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.. so i:xh-CAR«MNA.
Proceedings <>; lis t* l ni»'> i'oavcallcu
at C'olststbia.
qp Hi .- Reportof the Commit* ve of the Union
nml State Rights Convention now assembled
at Columbia, to whom 'was referred the Or
dinance of Nullification, and certain Rrsolu
lions of the Union party in relation there*©.
The documents which have been referral to
your Committee, disclose the character of Nul
lification, and the spirit and sentiments of the
Union pally. And your Committee have no
hesitation in saying, that the progress oi .'.edi
fication has amply justified the friends of the
Union m denouncing it as revolutionary, and
destructive of liberty.
The Ordinance of the State Convention has
presented the doctrine to the work! in ail its di
formitv ; stripped of the thin veil e; sophistry
which formerly covered i f s revolting features.
The provisions of this Ordinance, as respects
the relations between the State and t ie I ni'ed
Stales, are too revolutionary to be mistaken.
The laws of the Union are no longer to he en
forced in South-Caro ina. ihe cognizance oi
•cases in which the United States are a party, is
withdrawn from the Federal and given to lue
Ftate tribunals. In those tribunals, every judge
and juror is to lie sworn to decide against the
United States. The 25th section of the Judi
ciary Act is nullified —and having thus in (licet
precluded the Federal Government irorn the ci
vil tribunals, the Ordinance lurther declares,
that if Congress or the Federal Fxccutive should
proceed in anv other way than through those
tribunals, the State will secede from the I nion.
The first blow is struck with a declaration that
nnv retaliatory measure shall be followed by-a
formal secession. No hardihood of assertion
will be found equal to the task of reconciling
this Ordinance with the professions ot these who
have taught the people that Nullification ts a
peaceful constitutional remedy. It is not only
revolutionary but essentially belligerent. The
natural consequences are civil war and disunion
-—and the mere possibility that is left of avert
ing this catastrophe, in no degree alters the
character of the measure. For so the occupa
tion of territory, or the issuing of letters of
marque and reprisal, might end in submission
to rho demands of the assailants, and terror sup
ply the place of arms; but it is idU to deny
that these arc hostile enterprises. [low they
will be received and met by the General Go
vernment we will not anticipate, but we cannot
regard the threatened destruction of a mil ! and
rational system of liberty, without apprehen
sions of the keenest anxiety.
If Nullification is revolutionary and hostile
to the General Government —in relation to the
Union .party, it betrays all the features cf an o.
dions tyranny, and evinces that its progress will
be as fatal to liberty as it is to the Federal Con
stitution. Hut another step of the dominant
party is wanting to put the friends of the Uni
on, so far as the State authorities are concern
ed, entirely out of the protection of the law.
It was only necessary to declare that the test
oath should be taken by every individual, and
that a refusal to do so, should constitute a for
feiture of life or goods, as they have declared
that it shall ho taken by every officer, under
pain of a forfeiture of office, without trial, and
upwards of 17,000 voters would have been at
once exposed to a sweeping outlawry. Nor
would there he the smallest difference in princi
ple between the two cases, ns there is no more
color of justice or of right in depriving any one
of an office against the terms on which it was
granted, and without trial, than in depriving
him, in the same manner, of his life or ol his es
tate. The Convention have assumed to do this,
•on the ground that they are above the constitu
tion and the law, which is a tyrannical exercise
■of a despotic power. The power is despotic,
because it submits to no rule : and it is tyranni
cal, because the act which it requires ot thecili
is contrary to his oath of allegiance to the
United States.
Under tho Constitution of the United States,
the liberty of the citizen is doubly guarded.
Not only arc the Executive, Legislative and Ju
diciai authorities du’M ’bitted, as in all tree Go
vernments, between diTerent departments ; but
•he civil power itself is s.’ll lurther restrained
by being divided between t'vo Governments
State and Federal—to the total exclusion o! that
mad and arrogant domination, which knows no
limits but its own will. But the inestimable se
curities of a system thus emphatic • ’k v establish
ed to maintain justice— give rise to correspond
ing duties; and when power encroe.c ' ®s upon
power, Fie same institutions which serve the
cause of liberty, are made to aggravate the c
vils which tyranny imuoses. No one domes
the omnipotence of Parliament; because it is
an established principle of the British Consti
tution. But the omnipotence of t ho State of
South-Carol iaa is announced for she first time,
by the rescript of the Convention, in .language
as new as it is imperious. No man can take
the oath which the Convention ret;uires, hat he
that behoves the Constitution to be a rope of
sand, and the alternative is between viola dig
Ills allegiance to the United States, and disobey
jug the menacing commands of the State au
thorities.
