power
which is not conferred upon the Federal Govern
merit by the Constitution, but which was ex
press’v refused bv the Convention of States,
which framed it, and by the* gross and palpable
perversion of the constitutional power to lay
and collect duties for the legitimate purposes of
the Government. Against this sys’ematic and
continued oppression, the people ot Georgia
have for a series of years rtmons'rated as well
in primary assemblies ot our citizens, as thro’
the medium of the constituted authorities ofthe
State. These remonstrances ha\ e been
disregarded. The solemn protest of the Le
gislature of Georgia, deposited in the archives
of the Senate of the United States, in perpetual
testimony of the determination of this people
not to submit to these oppressions, was almost
unheeded in the moment of its presentation,and
uttcrlv forgott« nor disregarded in that which
- ' V.
followed it.
In this alarming condi'ion of our affairs, n
great majority* of our citizens, assembled in their
respective counties, had resolved to meet in ge
neral convention for the purpose of considering
the evils under which we labor, and of devising
tilt l most proper and efficient mode of redress.
Delegate s from sixty counties accordingly as
sembled at this place on Monday the 12-b ol No
vember instant, and having exhibited their ere
clen’ials, proceeded to enter upon the duty as
signed to them. At an advanced period ol the
session, after having participated in its organi
zation, and shared in all its preceding delibera
tions, a por ion of the delegates, some of whom
had been appointed to, and had served on, the
general comnii t e, which was raised to consider
what objects ought to engage the attention of
the Convention, and what would be the most
proper means to effect the same, who had shar
ed in the labors of that committee, and had ex
pressed their assent in substance and with some
verbal alterations to the principles contained in
the report which was subsequently adopted by
the Convention, thought proper to retire from
their seats, and to present tlirir reasons in the
form of a protest, which they have given to the
public. Thirtv-seven counties, containing as it
is believed a majority of the representative po
pulation of Georgia, continued to be represent,
ed in Convention after this secession. The de
legates who remained, not deterred by that se
cession from the discharge of the duty which
they owed to their constituents, proceeded to
consider the report of their Committee, and have
concurred with great unanimity in recommend
ing to the consideration of the people of Geor
gia, the resolutions which appear in their Jour
nal.
We propose to speak briefly of the charac
ter of those resolutions, and to suggest to you
some of the consequences which may result
from their adoption. They announce certain
principles which are believed to be at the foun
dation of our Government, flowing naturally
and necessarily, from the relation of the States,
and the confederacy—from the limited grant of
power to the General Government, and the
broad reservation of rights to the s’ates. Pro
ceeding to apply these principles to the several
acts of Congress laying duties on imports, they
declare those acts to be unconstitutional, une
qual and unjust—and conclude by suggesting
the means by which the evils under which yve
labor mav most probably be relieved. Ihe clu
ty prescribed by the Convention to this Commit
tee will therefore have been performed, when
we shall consider very briefly—
First. The principles announced by the re
solutions.
Secondly. The evils cf which we com
plain.
Thirdly. The remedy sugges'ed, and the pro- |
liable consequences which will result from its a- |
doption.
Os these principles, it may with great truth
be said, that up to the present moment, it has no
been doubted that they express on the subject to
which they relate, the political creed ol an over
whelming majority ofthe people of Georgia.—
They have been repeatedly declared by every de- |
partment of our Government, Legislative, Execu- |
live and Judiciary, and now, when for purposes
which remain to be discovered, it has beendeemed I
proper to resistthe proposal to submit them toyou,
: for your deli berate consideration, the chief, nay,
the only objection to them in . subs nnce is, that
they have been too repea’edlv announced airea
dy, to render the repetition of them ebher ne- |
cessarv or proper. The ansyver to the objec
tion is simple, and it is believed to be entirely sa- I
; tisfactory. That which is true in itself, is not
the less so, because it has been told before. If;
the occasion for uttering it be a proper one, it is
not weakened by having received the assent of ;
those who have gone before us. But there is a j
I peculiar propriety in declaring'these principles j
new, and in the manner w hich is reposed. 1
We have arrived ui a criris in our public ai
fairs, in which it becomes necessary to look
carefully to the fundamental principles of our
Government. We uhege that these have been
violated by Federal legislation. The principles
put forth in the resolutions, relate to this state
of things. Thev profess to speak the will of
the people on the subjects to which they refer.
