The Georgia constitutionalist. (Augusta, Ga.) 1832-184?, February 05, 1833, Image 2

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fHE CONSTITITIO.\AI>I!M. " jßi* p. c. aiitiYu. D* TERMS—For the iemi-wci'kly popnr, published every Tuesday end Friday morning, ®5 per annum aid for the weekly 9 3, all payable in advance. IT ADVERTISEMENTS arc inserted weekly for 62 1-5 cents per square; seini.weekly 62 1-2 cents for ibe first, and 43 3.4 cents for each subsequent insertion, ; and monthly for %1, 00 per square for each insertion. For yearly advertisements private arrangements are lobe made. A deduction is made on the advertise ments of public officers. %JT Postage must bo paid on letters ol business. tsrrsssfi TsTrUs ox the present CRISIS, Washinotok, 36tli Her. iy32. DiarSis: What could have induced our people to I think of holding a General Convention of the Kitties 7 Have they resolved to enter the Lion’* den front which no returning foot-steps ever can be seen ? Is not the Constitution good enough for them ; or is it ho bad, that they would commit it to the hands of their enemies to fashion it s* they will 1 The ;»iwer to make amend meins was given to answer no such exigency as the praecnt —it was given to make that instrument more perfect, when, by the workings of the Government, ex perience having delected defects to he cured mid evils to be remedied, the application of it could bo made by general concurrence, nnd without hazard to the pub. he peace—hence it was, that so soon as it was sc, it that s State might, by construction, be sued by an mill, tidunl, an amendment was proposed and earned, to correct the evil—so too, when il become apparent that th* designation of the Electoral vote for President mid Vici-President was necessary to preserve the harmony of the States, the States concurred in an amendment ac. tardirtgly—and so 100, w hen a young Prii.ee was born 4f an American alliance with the Bonaparte family, the States concurred in an amendment, excluding from of. lice, any citizen who should accept a title ul nobility or honor from any Emperor, King, Prince, or any Foreign Power. These several amendment's were made in the true spirit of the Constitution. At this moment, pub lic sentiment Is favoring two proposed amendments, which 1 think would he ait improvement of that in strument ; one to limit the President to a single term, the other to prohibit the appointment of members of Congress to office, during the period for which they shall have been elected. Now by a sudden nnd very strange after-thought, as il seems to me, this provision of the Constitution is to be made applicable, in times of excitement, to great and extraordinary exigencies; so that whenever five or nix States shall become dissatisfied with the Constitution, they may command the rest to assemble in Convention, to alter, new model, or amend it. As Ido not read anv thing like this in that instrument, and as our old lie. publican doctrine rejects every power, but lliat deriv. ed from its strict letter, opposed to all construction, I cannot unite with our fellow.citizens in the call of a General Convention. If llie power is granted, it must ■bo an rffieirnl, not a nugaltrij power. The minority States must command the majority Slates to assemble, and it must be the duly of the majority Stales to obey— they cannot by nilrnrr, or eraiion, or ilirret ntgaliim, es. cape—if they refuse, if they evade, if they are silent, it must be shewn, how, according to lliMldter of the Con. dilution, that silence or evasion, or negation, is to he taken. Isa sovereign Stale compellable at the point of the bayonet to answer aye or no ? And how is silence to be construed? It is easy to see iiow a majority, claiming a given power, may ask the minority to con cur in making that power more explicitly u part of the Constitution; but it is difficult to understand bow a minority, protesting ngninsl the exercise of the power, ran constrain the majority, cither to make it u purl ol the Constitution, or to abandon il, unless il cap he shewn that the Constitution Inis so expressly provided, 4-e. 'Hie Congress of the United Stines, supported by public senlinienl, has for a long time, by abuses and usurpations, so disfigured nnd disgraced the Constitu tion, that if all hope of its rcatoniliou were abandoned, it would be matter of grave consideration, whether that instrument was not utterly destroyed, and hud, in every legal nnd moral contemplation of the subject, ceased to bo binding on the parties to it. It is inconceivable how, in the eye of justice, a compact between two or more parties could bo ao conslrued, ns that the one parly should bo bound A the other free.—the immutable law is, that all are bound or nil are free. —Nevertheless, u mu. jority of Congress, whether considered us u mere agent to carry the powers expressly delegated into effect, or not, have assumed the right to interpret the C msiilii. tiou at pleasure,nnd have so interpreted it, that whatever is resolvable into common defence and general welfare, has been claimed ns a fair and legitimate power to he exercised by the General Government, until ut Inst, in stead of a limited Government lor defined purposes, we htveh,d one either actually engrossing, er claiming to n.|ltsi all (ho powers belonging' to any Government, and em some which ought not to belong to any.— Nowit is andersucli circumstances, my good Kir, that you propose to go into a Convention of the Suites, ei. (her gtneral or tptcial-\(iMo u Gennral f.’«HiYH(ion,thoii you must bo prepared to receive at the hands of the ma jority a consolidated government, one and indivisible, a denial to the States (if permitted to exist at all) of even the shadow of sovereignly, and of course a formal reclamation of all those right* and privileges which, in the exchange of equivalents, you had expressly reserved aa attaching essentially to your peculiar position and condition.—if into a tpeeinl ('ouventmn, then you must b« prepared for a prompt rejection of your amendatory propositions (if these look to a further security lor your rights and interests) and eventually for die re.aeserlion and incorporation into the Constitution, of the very ! lowers so long and strenuously denied by you, and so ong claimed and exercised by thorn. The indications of public sentiment nt this moment are unerring, that an overwhelming majority favors a consolidated govern, menl; nnd it may behoove you in all wisdom, to prepare not for an improvement ol your condition, but lor u Osar nnd the purple. If, therefore, il he true, dial you arc to como out of a Convention shorn mid despoiled, it may be well to think of some other and belter course, by which the perils of the day are to he turned aside.