Whether we are bound to the Constitution of I
the I tiled States by the tie of allegiance, -V
--.pends upon the fact of being citizens of the U.
•States— -and, those who deny-any such allegiance.
Are driven to tiie extremity of contending, cither
that the Federal I nion is no Government, or that
the Government of the I nited States has no citi
zens. But to deny the existence of the Govern
ment, is to reject truth altogether, and a Govern
ment without citizens or sumeets, is a solecism
•in language y/hicu renders exposure unnecessa
ry. Ai.d if there be any legal tie between the
ic*izens and .the Genera! Government, a Convea
,of the people of South-Cavoiina can no more
dissolve or release it. than the Legislature; for
whatever be their power over the Constitution
of the Slate, they jeaunot alter the Constitution
of the United States. The proccco nils ot the
Convention are maced entire!v anomalous. Fhe
proper function of a Convection is to organize
Jfovermneiu, gmd .establish institutions fur * ear- 1
ing the great .^i««iei pics of liberty and justice;
to* they have in fact trampled oa ‘the Constitu
tion of the State without altering it. 1 fiev have j
not devised constitutional rales for the action ofj
the Slate Government, but authorized and com-1
manded a violation of those rules which have
hithr rto been held sacred. And their Ordinance
resembles more tliM proclamation of a monarch,
ordering and ccUjinSnding his will ;u be done in
certain matters, executive, legislative and judici
al, than ai> ae c intended to settle the principles of
a free government.
I f the Federal Government was at an end, the
provisions of the Ordinance, however unjust and
sever o, might be lawful, but as long as the State
a member of the Union, as long as we are citl
i 7 eus of the United Stairs, an act like that pass- j
' ed by the Convention, is the assumption of pow
(or against law and right. The Ordinance is i
j therefore nothing more than the declaration of i
1 the will and determination of the ruling powers |
jof South-Carolina, to which our obedience is 1
j commanded in the language of despotism.
Nor cun it be said, that these proceedings are
formally a secession front the Union, and justifi
able as a resort to the principle of resistance.
For in fact the people have been induced to give
! their sanction to Nullification upon the most s I-
I emu assurance of its being a conservative, not a
; revolutionary measure. Can any man pretend
to say that the sense of the good people of this
1 Slate has ever been taken upon the question of
secession ? And can there be a deception more
gross than to rend this confederate Republic into
fragments, and set up the bloody flag of anarchy,
under the pretence of maintaining the Union, and
prosecuting a redress of grievances in a peace
; ful manner? By the same rule they might have
sold the .State into foreign bondage, or delivered
us up to the colonial yoke from which we were
freed by the united arms and counsels of Ameri
ca. And is there no duty on the part of the citi
zen to cling to the defence of the Constitution,
when i's pillars are shaken? Can it be possible
th; t all the defences of freedom shall be surren
dered with tame indifference to the first enemy
; that surprizes the garrison? No, the defence of
the Constitution is the defence of Liberty iself;
a duty from which no man can excuse himself,
on account of the arduous nature of the service.
The people have been misled —they have listen
ed too easily to those who “prophecy smooth
things to them;” and now to warn them of their
danger, to speak unwelcome truths and show
1 C? 7 i
how infinitely the dangers of Nulification exceed
the importance of the evils for which it is pro
posed ns a remedy, is an arduous duty, but ©ne
: to which no real lover of his country can he si
tate to devote himself. Nor can we doubt that
; tiie exasperation of trie people will moderate, and
that they will consider the question of secession
i with more calmness, seeing that the great excite
ment which now prevails, arises principally
from a theoretical dispute. The new theory ot
the Suuth-Carolina politicians, that the producer
pays tiie duty, has had mure influence in provo
king the public mind, than all other causes put
together. It will be a most melancholy fact, if
a j lan of rational constitutional government,
’ which has dune so much, and promises so fair for
tiie happiness of mankind, should fall a sacrifice
to a speculation, and to an erroneous speculation.
That the idea is erroneous, and that the error is
easily detected, will be seldom denied except by
those who have adopted the doctrine as an arti
cle of faith.
The argument is that the Planter is the produ
cer of the merchandize for which ins crop is
destined to be exchanged. And the fallacy of
• the opinion consists in considering the merchant
as the agent of the planter. It is just as rea
sonable to assume that the planter is the agent
of the merchant. If there were no duties on
foreign manufactures, the planter would sell his
crop as he now does, and for no greater price.