Who can so properly' decide that question as
the people themselves ? If the different depart
ments of our s ate government have mistaken
the popular will in this regard, it is peculiarly
proper that the error should he corrected, and
that it should he corrected now. On the other
hand, if they have rightly understood it, the so
lemn ratification of these principles by tiie peo
. pie, wili nerve the arm of their functionaries in
their efforts to obtain relief from the grievances
I under which we labor. r I hereafter we can no
i longer be represented to our Northern Breth
| ren as a divided people.
Bot what are those principles, which although
i they are admitted to he true, it is considered
j unsafe, or improper to announce ? They may
. be briefly stated thus; —The people ot tlie State
of Georgia, as one ol the States ol this confede
racy, have conferred upon the General Govern
meat certain defined powers, and no othkrs.
If that Government abuses the trust reposed in
I it ; bv exercising powers which have not been
1 granted, or bv perverting those which have been
granted, to purposes winch arc not au horised
, by the Constitution, their ac s ought not to be
binding upon ihe several States. i lie federal
GoverniiK nt cannot have the right to decide
upon their own us • or abuse of the ] owers con
ferred, because that would be to destroy the
cons i utionai limitation aliogether, and would
I leave us entirely at the discretion ol Congress.
! There is no arbiter provided by tiie Consti u ion
! of ihe I lined Stages <o judge ot’ this ma ter, and
i because there is not each state in virtue ot its
; soveifigntv must necessarily exercise this right.
1 In what manner it shall be exercised these nso
i In.ions do not declare, leaving thatques ion to
; be examined, first, by the Convention of the
.! Swuthern rilates, whose opinion will be com
municated to the Convention ofihis State, and by
whom it will be ultimately referred to the final
dec.sion of the people of Georgia themselves.
| .May we not confidently enquire, if any possible
danger can be apprehended from this source !
'i UK I.VILS Ol WUICH WE COMi'LAIN, tUC iIIOSC
which result from tiie several acts ot Congress
imposing duties on iiupor s. ’ton yourselves
are aware, that these are not the only grounds
| of complaint w hich the people ol Georgia may
j properly urge against the General Govern-
I ment. Our present enquiries are however iim
| iied to them.
By the provisions ol the tariff act of 1832, a
principle of taxation is affirmed, which impose#
burdens on ar ides of necissary consumption,
while those of luxury, and those materials used
in manufacturing, such as dye-stufis, &c. are
with a few unimportant exceptions, declared to
be free of duly. The effect ot this unwarrant
able discrimination is 10 exempt unprotected
articles entirely 7 from taxation, and to throw all
the burden upon the protected articles, such as
iron, sal:, sugar, woollen and cot.on fabrics, Cvc.
These arc articles of necessary consumption at
the South, the duties imposed upon which, in
many ins ances amount loan en.ire prohibition.
'I he spirit which characterized tiie majority
in Congress m the adop.ion of this odious act,
cannot perhaps be better illustrated than the re
jection by the majority in the Senate, of all pro
positions’ tending to the reduction of the dull g
to the wants of the government —or limbing
those imposed to a cer.ain definite amount. A
distinguished Senator from the South, during
the discussion of the act of 1832, in ihe Senate,
submitted to that body four distinct propositions.