— Can you think of any belter, than the old Republican land.marks, by which, so fur, although wo have not es. taped from storms, we have from shipwreck I Von •want no better Constitution, if the government be ad ministered according to its loiter—nobody asks more than justice; and justice it secures, as far us written instruments can secure il. For all external relations, the government is stronger iliun the strongest in the world—its strength depends not less on die integrity ol the States, than on that common consent and enlightened opinion on which all onr institutions are founded, and by which they must he held together; and what alter ill is the foundation of these but Justice, Justice, Jus. tice—nil that the right of representation can give, it so cures. Within the pulo and Utter of the Constitution, the man of Massachusetts is, to he sure, as much our representative in Congress as the man of Georgiut-be yond that pole nnd letter, however, he is us much n stranger ns the representative of Scotland or Ireland in the British Parliament ; and this is all m this respect chat we could osk. Are there n« menus then, by which Congress can be held to the letter of the Constitution ? 1 answer, no constitutional moans hut the ballot hox % tin lest the power of amendment, in the sense 1 have in. terpreted it, be so considered. The right of petition, of rensonstrance, of discussion, arc only auxiliaries bv which the one or the other may hs supported. Hut il theoe fail ? if that power which decrees ns own supre. macy, perseveres to enforce it, must every thing yield to force ? Force may vanquish every thing—reason, right, truth, justice ; and it is because lorce may do so' that we have erected barriers to defend reason, right, truth and justice. These harriers arc the sovereign States of this Union, which, whatever the old federal, ists and monarchy men may say of them, were absolute sovereign* on the Declaration of Independence, are sovereigns now, and will remain so, until by the volun. tary surrender of their sovereignty, they please to make ihemifclvss slaves—but 1 trust, of nil who shall n\ake that surrender. (.Georgia will he the lust. But you will ask, how is this doctrine to work ’ 1 see no more difficulty than is inseparable from the manage, mint of all human affairs. You have the passions and late rest s of men to encounter nt every step; and these must b# so met, as to make them work rather for good than for evil. For ordinary grievances, we have said there is no constitutional remedy but the ballot box— for Sttraordinory and extreme ones, there is no remedy but the sovereign power of the States; and in extreme cases, you repose yourself upon the sovereign power, for the very reason that the constitutional remedy fails. This sovereign power at last, is in communities, little more than ths right of self-defence and self.preserva. tion—of the exercise of which, it is the sole judge, be c»u*c, in this respect, it is independent as well ns aove. r*i|n. It acknowledges no law but the law of nature •»4 nations, which, in the settlement of controversies Stales, acknowledges no meant but negotiation OM/srr*. Shall wo stop here to enquire which will hes* in the long run, xthe doctrine which ae. SHp sovereignty of th* l s;au«. wii'-h og. 1 ’ ni/es in extreme case.?, the sight d this sovereignty to defend itself, to negotiate, to make treaties, which, m a i spirit of amity that consigns the past to oblivion, will re- 1 unite dissevered States, who being generous enemies, i are once more, nnd on that account cordial, nnd mayhap t i inseparable friends ;or that which admits the absolute < I supremacy of the Federal Government, its right to Mhip f i o State into the Union, nnd to hold it there forever by i brute force ? I know it is said thus this power in the j States is inconsistent with the power confided to the i I Federal Government. That for light and trivial causes, t I States may and will have recvinrsc to it, hy which the i I Union will bo constantly agitated, nnd finally dissolved.— j I.< luh see if this apprehension is well founded. A I Siate lias the fmdoubted right (undoubted even yet) to > change its own government nt pleasure, consulting only i its interests nnd happiness, regulating all its internal •on j 1 ct rns, with its right of.soil and jurisdiction ho absolute i ; that the Federal Government csuKlofe claim to erect an : I arsenal or fort or dock yard within its limits, without its j I express consent. Here then is n community hy the pow- i [er of self-government, made free nnd happy at home, r I wanting for the consummation of that happiness, scorer, j ( !y any thing but protection against powers .stronger than *■ iinelf. Will these bo pul to hax rd for light and trivial I muses? Henson says no—the public, law says no. Tim I public law forbids the presumption that communities will i net imprudently—it presumes them tub# governed hy a y sound discretion—not that they are always ho governed, \ hut that their ants alone should speak for them—experi. ‘ ened justifies the public law. Fifty years of union with- ' out convulsion, is no trilling evidence of intelligence, of t prudence, of subordination, of contentment. I low inn- I ny guarantees besides, are to be found against hasty and t inconsiderate action, by which grout blessings are to be y lost. An insulated State may, for a moment, rescue lib. ? t rty ; but liberty is not to be maintained without indepen. ( deneo, and independi nee cannot long be maintained hy an i | insulated State. A solitary State resting on its own lim. « ited resources, with great wants foi internal and external f objects, surrounded by other Stntrt (united for comnon t defence,] must In i xpoeed to evils and annoyances, from i which the wisest councils cannot exempt her. Fossess ing sovereign rights herself, she must ho exercise those t rights, as not to interfere with the sovereign rights of ; others. The right of way nud office the re if. illations nf trade and commerce , so apt to conflict with ' those of others, framed in a different spirit—these, r.nd many of kindred character, would be sources of endless : embarrassment and vexation. I would rather say