The merchant would sell his goods for a profit
as he does now ; but as some goods would
come into market at less cost, having no duty to
pay, the price would be less—and in this way
i the planter, in common with every other con
, sumer, would gain ; but he would have no more
1 inducement to turn merchant then because goods
■ would be cheap, than to do so now, because
1 they are high. The possession of cotton lias
no more tendency to make one a merchants than
the possession of so much money, or any tiling
else that may be sold or exchanged. If the pro
tecting duties were abolished, the European
merchant would bring more goods to Charleston,
; and the Northern merchant less; but free trade
would no more convert planters into merchants,
i 1
than the restrictive system into manufacturers.
In the same way, by assuming that the mer
chant is the agent of the planter, the conclusion
■ is drawn that a duty on imports is equal to a du
, ty on exports. It is true that if a person under
the protecting system were to pay an export du
, ty on his coiton, and import his goods duty free
: —the result would be tiie same as if the du
ly hud been paid-on the goods. But this does
not prove that a duty on imports is equiva
lent to a duty on exports ; for in the ease
supposed, the cotton, though taxed, is sold as if
it was free —and the goods free as if the pro
tecting duty had been actually levied upon them.
But if the system was changed, and exports
were taxed, and goods admitted duty free, cot
ton would fall in price to the extent of the duty
i imposed ; and goods would be cheaper in pro
portion to the duty taken oif. In the fall of cot
ton the planter would sustain the whole bur
then, but the gam arising from cheap goods ho
woul 1 only share wi:h the rest of the communi
ty. The objections to die protecting system are
abundantly sufficient to justify vigorous and tin
; ceasing opposition —but to regard them as a
justification of revolution, amounts to the wiid
i vs extravagance of opinion. Should we he
o: lied abettors of-the Tariff, because wc arc uu-
Vvih’ng to overturn the Government ? U ith as
muc h reason may the lawgiver be reproached
with the encouragement of crime, because eve
ry offence L not visited with the last severity of
the law • t
Our obodien ge lias been challenged to aum
f M-i vsnfuiv to the State which protection
imooses.*" Wc acknowledge the principle in all
1 things lawful, and uhall not forcibly obstruct j
; the constituted nuthon fies of the State as long |
as we arc protected by the lays. It is n ° L j
j true, however, that we -° VI e ancgignce cx
j clusively to the State : or th M we are indebted j
:to the State alone for nrotectie v ’ 0 ~a' e v p cn \
protected by the United States i-eaec and in .
war. Nor is tiie Union less eincieiU “ lc b‘°' j
; lection oftlie Citizen, though it operates si.°n- } ? 1
vB I , v l -.
by preventing those scenes of proscription, co g* j
fiscal ions and new made treasons, of which tdL
now wc have happily been ignorant: and ot f
which indeed we never had heard til! the b men
itself was in danger.—We do not believe that a
majority of tiie good people of this State ap
prove of secession, or meditate violence against
their fellow-citizens of the Union Party. e
shall therefore not interfere to prevent the Le
gislative regulations of nullification from being
executed by such constitutional and peaceable
means as the authorities may be able to em
' ploy : Protesting always against their injustice,
and' invoking always in our behalf the reason of
our fellow-citizens and their natural detesta
tion of tyranny : nor shall we be driven from
| tiie position of peaceable citizens, by any tiling
short of intolerable oppression.
Your Committee therefore recommend the
adoption of the Protest and Remonstrance here
with reported.
Ecjnoustraace and Protest
OF THE
UNION AND STATE RIGHTS PARTY.
THE UXlONand STATE RIGHTS’ PAR
TY of South Carolina, assembled in Convention,
do R 'EMOXSTRA TE <s• SOLEMXL Y PRO.
TEST against the Ordinance passed by the
| State Convention, on the 24th day of November
I last.
Ist. Because the People of South Carolina
elected Delegates to the said Convention under
; the solemn assurance that these delegates would
! do no more than devise a peaceable and constitu
; tional remedy for tire evils ol she protective
I tariff, without endangering the Union of these
States. Instead of which, that convention has
passed an Ordinance in direct violation of all
j these pledges.
2. Because the said Ordin mcc has insidiously
assailed one of the inalienable rights ot man, by
' endeavoring to enslave all freedom ot conscience
by that tyrannical engine of power — a Test Oath.
3. Because ith . t disfranchised and proscribed
\ nearly one half ©f the Freemen of South Caroli-
I natbr an honest difference of opinion, by declar
ing that those whose consciences will not permit
them to take the test oath, shall be deprived of
every office, civil and military.