The first was an amendment to Mr. Clays’ reso
lution, by which amendment it was proposed
“ to bring down the duties gradually to the reve
nue standard, adjusting them on the protected
and unprottc’cd articles, on principles ot perfect
equably.” This proposition, fair and equitable
iu its terms, in every respect reasonable in its
operation, was treated by the majority, “ as a
scheme to destroy rnanufactnrers, and as pledg
ing Congress to an ultimate abandonment ol the
protecting svs'em, which it was declared had
become the settled policy of the country.” Im
mediate reduction was termed “ sudden destruc
tion to the manufacturers,” gradual reduction
was called “ slow poison.” The proposition was
rejected.
To the clause in the bill imposing a duty oflG
cents a yard upon flannels, the same distinguish
ed Senator, proposed to add a proviso, “that the
duty should in no case exceed fifty ver cent.”
The duty of 16 cents a yard on coarse flannels
used by the poor, would he equal to 160 per
cent, while on the finest of that article it would
amount only to 32 per cent ! yet this proviso
was rejected. The reason alleged for tiiis re
jection was that “ 50 per cent, would not be an
adequate protection to the domestic manufactur
er of flannels. Another proposition was made
“to strike out the minimums on cottons.”
Tiiis was also rejected ; and this “ fraudulent
device” was retained in the acts by r which an
article costing 5 cents, is to be deemed to have
cos; 30 cents and to pay a duty as having ac
tuaily cost 30 cents. This was done too, in the
face of a distinct admission of the friends of the
manufacturers of the coarse cottons, that they
did not at present require protection. But the
majority in the plenitude of their power, thought
it would be wise “ to keep the fences up by
which foreign competition would be excluded.”
The fourth and last proposition made by the
sou:hern senator, was dial a clause should be
added at the end of the act declaring “that
the duties imposed by IT, SHOULD IN NO
case exceed 100 per cent yet this proposi.
j tion shared the same fate of all the previous
ones— it was rejected. Yes, a majority in
the Senate, secure of their power, calculating on
| the decep ive features of the act, and relying
! upon a want of unanimity among the Southern
people, for the final triumph of the protective
| svstem, rejected a provi>o, which would have
: limited the maximum of duties to 100 per cent.
; People of Georgia! the rejection of these pro-
I positions speak a language not to be mistaken
—the direct tendency of which is to enslave
| vou—to render you tributary to the North.
This conduct of the majority evince but too
1 clearly a determination to maintain the protec
tive principle inviolate, regardless of the cos:,
and reckless of the consequences.
The character of the act of 1632, is distinctly
marked. 1 s diminished credits, i s requisition of
cash payments, its increase of the value of the
pound sterling, its discriminating duties, will
show, that the burdens imposed upon you aie
decidedly increased, yet you are told that this
act is a concession —“ an effort to moderate the
burdens of the Sou h,” that like the trouble
dove it comes with the olive branch, to give you
• future security. The treacherous kiss of Jud
as is not more deceptive—A concession, with
i the odious principle of protection retained as the
! permanent pohey -of the government !
j is no concession ; its object is rather to lull you
1 Into a fa*se security. The arm' raised *o '
crush your liberties, the blow is only suspended
for a season, until the present excitement is
hushed into careless i..differences, then it will
fall with such concentrated, such accumulated
power, that you will feel all its force ; but the
oppressor will then be secure from resistance.
Whoever lias marked the course of Congress
upon this subject, cannot have failed to perceive,
that all hope from that source for relief from
the operation of this odious, oppressive, and un
constitutional act, is at an end ; and the
lion now to be propounded to the freemen ol
Georgia is, will you submit to be plundered by
unconstitutional exactions; or will you resist
the unlawful exercise of undelegated power !
In the solution of this ques ion, let it be remcm
be red, that a people, united in any given pur
pose, seldom experience defeat, while diversity
m sentiment or division in action, as seldom meet
with success.