upon ! the whole, that the Stales would not secede for light and i trivial causes—that grave ami weighty considerations alone could influence them—that only some grievous op pression or frightful tyranny, driving them to despair, could divide them from Iho Union. Are there not some reasons for this belief / Wo hear the cry of Union, Uni on, from all quarters, ns if there were nothing left in this world worth preserving hut Union —so that the friends of Liberty and Union may well doubt whether the people love liberty least, or Union most. See what has been submitted to for many years, with a degree ol pa. tience and forbearance, which might be conslrued into something not to be named. Unnecessary taxes, to make q splendid, of what was designed to be a simple and economical government--the taxes levied on the many to promote the interests of the few—the revenues distri buted for objects of internal improvement, where the taxes were not levied—every scheme and device for the extravagant expenditure of public monies—dormant claims on the government revived, and pension systems established on principles so loose, as to oiler the strong rat temptations to fraud and perjury—ns if it were not enough for the Federal Government to regulate com metre, which it is authorized to do, it assumes the care nnd regulation of manufactures; and then the transition is easy to the rare and regulation of agriculture—so is the transition sometimes from the grave to the ridiculous. Who of the Convention who framed the Constitution, would have believed it possible, that even in our time, committees of Agriculture would have been organized in both Houses of Congress, to instruct our people how to sow and to reap, to weave and to spin, to milk and to churn? It is because they employ themselves with all these follies, abases and usurpations, that the Congress which should in ordinary and peaceful times, despatch its constitutional business in three short months, ia occti pied through five, six an I seven ; and a portion, and a large portion too, of this lime devoted to the innnoMivres of factions, who seem h) have been congregated here for the single purpose of making Presidents, to make the leaders of those factious Presidents in turn. Are not these things, good Sir, enough to disturb the harmony of the Stales ? If a single Stale fretted and tortured hy such abominations shall, by any unwise and hasty movement, resolve to shako thorn off, is she to bn bound neck and heels, nnd consigned to the cave of Tin. pbonloun or the Oy»«b»pa? 'I’Uo nlmofil nnivoroal mmwer 1 is, yes, yes 1 down with the rebels, down with the traitor i State.—But whose turn comes next? If the Federal Government is not stopped in it h career of encroachment by some counteractive agent, what, reasoning from what has boon done, to what may bn done, will it not do?— 1 1 gives countenance to colonization & other voluntary associations, which keep in ferment largo sections of country, which by a single false movement would bo excited to the most desperate resistance. It may, for any thing we know, pass acts of attainder and proscrip tion, hy which masses of society may he cut off. It has, on occasions, slopped the liberty of speech and of the press. It may ordain a State religion, or decree a uni. vorsnl emancipation. Its supreme judicial tribunal, which it contends is, in the last resort, to pass on the con stitutionality of all laws, may send its warrants into the States, commanding its marshals to hang up by the lamp, posts, A. H. nnd C. These you will say arc extreme cases. So they are. It may pronounce null and void charters, by which States claim their rights of soil, ju risdictions and sovcreiirnty. It may erect one sovereign ty within another. It may decide that one portion of the community within the chartered limits of a State is sovereign and independent, and entitled to the right of self-government. It may control the criminal jurisdic tion and arrest the criminal laws of a State hy writs of error nnd appeal. Are these , ton, extreme cases ? If they are, extreme cases require extreme remedies: and if those are to he sought in the power of the* States, it is because the States are sovereign, aiu| may defend and protect themselves. But does this roiViNt with that uni ty, one and indivisible, claimed for the United States as a nation ? Certainly not. But then it becomes tho.se who make that elaini, at the same lime to make il good. For ourselves we protest against it, as most wild, ex trava.ganl nnd fallacious. The Stales formed the govern meat of the United States—the Stales ratified it. From that day to this, it exists and breathes hut by permission of the States. Though throe fourths of the States are necessary to amend or alter it, a majority, or less than a majority, may dissolve it. If the Stab s refuse Fir tors of President, it is prostrate. It they refuse their Sena tors, il stops. If they withhold their Representatives, il is the same thing. There is indeed no one act required of the people of the U. States r* one people, either to begin it, to conduct it, or to* end it—it would be just as rational to make the Congress of Vienna a nation, de riving its authority from the people of all Europe. The old confederation must have been a confederation of States, for I have never yet hoard ol a confederation of the people. The confederation was abandoned for the new government, because it had no power to coerce the States. But was the new government adopted to coerce the States ’ Certainly not. It was adopted to coerce individuals, tor the very reason that States could not be coerced. The statesmen of that day perceived that eve ry thing was gained by making a government strong en ough to operate efiectnally on imliridnals —that the idea of coercing Slates was an absurdity, and that the new government would answer all the ends of its creation, without the least danger of collision, so long as if coutln cd itself to its constitutional limits. It is the departure from those limits; it is the exeriso of powers not delegat ed ; it is the exercise of doubtful powers, equally pro bibited by theCoustitution, which has at any time brought the General Government into collision with the Stall s. In scribbling thus much, I think I may have answered, out of order, no doubt, all jour enquiries. The result, according t»> my poor opinions, is, that There is no power given by the*Constitution to resist the laws of the United States* The only constitutional remedy for unconstitutional f laws, is the ballot-box. Amendments of the Constitution, petition, remons- ! j strance, conventions, correspondence, and consultations of the States—these, (if you please to call them rente- ( dies.) nr« not unconstitutional. Under a government feunded on consent ami opinion, evils are to be borne ns long as possible. The States in virtue of their sovereignty, when evils ; are no longer supportable,must judge the evil and the ! remedy. 