4. Because it has trampled under foot the
i great principles of Liberty secured to the citizen by
the Constitution of this State, in depriving the
freemen of this country of the right / > an imparti
al trial by Jury, thereby violating that, clause of
the cons: itu ion intended te be perpetual, which
j declares that “ r l'he trial by Jury as heretofore
used in this State, and the liberty of the Press,
shall be forever inviolably preserved."’
sth. Because it has violated the independence
i guarantied to the Judiciary, by enacting that
the Judges shall take a revolting test oath, or be
arbitrarily removed from office., thereby depriv
ing them of the privilege of trial by impeach
ment, which bv the constitution of the State
intended to be secured to every civil officer.
6th. Because the Ordinance has directly violat
ed the Constitution of the T . S. which gives
authority to Congress to collect revenue, in for
bidding the collection of any revenue within the
limits ofS. C.
7th. Because it. has violated the same Consti
iiution, in that provision of it which declares that
no preference shall be given to one Port over
any other in the U. S. by enacting that goods
** • i
I shall be imported into the Ports of iS. C. without
paying any duties.
Bth. Because it violates the same Constitution,
and tramples upon the RIGHTS of the citizens,
by denying him the privilege of appeal in cases
in Law & Equity arising under the Constitution
i •> O
and Laws ofihe Union.
Uth. Because it has virtually destroyed the
Union, by carefully preventing the General
Government from enforcing their laws through
O O
the civil tribunals of the country, and then enac
ting that if that Government should pursue any
other mode to enforce them, then this Statu
shall be no longer a member cf the Union.
10th. Because the tyranny and oppression in
dicted by this Ordinance, are of a character so
revolting and the effects anticipated from it so
ruinous, that the commerce and credit of the
State are already sensibly affected and will soon
he prostrated ; and its peaceable and industrious
citizens are driven from their homes to seek tran
quillity in some other State.
The Union Party of S. C. in Convention as
sembled, do further remonstrate and solemnly
protest against the project of a Standing Army,
proposed by the party in power, as dangerous to
the liberties of the people. They would respect
fully ask their fellow-citizens, whether sn6h an
army must not be confessedly inadequate to pro
tect the unification Parly, against the People
of the rest of the U. S. should they resolve to co
ercethem. What other object therefore can
such a force accomplish than to serve as an in
strument ofTYKAXNV, over their fellow-citizens ?
This Convention doth further protest, against
any effort, by a system of Conscription, to force
the citizens of the State from their lire sides,
and thttir homes, to take up arms, and incur the
pains and penalties of Treason, in support of a
doctrine which the people were assured was pa
cific in its nature and utterly inconsistent with a
iit idea of clanger to the Constitution or the
J o
Union-.
Solemnly remonstrating, as they hereby do,
against the above mentioned grievances, the
Union Party would further express their fi«si
determination, to maintain the principles
which have ever been the rule of their conduct :
and while on the other hand, they will continue
their unfaltering opposition to the protective ta
mis, so on the other they will not be driven from
the enjoyment of those inalienable rights which
by inheritance belong to every American citi
zen. Disclaiming therefore all intention of law.
lessor insurrectionary violence, they hereby
{ reclaim their determination to protect their
rights by all legal and constitutional means, and
that in doing so they will continue to maintain
the character of peaceable citizens, unless com
pelled to throw it aside by intolerable oppres
sion.
THOMAS TAYLOR, President.
HENRY MIDDLETON, y
DAVID JOHNSON, ( vp . .
t> i • ’pi t as, v1 -v- , 'i r •i. icsiacms.
RIC hD!.ft A N N I NO, {
STARLING TUCKER, j
r llore follows ’he signatures of 175 Delegates.]
Done at Columbia, on Friday, the 14th day of
December, in the year of our Lord one thous
and eight hundred and thirty-two, and in the
Fiftv-seventh Year of the Independence of the
United States of America.
Attest:
FRANKLIN J. MOSES,
JAMES EDWARD HENRY,
Secretaries of Convention.
From she Xeir-York Journal of Commerce, Dec, 18.
LETTERS FROM THE MEDITERRANEAN".
The annexed letter is one of a Series which
we are promised from an officer of the U. states
Frigate Constellation, now in the Mediterranean.
We have two others on hand from the same
i pen. which we shall lay before our readers in the
i course of a few days.
Correspondence of the Journal of Commerce.
U. S. Ship Constellation, i
At Sea, Oct. 18, 1832. V
Since? mv last, we have been at Napoli di Ro
mania,"where we lay several days. This town
was ncar’v shaken to runfsin the convulsions ot
the Revolution, but it is rap'Mily assuming a
new and thriving aspect; wide convenient |
streets are taking the place of narroU choakeu ,
up lanes, and you hear at every turn the trowel |
and hammer upon the neat commodious dwell
ing. The market is well supplied with substan
tial and delicacies of the table, and the shops
present a far more extensive variety of articles
than you ordinarily meet with in a place of this
size. Among other indications of enterprise
and prosperity, I observed every where Me
chanics pursuing their occupations with inge
nuity and industry. Y e met with but tuo oi
three beggars, and one oi* these was a band
man. who more than compensated you for the
charity which he craved, in the rich tones of his
violin.