But it is not only of the unequal and oppres
sive operation of the protective system upon our
pecuniary inteiests, by the force ot w hich we are
compelled to pay taxes which are not required
for the purposes of revenue, and to contribute
from our ow n hard and scanty earnings a boun
ty to the manufacturers of the north —it is not
merely the amount of dollars and cents which
it extorts from us, of which we complain. It is
that the power, w hich is here exercised, res s up
on a principle which may he used to the utter
annihilation of all our ngh.s. That principle
may be, and in some instances has been, pushed
to ihe extent of prohibition. It assumes the
right then utterly to annihilate the foreign com
merceof the Lmied States, and rims to leave is
unreservedly at the mercy ol .he nor.hern manu
facturer. it assumes the right to raise a reve
nue not limited by the legitimate wan s ot the
govuriiineii , bin one which may minister to its
pa nonage, bv being employed in schenus ol in
ternal improvement, in winch we can never
beneficially participate. Finally, it claims the
startling preroga ive ol doing wda ever in the
discretion of Congress may conduce to the com
mon defence and general wellaic. tins is the
principle on w inch the protective sys tin is last
ed bv ti.e r« [ ort of ihe committee ol manutac-
Uirts of the (Senate at the last session ol Con
gress. it it can be maintained, all the hmnu
tions of the federal const! ution are scattered to
the w inds, all i s safeguards destroyed, all i s de
fences broken down. Our rights, ol whatever
description, wili thereafter be beta not under the
protection of our own laws, but at tae discre
tion of die national legisla. ure. One species ol
our property, which is rendered indispensable to
us by our climate, our habits, and even by the
nature ol our compact widi the o her s ates will
be rendered insecure, it the fanaticism ol the
abolitionist shall receive the countenance ol
Congress.
Such arc some of the evils of the system of
which we complain. It remains to stale, \er>
briefly, the remedy suggested,, and some
OF THE CONSEQUENCES WHICH W ILL PROBABLY
RESULT FROM ITS ADOPTION. It is proposed, it
these resolutions shall meet your sanction, to
take counsel with such ol our Sister Slates, as
have a common imerest in tiiis matter, leaving
to the delegates w ho may be elected, to settle, by
correspondence among themselves, the lime and
place of their assemblage. It was believed to be
desirable to have a full meeting of all the South
ern States in the proposed Convention, and that
widi this view it was important not to fix the time
of convening. ou w ill see that this course is
free from the objection which was urged against
it: namely, that of precipitancy. ’J he Conven
tion supposed that this meetingot delegates from
the Southern States might take place in June
next, and to be in readiness to receive the report
of the delegates from this State, it that should be
the case, have adjourned to meet in July next
but should the Southern Convention not have
convened at that time, our own can be re-assem
blcd either by the same or any other delegates
to be elected by the people at such time as may
be necessary. Great pains have been taken to
disseminate the idea, that the other States will
not. meet us in Convention, with the exccptionof
South Carolina, and that the effect of tins mpa
sure will be to wed our fortunes to those () f our
Sister State, and to put these two States alone
in opposition to all the others. Ibe answer to
this suggestion is obvious, and we commend p to
your attention —such a result cannot h.U’l’en
without your own consent. W hatevor m
done in the Convention of States, is first to be
submitted to the Convention of this St a t e , and
then to yourselves for your approval or re
jection. While it is not possible therefore that
any evil can result from this measure, because
you yourselves retain a check upon the whole
procedure, much benefit may and probably will
flow from it. It is not to be believed that our
Sister States, who have a like interest in this
matter with ourselves, will refuse to meet us in
Convention, and the moral force of their united
counsels cannot but be salutary. It is impossi
bie to suppose that rashness can characterize
the deliberations of a Convention of the whole
Southern States —and he must, we think, very
much underrate the moral force of their united
counsels, who can believe that a deliberate and
solemn appeal from them to our brethren of the
manufacturing States, can he made in vain—
meantime an opportunity will be offered for calm
and deliberate reflection. The questions which
now agitate us, will have passed from the hands
ot’politicians to those of the people. The crisis
wifi have gone by—our northern brethren may
awaken io a sense of the dangers which will re
sult from a perseverance in the system of which
we complain. We shall not have labored in vain
for the preservation of the peace and harmony
of the I nion, and with the full fruition of those
rights of which we have been deprived, we shall
enjoy the added gratification of having success
fully vindicated our constitutional char er.