1 The Sovereign knows but two modes of settling con troversies, Negotiation and War. Negotiation admits of arbitration, and controversies may be referred to other States, but this is by consent and not by the Constitution. Ft is of course not permissible to ’ •ne of the parties, to refer it to its own Courts nnd Juries. AN hen Btatos cease to have nn interest in the Union or suffer extreme oppression, it is better that they with draw peaceably, than that blood should be shed in con tests, which seldom decide any thing, and which arc apt to separata the parties forever. As States may do very imprudently and unwisely, what they have a right to do, it becomes them to act very deliberately and cautiously, because it is lawful for 1 other States to unite against them, to compel n fulfil i menl of their obligations under th« public law You a&k whut Georgia outfit to do ? My opinion! had ht«n given on former occasions, and you know what use lias been made of them. Those opinions , were unchanged, and are, as 1 think, unchangeable li they amounted to this :“ if the abuses and usurpations b of which we complain are continued, and become the a settled policy of the Government, the States having j; identical interests ought to withdraw”—but it ponsable to a movement like this, that there should be union ; that this union should be the result of a deep and settled conviction, that such policy was inconsistent with the paramount peace, interest, prosperity and hap piness of the State, and not a temporary union produced s by an artificial excitement —a united people, even of one tl stale, might rescue liberty for a time, but without the ti mean-' of maintaining ludepcndencr , liberty could not be c preserved. 1 1 was necessary therefore, that other States having common interests should be prepared to think and act with us ; and it was altogether proper that for this *' purpose, a system for correspondence and consultation h should he organized as the best means of producing u- j nion. My own belief was, that the Tariff would not t yield and could not be made to yield but to some interest stronger than the interest in manufactures, and I knew hut one that was so, and that was the interest in Union. It could not be doubted that the Northern Stales were as lunch concerned in preserving the Union as our. ' selves, and it was altogether fair, that in the last resort, 1: wc should present to them the plain alternative, either \ “In return tn Ihn bar/rain and stick to the bargain, or give, up the Union.” If unhappily, it should turn out s that they take more interest in manufactures than in 1 Union, it is my deliberate opinion, the Union is not worth preserving. In all this, we have considered not so much whnt might he done and rightfully done, hy the sovereign States of the Union, us what may be wisely 1 done. Do what wc may and let what of evil come, wc will have the consolation, that from the beginning to the end, we have been passive subjects, & the adverse party t active agents. The abuses and usurpations practised, and the burdens imposed, have been of a positive char- ( nf o r- we hare done nothing hut hog relief from them. ‘ You have insisted on.my opinions, and I have given then. No one could ask them with more propriety than yourself. You have been nil your life a uniform,consistent Republican, and as much devoted to the prosperity of the Stale, & States too, ns any man in it. The stake which : you and ail of your name and family have in it, is pledge sufficient for your loyalty and discretion ; and the passion . for liberty that was horn with you, is absolute security that you canriot be a slave. Your Friend, r;. M. TROUP. TUESDAY FEBRUARY S, I 88». Tlirrn were but fifteen ilenilis in ibis City during tbc month ending on the .'list nit.— 11) whites, six of whom were under 10 yenrs of nge, and four of these by .Scnr- U t Fever. !l CUnderstanding that reports arc in circulation, rrl i live to the opinion entertained hy Samuel Tarver, Esq. on the subject of nullification, wc have been authorized mid requested to stale, that this gentleman is decidedly opposed to those doctrines, 11 With the aid of a supplement, wo are enabled to furnish the debate in the Senate of the U. S. on the question of appointing a tiny for the discussion of the “ Enforcing hill.” We have besides, n mass of matter which will have to find its way to our columns. The speech of Mr. Men!, of Newton, was selected for publi cation, but deferretl on account of the congressional proceedings. The proceedings of a public meeting in Monroe county, which we have been requested to pub. lisb, shall appear as soon as wc can find room for them. We have been obliged to place on onr first page, the re. marks of Mr Wayne, on the Bank of the United State, which have been in type more than four wcelts. As we will have to find room for the debates on the enforcing and tariff hills, we shall he compelled, for a month at least, to discontinue our miscellaneous department, in order to keep up with those debates. And if wc are 100 imieh pushed for space, wo will have recourse again to supplements, for we shall spare neither pains nor expense to gratify onr patrons. not ini.Vtn Tsni'ra i.ni'Titn. It has been frequently our good lot to find ourselves supported, in our political course, hy this distinguished champion of state rights; and it is peculiarly gratifying to ns at this lime, that on the momentous questions which agitate the public mind and attract so much attention, w e have his authority for the correctness of the opinions we have expressed, and for the soundness of the positions we have assumed at the present crisis of onr political affairs. Wc never doubled for one moment of the opin. ions entertained by Governor Troup, as regarded the po. lilieal principles which have lately been advanced by certain politicians of this country. A man of his acute, ness in discerning the wrong or right side of a question presented to him ; Ids well known republican principles; and the discrimination ho Ims uniformly exercised in con struing the federal constitution ; could not err in forming an opinion of the present political crisis, and of the causes which produced it. This letter proves that we wore not mistaken in our judgment of the man. When, therefore, Crawford and Troup are authorities which we can cite, whenevevur attempts are made to controvert our propositions, we feel strong, and we may let those who brlfcve otherwise than wo do, consume themselves in the vain endeavours to confute truth, and to deceive the people, who, though they may momentarily be led astray by sophistry and artful insinuations, yet are sure to return to the natural exorcise of their good sense, when the men in whom they have justly placed confi dence, are culled on by duty and patriotism to coins for ward and confront those who are striving to blind and mislead their fellow citizens. 