Our Flag was welcomed by the citizens with
demonstrations of pleasure and respect. 1 hey
cherish a grateful recollection of the relict which
the benevolent in our country afforded them in
the hour of greatest need. They speak with en
thusiastic admiration of ou~ institutions, and ex
hibit the deepest desire to establish in tiieir
own cotm'rv similar sources of security and hap
piness. Their ideas ot liberty, thougn not &ui
ficieutiv chastened and sober, are yet far trom
beimr the wild and reckless conceptions which
j many suppose. The nation has not yet become
| sufficiently tranquillized tc discover, with dis
| tinctness, all the delicate bearings ot her true
interest. We require too much of her in ex
pecting that site will settle down at once into a
calm and steady pursuit of thoseNffijects con
nected with the greatest amount of public and
private good. We should recollect the tierce i
and desperate nature of her re volution. It was |
net a change coming calmly over the sunaceof
society, affecting only the sentiments ot men.
It was a great, decisive conflict, involving prin
ciple, life, properly, every thing dear to us this
side the grave. It was a final struggle between
the oppressed and the oppressor —the weak and
the strong —between those who had devotedly
over-rated their strength, and those who con
verted even their victories into insult and death.
The nation was convulsed to its centre, the very
foundations of social order displaced, and ail
bonds, save those which bound them to a lor
lorn hope, broken up. The struggle is now
over—the battle has been fought and won —but
j the intense excitement w hich thrilled the heart
i of the community has not yet emirely subsided
| —men have not yet unconcernedly returned to
their quiet avocations and individual duties.
They very naturally feel a deep and absorbing
interest respecting thfwr new government; they
cannot tolerate tiio idea of being deprived ot
the smallest portion of that freedom for which |
they have poured out their blood like water.
this will explain the cause of the death ot
Capo d lstrias. They invited him to the Govern
ment as a man of enlightened, liberal sentiments,
—they found him selfish and tyrannical : and
were restless till they had rid themselves ot Ins
misrule. This discontent did not arise from an
impatience of wholesome authority —it was not
the expression of a factious temper —it proceed
ed from a burning conviction that the feelings,
wants, and true interests of the country were not
consulted. That there are evil men in the coun
try who prefer a state of anarchy to one of re
pose, is undoubtedly true ; but this is not the dis
position of the great body of the people. They
want a popular and intelligent government, e
qual law and a freedom from oppression. These
rights and privileges they anticipate under the
auspices ot’Otho, their newly elected King—and
if they realize them* I do not believe they will
withhold from the government k united and cor-
W
dial support. 1 speak with the more confidence
on this subject,for I have been at special pains
to acquire correct information. My impressions
arc from sources the least liable to error. I may
he mistaken : if so, i make no more political pro
phecies.
'['he three Powers are now on the eve of rati
fying a Treaty with the Porte which will extend
the boundaries of Greece seventy miles north of
Athens. For this accession of territory they
pay forty millions of piastres, or about two mil
lions of dollars. This acquisition will have a
most happy effect on the Greek nation. It will
restore to them their long lost Athens, with the
rich memorials of its storied splendor. —These
immortal relics will be to them a bond of union,
a source of national pride, patriotism, and self re
spect. They have already in anticipation of the
Treaty, by permission of the Turkish Govern
ment, appointed a faithful Conservator over
these sacred remains, and no Lord Elgin can
now carry away even a pebble from the Parthe
non.
The three Powers, in the protection and fos
tering care which they extend to Greece, do not
in my apprehension, merit the distrust with which
they are generally regarded. It is natural that
they should take a lively interest in Greece—what
nation can fail to do it ? The marvels of her
transcendent Geniusare in all lands, —thesory of
her splendor and grief,—her magnificence and
desolation, have reached every heart, it, was
these which stirred public sympathy in her be
half, — it was these which led to the battle of
Navarino, —it is these which now sustain the
Cabin As of England, Franco and Russia, in
their efforts to cherish and defend this noble and
unfortunate people. They arc acting on the
force of public opinion. Sinister motives may
indeed enter into their conduct —but men arc not
angels. When the great interests of human
O O
nature arc promoted, we should be satisfied nor
be over curious in searching out the hidden
springs of a selfish policy. Greece will arise, &
let evt a despotism, if it will, lay the stepping
stones of her future exultation and happiness.