Such, foliow-ci izens, have been the views of
the Conven inn, by whom we have been deputed
to address you on this occasion. We believe that
the times in which we live are pregnant with
dangers, which menace the Union. We ear
nestly desir to preserve it in .all i soriginal puri
ty. Wes ill look :o it as the ark of our safety,
& will not yet “ despair ofthe Republic.” These
expectations may be frustrated by divisions a
mong ourselves, or by the refusal of our Sister
States to make common cause with us in this
struggle. Even in this event we shall have the
consolation of having used our best efforts for
the preservation of the precious inheri ance which
we have received from our fathers. But we are
not without hope that all will yet bo well, for our
confidence is in Him, in whose hands are the
des inies of communities as well as individuals,
who watched over ns in the infancy ofour po.
!ideal existence, and has mercifully conducted
* J
us to our present elevated rank among the na
tions of the card).
JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN,
A. S. CLAYTON,
ROBERT AUG’S. BEALL, Jr.
WILLIAM H. TORRANCE,
CHARLES P. GORDON,
Committee.
Milledgevilie, Nov. 21, 1832.
Friday, deceuijck i i, is 32.
- -■■ -■■- 1 ■
ELECTOR AL. COLLEGES.
Election of President and Vice President of the United
States on Wednesday, the sth of December, 1832.
GEORIA, 11 votes, for Andrew Jackson and Martin
Van Buren.
SOUTII-CAROLINA, 11 votes, for John Floyd, of
’ Virgininia, and Henry Lee, of Boston.
NORTH-CARO LINA, 15 votes, for Andrew Jackson
and Martin Van Burc-n.
VIRGINIA, 23 votes, for Andrew Jackson and Mar
tin Van Buren.
GEORGIA CON VENTION.
We publish to-day the address prepared by the com
mittee appointed by the Convention which temporarily
closed its sittings on the 17 th of last month. We pub
lish it without a word of comment, for the simple and
substantial reason, that it admits of none.
BANK OF DARIEN.
The Board of Directors have declared a dividend of
oi pp]* edit, on the capital stock paid in, for the last six
months.
DARIEN RANK.
The Georgian of the 11th inst. informs us, that it was
understood the Directors of this institution had decided
upon establishing a Branch in the city ol Savannah, and
had appointed Messrs. Ralph King, R. L. Taylor, John
Balfour, William Duncan, & W. W. Gordon, Directors.
CHARLESTON.
Wc call the attention of the Georgia reader, to the
remarks of the Charleston Courier upon the commercifd
situation of that city, which will be found under our
commercial head.
“\EW BiiiDGE.”
The hill for the erection of anew bridge across the
Savannah River, passed the House of Represent i
tives of Georgia, by 66 votes against 60. Oa a motion
of Mr. Glascock, previously made, to lay the bill on the
table for the balance of the session, the \ e s were 53,
Nays 82, the three representatives ot Richmond voting
among the yeas. The next day, on motion of .Mr. Da
vies, the house agreed to reconsider the vole ot the
day preceding on the p issage o! the hill, yeas 82, nays Go.
FROM Mlt IMX EV.EI E I EC. 12.
The senate proceeded this day with the unfinished
business of yesterday, the resolutions from the House
of Representatives, presented to that body by Mr. Ry
an. The debate was continued by Messrs. Wood, Chap
pel, Nishet, Baxter, an 1 Towfis. At about 1 o’clock, the
question was taken on adopting a substitute offered by
Mr. Ch.ippel, and decided by yeas and nays, yeas 28,
nays 48. Mr. Harlow then offered a substitu:e tor the
lust resolution of the House, which'was rejected by the
same vote as the substitute offered by Mr. Chappel.
The question was then put on the adoption of the origin
al resolutions, as sent from the House of Representa
tives, and decided in the affirmative, yeas 48, nays 28.