'i’lle letter of Governor Troup is before the people of Georgia; they can judge for themselves of the political doctrines he avows, of the measures he recommends to adopt at the present time, and of his views with regard to the controversy now pending between a State of (iiu confederacy and the federal government. Me is clear and explicit; he cannot he misunderstood in lus posi tions. It would therefore he idle on our part to try to illustrate what our readers cannot fail to understand. Wo must content ourselves with requesting the render’s attention to the conclusions which Governor Troup him. self draws of the arguments he advances in support of his positions, ami which clearly show the fallacy of the new tangled doctrines attempted to be introduced in this country hy the disciples of the Calhoun school. The whole structure raised by the framers of the South Car olina Ordinance and of the laws passed in conformity to it, is demolished hy the irresistible force of plain, good sense, and of the true interpretation es the federal eon. stitntion. The conclusions of Governor Troup are these ; “Thnfe is no [tower given by the Constitution to resist the laws of the United States. “Tito only constitutional remedy for uncon stilntiomil laws, is the ballot box. “ Amendments of the Constitution, petition, j remonstrance, conventions,correspondence, and | consultations of the States—these, (if you ' please to call them remedies,) are not unconstitu. I tional. “ I ndern government founded on consent and opinion, evils are to be borne as long as possi. ble. “The States in virtue of their sovereignty, when evils tire no longer supportable, must judge the evil and the remedy. “ The sovereign knows but two modes of set tling controversies, Negotiation and War. “Negotiation admits of arbitration, & cont .-o --1 versies may be referred to other States, but This is by consent and not by the Constitution, It is of course not permissible to one of the parties, to refer it to its own Courts and Juries. “ When States cease to have an interest in the Union, or suffer extreme oppression, it is better that they withdraw peaceably, than that blootl should be shed in contests which seldom i decide anything, and which are apt to separate i the parties forever. “As States may do very imprudently and un- < wisely what they have a right to do, it becomes t them* to act very deliberately and cautiously, because k is lawful for other States to unite against them, to compel a fulfilment of their ob ligations under tbc public law. FOREIGN. A late arrival in New York from France, brings Ha vre papers to December 11. The citadel of Antwerp still hold out; the fighting had become more severe and the loss greater. It was reported in Havre, that the ci. tadel had surrendered ; but there is no mention of the circumstance in the Paris papers of the 10th, nor in those of Havre of the 11th. This report wasjbrought by the captain. We have placed under our commercial head, the s'ate of the Liverpool market, on the Bth of December, received at Now-York hy the John Jay, from that port. MEDIATION OF VIRGINIA. The Charleston Courier of last Saturday contains the information that Benjamin Watkins Leigh, Esq. has been appointed hy the Legislature of Virginia, to be the hearer of the resolutions adopted hy that state, on the subject of federal relations, and that ho was to have left Richmond on the SBth tilt. OHIO. The Ohio State Journal furnishes us with the follow, ing statements, communicated by the collector of tolls, Mr. Beardsley. Total number of pounds of all property on which toll was charged hy weight, which arrived at or was cleared from Cleveland, Ohio, hy way of the Canal, during the year 1832. Arrived 43,694.694 Cleared 18,724,522 ' Amount of tolls received during the same year, $31,710 50. Among the different kinds of property which arrived anil cleared, during the same time, there were : Arrived —288,722 bushels of Wheat; 54,404 hbls of Flour; 13,801 hbls of Pork ; 261,026 lbs of Ashes ; 549,223 lbs of Butter; 85,711 lbs Cheese; 333,101 lbs Lard; 636,940 feet Lumber. Cleared—29,939 hbls Salt; 5,260,533'1bs Merchan dize; 190,800 lbs Gypsum'; 113,954 feet Lumber. COM M Eli < T A I. H ANK AT M ACON. The following information respecting this Bank, wc derive from tbc Milledgevillc Times, and Macon Mes. s engcr. We take an early opportunity to assure the public, and bill holders in particular, that this Institution isn sound, wood i ind healthy one, and that a redemption of the bills of it, in specie, will be promptly met by the Bank. Wc are under the best assurances and in which every reliance may be placed, that the recent reports of its failure, &. of its incapacity to redeem everv dollar in specie is entirely unfounded.