P. 8. The plague is making terrible ravages
in Constantinople and its suburbs. The Porte
has just sent an Ambassador to meet one fr*m
the Pasha of Egypt, to negotiate terms of peace
between the two contending powers. We are ail
in good health. Farewell,
FROM THE ALBANY ARGUS.
Wo refer the reader to the first of a series of
Nos, addressed to the Secretary of the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,
which we publish to-day. If the writer points
significantly to the course of the Board, in rela
tion to the Cherokee Indians, and censures where
censuz’e is justly due; he does so with candor be
under a temperate statement of the facts. These
Nos. are from the pen of a. resident of a distant
county, a gentleman not loss entitled to regard
for his probity and respectability, than for the
exemplary discharge ot his duty as a member of
the Presbyterian church.
J
[foe the Altars.]
Thn Insi?.i3 Question—-Missionarr Board.
To tiie Rev. B. B. Wisnee, D. D. Secretary of
the American Board of Commissioners for j
Foreign Missions. Boston.
Sir—l had designed to address the Board and ;
Prudential committee, of which you are the or- \
gan, some time since; but as I might then have
been charged with writing for political effect, I
have forborne to do it till all the elections have
taken place. The reason for publishing these
letters is. that the Board and committee, as
I have been informed, have been privately warn
j ed of what were believed to be their errors, and :
j declined correcting them. A large number of
| the contributors to the support of missions, think
1 that the Board or committee have erred in con
ducting some of their operations, and the design
of these letters will be to point out these errors.
ft is Not my purpose to arraign the motives of |
either the committee or the board, for it is be- j
lieved that their intentions were pure. They j
intended to act in unison with the sentiments of |
the Christian public, but in this they have, as I j
think, been deceived. They have not intended
to mingL the sacred cause of missions with the
party conflicts of the day, but they have done it.
They have not intended to convert the monthly
concerts for prayer, into meetings where politi
cal harangues should be uttered, instead of fer
vent aspirations to God for the diffusion of pure
Christianity : but they have nevertheless done
They*have not intended to alienate the af
fectionsof a large portion ot tne liienusof mis
sions from the Board; but they have almost ac
complished it. They have unwittingly con
verted rnanv pulpits in tne land into political ros
trums : and*they have also, it is believed, caused
some ministers of the gospel and students m
theology to enter the political arena as combat
ants.
I shall, before these letters arc finished, estab
lish these charges to the satisfaction ol every
unprejudiced mind ; but before this is done, 1
propose very briefly to point out, what, as 1
think, have been the errors of your Board and
| Committee, that have produced, or been the
| means of producing these disastrous results. I re
; liminarily, however, I will beg leave to advert
i to the state and condition of the Cherokee tribe
of Indians. Nearly or quite halt o! this aibe,
some years since, emigrated west ol tne Missis
sippi, ami your board very promptly, and pro
perly too, established missions and "schools a
mong them in their now location. 1 liese emi
grants inhabit a delightful region, in which dieie
is ample room for the whole tribe. They arc
cordially and earnestly inviting their brethren
iin Georgia to join them. Ihe emigrants, since
their emigration, have far outstripped those teat
remained in Georgia, in civilization. ihe pe
riodical publication of your board has, as you
well know, given very flattering accounts of
their progress in industry, civilization A Chris
tianity. Why then should not every friend of
missions, wish to see the whole tribe, or nation,
re-united in the region occupied by those west
of the river? W hut dictate ot humanity requires
•the longer separation ot those two bands ot the
Cherokee* ? Many of the friends of missions
j have marvelled that your board have not aided
rather than retarded the emigration ol taose in
Georgia.
It is therefore submitted, whether your board
ought not to put forth the reasons which have in
fluenced them in the course they have taken.
The first error committed by your board, or
any of their agents, was the writing and publisn
ing of the essays, signed William Penn, by one
of your predecessors, a distinguished layman. I
knew this gentleman well; he was a good man,
and possessed a pure heart, and deep and ardent
piety. lie would not for the world have acted
wilfully wrong; but like many other good men,
he hail bis prejudices and infirmities. In early
life he had been a party politician, and at one.
period had been secretary to a political society.*
He had not divested himself of his political par
tialities, though he doubtless thought he had.
Without intending to do wrong, he arraigned at
the bar of public opinion the settled policy of the
government in relation to the Indian tribes. If
these essays proved any thing they proved too
much. They proved, or pretended to prove,
that the Indians were independent states. Tins
doctrine had been practically repudiated by al
most every .slate in the Union. The state of N.
York had always acted in direct opposition to it;
She has always enforced her laws on the reser
vations. Had your distinguished lay predeces
sor been unconnected with missions, no one would
have had a right to object to his writing and
printing the essays ; but as the organ of your
board, many of our best men think he did wrong.