Those who voted in the affirmative are Messrs. Bar
nard, Baxter, Beall, Blackstone, Brown, Burch, Car
gile, Clayton, Cleveland, Cobb, Cochran, Cone, Duna
gan, Echols of Coweta, Echols of " alton, Faris, Free
man, Fulwood, Graham Green, Groves, Hall, Henderson,
Henley. Hines, Howard, McDuugald, Mealing,Muncrief,
Posey, Pryor, Rogers, t filers, Sherrard, Shorter, Sin
gleton, Smith of Early, Smith of s uniter, Smith of
Twiggs, Starr, Temples, Tennille, Towns, Willis, W il
cox, Wood of Heard, Wood of Mclntosh, and Wofford.
Those who voted in the negative are Messrs. Avery,
Baker, Boykin, Bryan, Chappel, Collier, Eckley, Gres
ham, Harlow, Hudson, King, Knight, Lucas, Mcßae,
Mitchell, Neel, Nishet, Newman, Olivet, Ragan, Scud
dcr, Sheffield, Stapleton, Surrency, Turner, Waldhauer,
W est. and Williams.
In the House, the resolutions presented by Mr. Tur
ner, for the call of a federal convention, were adopted,
yeas 91, nays 50.
[We shall publish the above proceedings in our next
more in detail.]
THE MESSAGE.
This interesting state paper will not meet with the same
reception in every section of the Union, though the abili
ty with which it is written, the plainness and clearness
with which the different interests of the country arc re
viewed, and the patriotism which pervades the whole*
will have to be acknowledged. The iriends of monopo
lies and of the “American System,” will bestow their
censure upon it, because the President recommends a
policy adverse to partial, selfish and contracted legisla
tion. The friends of favoured manufactures and restric
tions will condemn it, because the President recommends
a policy by which all the states can derive an equal share
of the bounties and benefits, which the federal constitu
tion lias placed in the power of the Genera! Government
to bestow, and because he declares himself an advocate
of the system of free trade with all nations. The friends
of extravagant appropriations fur the support ot a splen
did government, will accuse the President of exhibiting
in his message, contracted views, because he recom
mends simplicity and economy in the administration of
the Government, and because he recommends the mea
sure of drawing from the people’s purses, whether by in
direct or direct taxation, no more than is absolutely ne
cessary to carry on the operations of the Government.
The friends of a consolidated government, and those who
would like to see the states curtailed of their most es
sential rights and powers, will not fail to abuse the Pre
sident, because he declares that the Union can be pre
served, and the liberties we enjoy maintained, but by the
federal and state governments keeping themselves with
in their respective spheres, without permitting those
eccentric motions on the part of the one or the other,
which have lately disturbed the regular operations of
both, to take place, and destroy the harmony which is so
necessary to their existence, and confining themselves to
the exercise of those powers which have been expressly
delegated to the former by the constitution, and those
powers which have been solemnly retained by the states
when they confederated.
To those several classes of the community, which
may be dissatisfied with the message, may be added the
Nullifiers of South-Carolina, who, though their organ
in Charleston has said already that he was well pleased
with it, will find no grounds for congratulation. We
mean that they expected a war message from the Pre
sident against the nullifiers, and the recommendation of
measures more favourable to the tariff states than to
the - outh ; because in such a case, it would have been
some excuse to them for the course they intend to pur
sue, and for the electoral votes they have given; fori!
the President had condemned the nullifiers in language
unbecoming the first magistrate of the Union, and had
expressed principles ot an opposite character to those
principles of public policy which alone can insure the
peace and happiness of the people, and promote the
prosperity of every section of the country, those nullifi
ers would have been gratified at such a departure from
this wise and prudent course on the part of General
Jackson, and they would have found in his conduct
some ground for the vindication of the extraordinary
and reprehensible measures they intend to adopt.