— Tunes, Jan. 30. c are informed, just as our paper is croinj? to press, that a rumor is in circulation in several of the upper counties, that this institution has been compelled to stop payment, and will probably be unable to redeem its hills. There is not the slightest foundation for such a rumor; no hank has been more prompt in meeting the demands which have been made upon it, and none, we venture to assert, is in a sounder and safer condition. [Messenger, Jan. 31. MAI \E. The Legislature have passed resolutions censuring the Senators in Congress from that State, Messrs Holmes and Sprague, for having disobeyed the instruc tions that wery given to them to vote against the re chartering of the Bank of the United States, and a gainst the Tariff. These resolutions call upon them to resign their seats. __ MiMCt'flaneouN Items. On the 11 th ult. whilst a man residing in German, town, Pu. was fixing the lock of his gun, it accidentally went elfin his hands, and its whole discharge was lodg ed in the body of his wife, causing her instant death. The ancients, with their attachment to methodizing, miyts n writer in the Westminster Review, supposed ov ery man to he possessed of three different ghosts, which after the dissolution of the body, were differently dispo sed of. They were distinguished by the names of Spi ritus, Manes and Umbra. The Manes, they fancied, went down to the infernal regions, the Spiritus ascended to the skies, and the Umbra hovered about the tomb, as being unwilling to quit its old connexions. Extract of a Letter from Gen. Lafayette to an Ameri can Gentleman, who was about to embark for the United States from Havre, dated Lagrange, October 8, 183-3 “Your passage through a part of Europe, short ns it has been, must enable you to fell our fellow citizens how injurious to the consequence of the United States, and to the cause of Republican Institutions in Europe, are their State collisions; and what are the anticipations, un founded I firmly hope, of a dissolution of the Union.” At the late session of the Newllampshire Legislature, Mr. Wilson, of Haverhill, from the select committee to ascertain the number of days each member has boon absent during the session, reported that the “committee didn't know , and the members would'nt tell.” The citizens of Troy are taking measures to have that city established as a port of entry. Albany has been laboring for some years to effect the same object for herself; but hitherto without success. The Post Office Department has entered into a con. tract with Col. Beveridge, of Florida, for the conveyance of the mail semi-weekly in steamboats from Columbus, Ga. to Apalachicola, Florida, commencing on the Ist ult. Hereafter no person can he appointed a Cadet at the Military Academy, till he attain the age of sixteen. Males and Females.— lt appears by Correct schedules of the fifth census of the United 'lates, just published, that in every section of Country, except New-Englnnd, the free males outnumber the f ree females. The excess of free females over the free males in New. England is 24,688! Excess of free nudes in the Middle States, 59,- 944; do. in the South Western States, 10,526; do| in the Western and South Eastern States, 18,026; do. in Districts and Territories, 3,759. C OLLECTION OF DUTIES. The Charleston Courier of February 2, gives us the fol lowing information : “Yesterday, the birth-day of practical Nul lification, otherwise called the fatal first of Feb. ruary , was signalized by no event of greater importance, than a somewhat more rigid en forcement than usual, of the revenue laws. The British Ship Roger Stewart, from Greenock, and Spanish |Brig Jlcrmoso Habanera, horn Havana, were taken in charge by the U. S. Revenue .force in our harbor, until the duties on the mer chandize they contained, should be properly secured to the Government. This proceeding has been denounced, hy an Evening Journal, as a “Federal aggression,” and tiic first step to wards a collision with the State authorities. So far from ibis being the case, the course pursued by the Collector on this occasion, in compliance with his instructions, is in strict conformity with the provisions of the Act entitled “ An Act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage,” passed the 2d March, 1799-an act, the validity or constitutionality of which, has never been questioned. That this amounts t« a “Federal aggression” can only be maintained by those who ate anxious for some pretext to commence "hostilities or who agree with an inge nious Columbia Editor, that to enforce the reve. nuc laws, of the United States, is to commit Assault and Battery . “We perceive, by the instructions ot the Treasury Department, to the Collector of this port, dated Nov. 6. 1833, published among the other documents, accompanying the last Mes. sage of the President, that the officers of the customs are directed to adhere to the strict line of their official duty, “ merely executing their duties with, perhaps, greater vigilance than or- 11 dinary, and adapting existing regulations of daily v use and application, to new circumstances of * greater emergency, as they may arise;” and a that it is the wish of the President and the Trea- t sury Department, “to take no step, nor employ any means calculated to provoke or excite to J force, those who are now threatening resistance, s but to defeat their operatioiis'by the moral forc f! a of the Laws and the Constitution.” r -N-ooJoo- c Drawings of the Gold and Land Lottery to the 2c/ February , inclusive . , , Gold Lottery. 1 BURKE. 1 Fortunate Drainers. Capts. Dist. No. Diet. See. * Elizabeth Stone, orph. 71st 997 20 3 Elizabeth Sumner, wid. Bryant’s 1294 21 3 Stephen Boyd, 72 384 173 ' Jonathan Jeffers, 72nd 307 3 4 Hardy Perry, Bryant’s 1098 4 1 > Brannom Cole, 71st * 26 21 3 John Wiggin, Roe’s 383 16 4 John Boyd, Bryants 1052 111 1 Moses Mulkey, Griffin’s 710 17 3 ' Benjamin Maddrny, 70th 641 19 2 1 John Mingledorf, 72nd 997 12 1 1 JohnC. Watson, Brooks’s 1090 3 1 1 Morris Nicholas, 72nd 194 3 1 William Mills, Paris’s 406 11 Elisha Attaway, 72nd 983 2 1 Archibald Spears, Griffin’s 97 4 I Moses Hanberry, 74th 240 14 1 Stephen Hayrnans, Bryant’s 240 15 1 Lycurgus and Elizabeth A. Irwin, orphans, Polhill’s 666 2 1 Sarah Reddick, wid. Bell’s 129 2 • 1 COLUMBIA. John R. Ryan, Dozier’s 67 16 4 Alfred Tr Brown, Adams’s 1079 19 3 Harris P. Spier, Culbreath’s 213 3 4 Vincent Rees, Harris’s 1204 4 3 Samuel W. Harrison, Culbrcath’s 228 19 2 Win. S. Jones, Walkers’ 657 17 2 Win. N. Stone. Bell’s 533 2 2 Isaac Lucas, Peek’s 190 15 1 James Draper, Harris’s 799 20 3 Jefferson S. Briscoe, Murphey’s 107 2 3 John Lamar, do. <l2 1 4 George Lassiter, Harris 793 21 3 Jesse Watson, Adam’s 558 15 2 Daniel L. Marshall, Tankersley’s 825 16 2 Isham Welsh, Adams’s 133 3 2 Nicholas V. Prather, do. 559 20 3 William Yarborough, Walker’s 4 5 1 William Hanson, Peek’s 1180 18 3 JEFFERSON. John Hadden, Hannah’s , 1148 20 3 John Tomkins, Alexander’s 180 3 1 James Brass, Hannah’s 791 3 I James Young, Gunn’s 767 3 2 Levi Campbell, Christie’s 201 17 3 Isaac Covington, Hannah’s 644 17 2 Rhoda Samples, wid. do. 1263 21 2 Samuel C. Boyd, Fleming’s 47 11 James Trimble’s orphans, Young’s 345 11 1 Alfred Turner, Alexander’s 772 17 2 Samuel B. Tarver, Christie’s 942 19 2 David Brinson’s orphans, Young’s 15 1 3 Absalom Taylor, do. 1142 5 3 RICIIMOMD. John Edgar, 398th 1246 19 3 Absalom Rhodes, 121st 803 17 3 Alfred, William, Sarah, and Eliza both Boody, orph*. 