It was tlic first step towards connecting the
missionary cause with party politics. When
tour board was formed, and thus constituted the
almoners ofmissionary charities, no one ever sup
posed that they would even remotely connect
themselves with party politics. Their doing it
has been a source of grief to some of their best
’ friends,
A Friend of Missions.
1
- The Washington Benevolent Society of Charlestown,
Massachusetts,
FROM THE WASHINGTON GLOBE.
The following article, headed “ the Secret
History of Nullification,’' throws some light up
on the scope of an article which we annex Iroin
the Telegraph :
THE SECRET HISTORY OF NULLIFI
CATION.
From the 'New-York Advocate and Journal.
Mr. Thomas Hulme, the author of the letter
from which we take the following extract, called
on the editors of this paper on Tuesday morn
ing last, and on being asked with regard to the
conversation with the political character in
London, to whom he refers in his said letter,
authorizes us to state that he was indeed “one
of THE GREAT POLITICAL CHARACTERS IN
London.”
We are farther authorized by Mr. Hulme, to
declare that he is now ready to verify the allega
tion on oath before the bar of either house of
Congress, or any other tribunal in the country.
The following extract is from Niles’s Weekly
Register, dated July 3d, 1830. The letter was
addressed to General Hayne, by Mr. Hulme,
and was published by -Mr. Niles at that time,
taken by him from the United Stales Gazette,
where it was first inserted. We have not now
room for the whole letter, which is highly im
portant and interesting, and which on some fu
ture occasion, we shall take great pleasure in
giving to our readers. The letter commences
in tiie following words, viz:—
To a member of Congress —
“ Sir, your allusion to the tariffin your speech
relative to the public lands, reminds me of «
conversation I had with one of the great politi
cal characters in London, in the month of Sep
tember last, which was as follows:
“ My friend was very desirous of having my
opinion respecting the affairs of this country.
I stated to him that the natural recourses of this
great country, were inexhaustible; that the
i tariff of 1824 had brought some of these dorm
! ant resources into use, while the revenues aris
| ing, principally from imposts, had enabled the
! government to pay more than thirty millions of
tiie pubhc debt, exclusive of large advances for
internal improvement; that if we enjoy peace,
and our own government continue to encourage
the industry of the country, as 1 believe it will,
it is my decided opinion that the United States
will soon be the most wealthy, powerful, and
independent nation in the world.
“My friend admitted ail I said to be true.
“ But,” said lie, “ if we were not so perplexed
with our finances at home, ire would soon pul a
stop to the rising greatness and prosperity of the
United S.ales.” “And how ?” said 1. “ Why,”
said he, “ we would instigate the Southern states
to rebel against the other States ; we would enn
t vines the people of the cotton growing States that
your Tariff oppresses them, and we would offer
them such protection and such commercial advan
tages, as would induce them to rebel; and in less
; than jive years ice would produce a separation oj
' the Union” “ But,” said I, “ probably you
would be disappointed, you know you calculat
ed on the Eastern States joining you durian,
late war, but you were disappointed, nnd U *
bably you would be disappointed again.” “\, r °"
said he, u we now know better howto mni’f
these matters: we could with’our’fleets p ro ‘
them, and our merchants would take their
dace and carry to them manufactured arti, u
duty free, for their own use, and for the m
pose of smuggling, into the other States 1 T \
thus, by these and other means, (which 1 und^r
stood to be a liberal application of secret Ser *
vice money,) we would soon put a stop t 0 ••
increasing wealth, power, and indopendcn c .j v
your country.
“Mr. Hulme is a gentleman of fortune
gaged in no business, well known to the Rij.f"
and has thus come forward, that the good c l **
zens of the United States may know how p*"
gland feels towards us. In conjunction w 'o"
this letter, we think it proper to remind our rea^
ers that Professor (formerly Judge) Cooper i s^*
Englishman —he was much disappointed in JA
sylvania, where he was impeached and dismiss'
ed from the bench. He there wrote a „ r , at
many articles in favor of the protective system
He left there and went South. We do no; ..
how, or in whose pay, but he has been
mental in bringing about the present nu , . '
tion feeling in South Carolina.
“ Money, on first rate securities, is o tfv ; w -,
percent, per annum, in London. This very
low rate of interest is submitted to because ca
pitalists cannot be induced to vest their niunev
in stocks, in the present unsettled stateni'.-‘
.. „ fu
lilies.
In perfect keeping with the above isthe f o i
lowing suggestion of the Telegraph. This A
lifying print evidently relies upon
Britain to counteract the measures of this Go?
eminent, for such “ commercial advamtancs" jg
the cotton growing States" may oiler for su ,.j t
protection."