So that the Message will be censured by men of eve.
ry complexion, whose interests and views are as dis.
cordant as they are in reality at variance with sound po
litical principles, and with the invariable policy Jeffer
son and Madison pursued while administering the exe
cutive department of the government.
By whom then will the Message be acceptable, admir
ed, and considered as emanating from a pure and disin
terested patriot ? By eight tenths of the whole popu
lation of the United tales, with the best and most dis
tinguished men of the country at their head ; by those
most true to republican principles ; by these who want
to see the federal government exorcise only those
ers expressly granted to it in the federal
who are opposed to monopolies, whether in the "
of manufacturing or banking establishments— W ho'^ 0 '^
firm and consistent supporters of the rights ot a*
states—who have never been the advocates 0 f a ' '
tective tariff and a system of internal improvemen^ 1 ) 0
the federal government —who are not for takin v
people’s money from their pockets, to give it to &f, *
capitalists and monopolists—who are not for
i r i *319102
more revenue than necessary tor the expenses of t
government, and then appropriate the surplus rov
to purposes not warranted by the constitution to
poses which inevitably lead to the corruption of th
morals of the people, by exhibiting before them the V
lurements of office and power, and by formint* a s • "
for intrigue and political management, in which
most expert will stand the best chance of obtaining of
ces with fat salaries. By men of the description •
stated, will the message be received with heartfel-
sure ; by such men will the President be hailed « •:'
pride and his name pronounced withlovo and revere--
We shall have to return to this message veryjsi 10r .j
THE PRESIDENT AND .SOFTH-CA -tOLly
The Charleston Mercury speaks of the P-.- i ‘'
message in these terms : “It is a document wli ;c |,
fleets high honour on the Executive. Its doctrines
the relative powers of the Federal and State Govern
ments. are-genuine Carolina Doctrines—anditrecom
mends such an arrangement of the Tariff ns would sa--
fy the S ut’i. On the subject of Sonth-Carolina X u !
cation, it will be seen that the President will disappoffit
those who hoped that he would precipitate a crisis bv
rash measures. He makes no recommendation n n ,(,
subject—and gives it to he understood that sh QU ] ( i , t
hereafter be pressed upon his attention, he will leave inc
responsibility upon Congress.”
We are glad to perceive the temper in which this mu
sage has been received by the milliners in Charles'-
We were fearful that it would have met another recop- -
on reading what the President s iys of the transactions n
,S. Carolina, and on recurring to the 2 1 section of the att
of February 28. 1795, for calling forth the militia to fXe .
cute the lawsof the Union, &«•. & the Ist section of the ar
of March 3. 1807. It appears to us that the President mast
have written that part of his message, with this 21 seefar
before his eyes, there is such a coincidence in theexpres
sions employed in both. We give them to the reader
withou any other comment.
Extract from the Message.
“ It is my painful duty to state, that, in one quarter of
the United St ates, opposition to (he revenue laws has ri
sen to a height which threatens to thwart their ej-ecution
if not to endanger the integrity of the Union. Whatever
obstructions maybe thrown in the way of the judicial
authorities of the general government, it is hoped they
will be able, peaceably, to overcome them bv the pru.
deuce of their own officers , and the patriotism of the pro.
pie. Bm should this reasonable reliance on the mode,
ration and good sense of all portions of our fellow-nn.
zens, he disappointed, it is believed that the laws thorn,
selves are fully adequate to the suppression of such at.
tempts ns may be immediately made. .Should the exi.
gency arise, rendering the execution of the existing
laws impracticable, from any cause whatever, prompt
notice of it will he given to Congress, with the sugges.
tions of such views and measures as may be deemed ne.
cessury to meet it.”
Act of February 23, 1795, 2 J section.
“Whenever the laws of the United States shall be
opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed, in nn v state,
by combinations 100 power ful to he suppressed by the or.
dinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers
vested in the marshals by this act, it shall be lawful for
the President of the United States to call forth the mill,
tia of such state; or of any other state or states, as may
he necessary to suppress such combinations, and localise
the laws to he duly executed; and the use of militia solo
he called forth, may be continued if necessary, until the
expiration of thirty days alter the commencement of the
then session of Congress.”