122nd 696 4 3 Hugh McGimley, 123 d 397 3 2 John W. Heard, 122 d 9 19 3 Geo. W. Redman, 119th 1005 18 2 Hiram Weston, 398th 64 10 2 Augusta* Simonet, sen., 120th 1193 21 3 Lucy ' illiams, wid., 120th 316 2 2 James Walker, 192nd 547 4 3 James Primrose, 119th 493 17 2 Ayres S. Turpin, 120th 778 15 2 George S. Morris, 600th 1163 12 1 Mary Ann Kelly, orphan, 122nd 626 5 1 Hillary Caffin, do., 210 1 I Frederic J. Redficld. 120th 86118 2 WARREN . James H ill, Camp’s H7G 3 3 John Marsh. Newsom’s 177 20 3 James Roney, Perryman’s 629 4 1 Harris Reese, Putes’s 2;>l 5 I John Rogers, do. 1190 2 3 Wm. B. Hundley, Perryman’s 996 20 3 i Wm. Newsom, Newsom’s 23 3 2 Micajnh Rogers, Pntes’s 1188 2 4 Alfred G. Pogne, Parham’s . 820 2 1 Jesse E. Smith, Camp’s 369 2’ 4 ’ Lewis Hilson, Down’s 1207 14 1 I Jesse Story, Perryman’s 481 16 4 i Rachael H ind, wid., do. 296 18 3 Je«.*o Burrow’sorphs., Newsom’s 117 I I 1 Allen Brainard, Stewart’s 1109 4 1 Ltuxl Loltcry. UVIiKU. Jonathan Jufier’s, 79nd 2fifi 24 3 Willis Hurst, Griffin’s 29(1 9 1 i Willis Mnynor, 72 nd 236 71 . Seaborn H. Poaterson, 75th 113 10 I William Hynes, 75th 74 5 2 McKinley .Stmt's, Bell’s 126 27 3 James I!. Smith, 60th 269 27 2 , John B. Burley, Griffin’s 260 17 1 . Jordan Bell’s orphans, Roll’s 124 10 4 Mary Spence, wr s, 74th 255 4 4 1 Starkey J. Sharp, Peterson’s 166 12 3 ! Robert Barrow, 72nd 85 17 1 Juda Garlick, wid., Roc’s 154 7 2 COLUMBIA. 1 Daniel Stanford, Culbreath’s 85 18 1 1 John Sturges’ orphans, Clictt’s 159 20 2 r Elizabeth M. Ray, wid. Murphy’s 45 15 3 Thornton Gibson’s orphans, Murphy’s 140 13 2 Edward Miles, Bell’s 98 11 2 James W. H. Blackston, Culbreath’s 73 4 4 - Nancy Richardson, wid. Adams’s 47 18 4 , W. M. Williams, Grubb’s 29 10 3 W. Anderson’s orphans, Alexander’s 137 5 3 Mary Clark, wr s, Hannah’s 83 27 3 3 JEFFERSON. Jonathan Willis’s orphans,-Belcher’s 160 12 2 s Elizabeth Lane, wid., Williams’s 289 12 2 Hannah Ward, wid., Dawson’s 23 15 3 Benajah Hardy, Williams’s 223 6 1 ’ Jeremiah 8. Tucker, Phillips’s 211 13 4 3 IV. (i. Mcßride’s orphs. Alexander’s 96 16 3 s James C. Wilkinson, Young’s 297 14 3 Lloyd Bell’s orphans, Carswell’s 8 8 3 M i Joseph Thomas, 119th 257 25 2 Levicy Funn, wid., 600th 54 23 2 '• Eliza Lyons, wid. 120th 180 14 4 John M. James, (Lunatic) 123rd 258 17 1 RICHMOND. John Mcßride, junr., 398th 81 8 1 e George Kcnox. 119th 268 5 4 John Phelan, 120th 75 19 4 James Goodman, 122nd 287 7 3 Benjamin Barton, 600th 294 24 3 Patrick Rooney, 119th 193 7 4 r Hester Reece, wid., 119th 55 13 4 Sarah Jones, w. (of Chatham), 124th 172 23 2 Wm.Harnet, 600th 66 9 2 j Jns. & Alfred McKeen, orphs. 398th 210 12 4 1 John T. Taylor, do. 136 9 3 , David Aughtry, 120th 276 10 1 C John B. NoVrell, 122nd 255 11 3 WARREN. y Thos. Turley, Grier’s 224 9 3 Edward Barbaric, Perryman’s 44 7 4 Eli Blankenship, Down’s 112 27 2 s Jeremiah R. Sevain, sol., Perryman’s 222 9 4 •- David K. Roach, Lynn’s 201 13 4 o David Wilson’s orphs., Perryman’s 95 19 4 d Richard W. Davis’s orphs, Down’s 717 1 Joel English, Pate’s 185 7 2 e James A. Chapman, Lynn’s 218 11 2 h Benjamin Adams, rs, Pate’s 160 9 3 o cl WASHINGTON, JAN. 25. Congress. — Analysis of Proceedings. —ln the Sen. s ate , yesterday, Mr. Waggaman introduced a bill to give effect to the Bth article of the Treaty with Spain; w which was read twice and referred to the Committee on <1 Foreign Relations. Mr. Smith , from the Committee on O Finance, reported a bill prohibiting the officers ol the Customs from trading in articles subject to duty ; which was read anl ordered to a second reading. Several private bills passed stages. The Senate then resumed d the consideration of the bill appropriating for a limited tune the proceeds of the sales of the Public Lands —the q question being on the amendment offered by Mr. Pain dexter. Mr. Benton addressed ihe Senate two hours ‘ and a half, in an able speech in opposition to the bill. L ‘ The question was then taken on the first section of t’.ie amendment offered by Mr. Poindexter , which provided 0 for the gradual reduction of the price of such of tho e Public Lands as may have been in market for r M specified period, and decided in the negative —yeas ’<3. nays 30. * The second section of the amendment, crn/ning preemp lions lo actual settlers under certain circamstiinfes, was also rejected—yeas 13, nays 31. The question was then taken on the third section of the amendment, guarantying, (during the existence of the act) a continu. ance of the surveys of the public lands, and that the present minimum price of the same, shall not be increased, which was adopted—yeas 25, nays 14. The fourth and last section of the amendment, empowering the Secretary of the Treasury, under certain circum. stances, to discontinue and alter land districts, was adopted—yeas 27, nays 17. The question then recur, red upon the amendment reported by the Committee on the Public Lands, (in lieu of the original bill) pro. viding for a reduction of the price, and granting pre emptions to actual settlors on the public lands, which was rejected—yeas 17, nays 25. Mr. Benton moved further to amend the bill by striking out the quantity of land granted to each of the States of Louisiana, Mis. siasippi, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and Alabama, and inserting in lieu thereof a quantity of land (after de. ducting the amount already received by those States) equal to that which has been heretofore granted to the State of Ohio, for making Roads and Canals. This ». mendment was supported by Messrs. Benton, Kane, Moore, and Buckner, opposed by Messrs. Clay and Ewing, and rejected—yens 12, nays 26. Mr. Moore moved to amend the hill by requiring that the land grant ed to the State of Alabama, should be applied in aid of the improvement of the navigation of the Tennessee and other rivers, which was rejected.