The Telegraph says :
“ We have Treaties with Great Britain, by
which her vessels have the right of entry in our
ports. —The right of blockade being a belliger
ent right, and Congress alone possessing "the
power to declare war, any attempt, on the part
of the President, to prevent the free ingress and
egress of Biitish vessels, will be a violation of
our treaties, as well as of the Constitution •
which violation, Great Britain would resent.
She would counteract it by a British Heel, hj s
manifest that a war originating in such causes,
would be popular in England, and he is blind to
the condition of that country, and of the other
European powers, who does not sec that it is the
interest of Great Britain to engage in a war
with the United States, provided she can carry
with her the pr dices of her own people."
: NULLIFU ' 'TON vs. COMMERCE.
From the Charleston Courier.
The bitter fruits of N unification have been long
felt in this community in the fierce dissensions
with which it has rent asunder and desecrated
the ties of affection and friendship—of nature and
■ society. Among its disastrous results, we may
now class the adverse influence it has begun to
exercise over our commerce. The following
extract from the N. V. Mercantile Advertiser, !
of the ISth insf. speaks volumes on the subject;
“ But, the consequences already produced by
the proceedings of trie Convention, and of the
Legislature, growing out of them, are very unfor
tunate. Merchants here, are unwilling to trust
their Southern customers ns heretofore. North
ern men trading in. South Carolina have be-
O c
gun to think of removing, or have already re
moved tlicir merchandize from that State. Our
Insurance Companies arc unwilling to underwrite
our vessels sailing for Charleston, unless with a
new clause inserted in the policy. —We sawono
yesterday, in which the following proviso way
inserted. “ Warranted free from the restraints
and perils emanating from the measures oj the
Nullffe.rs .” Who would have believed, a few
years ago, that such a clause would ever have
been necessary, in a policy insuring vessels tm.
ding from one port to anoth«r in our ou n happy
land ? But so it is !”
NEW CROP MOLASSES,
Pure Stulrk lin Oil, &’r.
LANDING, AND FOR SALE ON THE WHARF THIS DAY.
19 Jlhds. new crop Molasses,
10 Bb!s. pure Dutch Linseed Oil.
ALSO,
FOR SALE AT THE WHARF,
4000 Bushels Salt.
IN STORE,
GOO Blankets, various qualities,
100 Boxes Sperm Candles.
G. 11. METC ALF.
December 28 3t 56
TeaclK* :* Wa ra i cd.
A TEACHER is wanted to attend the Children of tne
a!L Savannah Free School. The System pursued is
the Lancasterian, consequently any applicant offering
himself must state his willingness to pursue the same
mode of instruction. The salary paid by the institution
is five hundred and fifty dollars per annum. Application
to he made to Airs. Wm, Taylor or Mrs. James Hun
ter, Ist and 2d Directresses.
By order of the Board of the Savannah Free School
Society.
CHARLOTTE TAYLOR, Secretary.
[O” The Georgia Constitutionalist and the Charleston
Courier, are requested to publish the above, till the 1-
oi January and forward their accounts to the office of the
Georgian.
December 18 IstJ 53
Sello®siisiaakftr WliiSing,
BZERCHAIT? TAIZ.OZIS,
]CEG leave to inform the citizens of Augusta and
hi the public, that they have taken the Store lately
occupied by Air. Catlin, under the United States Hotel
where they have opened a large and splendid assort
ment of GOODS, consisting of
€ioiks , Vtissimercs & J 9 esting**
Which they will make to order in the best manned
and most fashionable style, and at the shortest notice-
Also, every other article in their line of* business.
Gentlemen are respectfully invited to call and exa»-
ine for themselves.
Orders fromahe country will be thankfully receive
and promptly attended to.
WANTED—A Good HOUSE SERVE'?-
apply to L. SCHOONMAKEB-
November 23 10 45
V The undersigned have purchase?
Sterling T. Combs’ interest, one of the p -
ners of the ®rm of Sims, Williams & Woolset.
debts due to’ or by the concern, will be attended
us. The business will be continued by the subscribe 1 " 5 5 -
heretufore under the firm of Sms, Williams* ” 00
CHARLES D. WILLIAMS,
ABRAHAM M. WOOLSEL
(Ej~ Having sold my interest as one
partners of the firm of Sms, Williams & Woot-fru^
C. D. Williams & A. M. Woolsey—all claims due l '. 1
to the concern will be attended to bv them.
STERLING T. COMBS
December 4 ts
CHEAP TWINE,
"gyOR sale in Lots of 00 lbs. at 12i
December 14 -
rVaste Tierces iwimc new
JUST received and for sale by jjULl*
November 20