Act of March 3, 1807, Ist section.
“In all cases of insurrection, or obstruction to the
laws, either of the United States, or of any individual
state or territory, where it is lawful for the President of
the United States to call forth the militia for the purpose
of repprossing such insurrection, or of causing the laws
to be duly executed, it shall be lawful for him to employ,
for the same purposes, such part of the land and naval
force of the United States as shall be judged necessary,
having first observed all the prerequisites of the law m
that respect.”
Gold Lottery.
Fortunate Drawers. Capts. Dist. No. Dist. Sec.
PUR HE.
Alton Pemberton, Bryants 1137 19 2
Wesley W. Reese, Petersons 952 14 1
Elizabeth Rolings, wid. Pans 113 18 2
Jno. Applewhite, 70th 401 4 3
COLUMBIA.
David H. Hobbs, Adams 14 1 2
Robert T. Allen, Harris 300 21 3
Ann Y. Marshall, wid. Walkers 15 18 2
Alexander Brown, Culhreaths 567 4 3
JEFFERSON.
Ann Austin, wid. Gunns 362 20 3
Abner Pope, Hannahs 306 11
Bryant Moore, Carswells 384 16 4
Joseph Price, Lamps 264 IB 3
Thomas McKi gney. Youngs 850 18 3
RICHMOND.
George Jackson, 120th 1044 18 3
Jacob Morse, 3981 h 212 14 1
John Tant, 600th 1150 14 1
Mary Cumba, wid. 121st 820 14 1
Thompson Bell, 123 d C2G 14 1
WARREN.
Tlicophilus Howell, Newsoms 145 2 1
John H. Roberts, Stewarts 199 14 1
Christopher C. Lewis, Stewarts 605 5 I
Land Lottery.
COLUMBIA. '
John Sutherland’s orphs. Walkers 314 13 3
JEFFERSON.
Arthur C. Foil, Alexanders 185 4 4
Willis C. Whigham, Flemings 165 22 3
WARREN.
Mary Edmonson, wid. Lynns 90 12 3
FORi:iG-\ INTELLIGENCE.
We are indebted to the Charleston Courier, for the
folowing summary of late European news.
By the ship Martha, Capt. Ensterby, we lia vo
our regular files of London papers and Shipping
L sts to the 26. h, and Liverpool papers of
unlay,27ih Oct. inclusive.
Hostilities had not yet commenced between
Holland & Belgium—but the s roni probability
of this event, had completely checked all specu
lative proceedings in England.
There had been some hard fighting between
the armies and na vies of Don Miguel and on
Pedro —fie particular of which occupy a ‘" r r°
space in our latest papers. The desire to cn.G
the service of Don Pedro, is sta ed to he so
great amongst the voting men in England, t >•'-
one hundred were enrolled in London m a
single hour, on the 21th October. . .
Gen. Vives, late Governor of Havana in
time of the Cot t< s and for some time since,
one or two more Constitutionalis s, are anion.-
tiie appointments in the new Spanish
A company has been formed at Havre, 0
es ablishing a regular communication by straw
boats he: ween that port and Hamburgh, bywliic.
it is calculated that Havre will be enabled to con
cent rate there the principal commercial I: “ n ’
sac iot.s of France with the Nor h ol Eiiiop'
Charles Phinney, Esq. late Mayor ol P£ l S
was upon his trial before the Court ol
Bench, at Westminster Hall, for neglec ot
during the riots which occurred in that city 1
* The Liverpool Advertiser of the 27th Octh°
copying some paragraphs relating to the exet
ment which prevails in this sec'ion ot ;he n .-
on, says—’’They display the
an agitation of the opposing interest ot
States, which, at no very distant day.
probably result in a total rupture of the t 010