—Mr. Benton moved to amend the hill by deducting from the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, to be distributed among the States, the amount expended yearly in administering the land system, and also the sum paid to Indians for their lands, which was rejected—yeas 14, nays 24. Mr. Forsyth moved lo amend the bill by striking out “ co. lonization of free persons of color," as one of the pur. poses, to which the States are required, at their dis cretion, to appropriate their respective proportions of the f proceeds of the sales of the public lands. This amend, mont was supported by Mr. Forsyth, opposed by Messrs. Clay and Chambers, and rejected—yeas 18, nays 21. Mr. Mangmn then moved to strike out the restrictions upon the States, requiring the applications to the ob jects of Internal Improvements, education and coloni zation of free persons of color, which was negatived— yeas 16, nays 23. The hill was then reported to the Senate, the amendments adopted in’ Committee were concurred in, and as amender, it was ordered to be en. grossed and read a third time. The Senate then at a quarter before eight o’clock, P. M. adjourned. In the House of Representatives, Mr. Wing, of Mi chigan, presented the memorial of the Legislative Coun. cil of that Territory, requesting the passage of a law for its admission, as a State, into the Union. The re solutions heretofore submitted by Mr. Adorns for calling on the President and Secretary of the Treasury forcer ta n specifications relative to their views upon the Ta riff then came tip. .Mr. Kennon opposed the adoption of the resolutions nt length. Mr. Stewart replied to some remarks of Mr. Hoffman on a former day ; when Mr. Wiekliffe demanded the previous question. Mr. Clay moved lo lay the resolutions on the table, which was carried; ayes 06, noes 72. A message was re. ccived from the President communicating the copy of a convention entered into between the United Slates and the King of the two Sicilies, which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. The House then went into Committee of the Whole ’on tho State of the Uni. on upon the Tariff bill, Mr. Wayne in the Chair. Mr. Wilde resumed his speech in support of the bill, which he concluded after speaking about an hour and a half. Mr. Vinton then addressed the Committee nearly an hour and a half, when he gave way to a motion by Mr. Arnold that the Committee rise, which was carried— yeas 6!), nays 62. The Committee rose and reported progress. Mr. Speight moved the Committee again re solve itself into the Committee of the Whole on the Slate of the Union. Mr. Irvin moved the House ad journ, on which Mr. Speight called for tho Ayes and Noes, which were ordered. The motion to adjourn was negatived, Ayes 75, Noes 78. Mr. Bind moved a rail of the House, on which he asked the Ayes and Noes, which were ordered. A call was negatived Avcs 85, Noes f)5. Mr. Southerland moved the House adjourn—on which Mr. Wilde called for the Ayes and Noes, wlrch were ordered. The motion was negatived. Ayes 76, Noes 86. The question was then taken on Mr. Speight's motion to go into committee of the whole, on which Mr. Arnold demanded the Yaas and Nays, which were ordered. The motion was carried, Ayes 90, Noes 79. The House then went into Committee, Mr. Wayne in the chair. Mr. Vinton then went on with his speech, which he concluded at a quarter past sir. Mr. Watmnngh then moved the committee rise, which was negatived, Ayes 68, Noes 72. Mr. IKat mongh then addressed the committee in opposition to tho bill, and was proceeding in his speech, when our pa. per was made up. I the Senate, on tho 26th, Mr. Clayton rose, and rc f red to the resolutions which were offered by Mr. Cal. un, and to the substitute proposed by Mr. Grundy, and concluded by presenting a resolution, which he in. tended to move as an amendment to that offered by Alr.G. '.lie Public Land Rill was read a third time. Mr. For. h moved lo recommit the hill with instructions lo ike out the words “ colonization of free persons of c lour.” Mr. Tyler proposed lo amend the motion by striking out tho whole of the restrictions upon the states, which require that the appropriations shall he applied lo objects of internal improvements, education and colo. ■fixation of free persons of colour. Mr. Forsyth ac quiesced in tills motion. A short debate ensued. The motion to recommit was lost, yeas 20, nays 23. The bill was passed, yeas 24, nays 20. In the House of Representatives, the Tariff Bill was taken up. Mr. Wilde went into an explanation of his former remarks, which he had not concluded when the Globe was made up. [From the World of Fashion, London.] On Hits, Chit Chat, and Tabic Talk. Quite. Large Enough. —Wo understand that the hide of the elephant Chuney, shot at Exeter’ Change, in 1820, was sold a few days ago for the sum of thirty.two guineas. There is a report in (own that it was purchased by one of Lord Nugent’s agents, for the purpose of being made into a travelling cloak for his Lordship ! Female Wit. —Lady C—, upon hearing that the Portuguese troops had got to a place called “Aqua Ardiente,” said to the Earl of A , “There is no doubt, then, my lord, of their hav ing got ifito hot water. A Curious Con. —Alvanlcy has perpetrated the following—Why is a shoemaker like a fish, monger?—Answer—Because he deals in soles and eels. Bow Strings. —Archery is now 'the fashion. One of our contemporaries has a long article upon tho subject, wherein it is stated that Ed ward tho Fourth directed that his bowstring should bo made of “hide, horse hair— woman's hair, &c.” Many of our fair readers, perhaps, knew not that the hair of their sex had ever been used for archery. We do not wonder at the monarch’s direction, for even at the present day, ladies’ tresses make excellent beau-strings. Horace is at last a Benedict. He besieged the fortress gallantly and won the Day. — Horace Cloggel is the spouse of the Princess of Japan. • “When is English butter like Irish butter?”j enquired Lady Morgan. When it is made into little Pats. The Wild Irish Girl. —“Her ladyship has grown perfectly enhonpoint, ’’said Crofter Crok er to the good-hearted Jordan ol the L. G. “An illustration, then,” quoth tho latter, “of Fat-a-Morgan-a, I suppose.” When is a flitch of bacon like a boat ? When its along side. Corns. —Lord Milton one day at a public ! meeting, amused himself by beating the toes of J one of his feet against the heel of the other, i “What the deuce is he at?” enquired Sir C. > K ,of a slander’by. "Thrashing his corn, j of course,” was the reply. “Ah, rejoined Sir \ C ,“1 have heard that it engrossed his atten. i tion in tolo .” ; notice. 41,1. persona indebted to the estate of the late Fran cis H. C.mbs, dec. will please make immediato d payment; and all those having demands against said cs a talc, will hand them in properly authenticated within tho A time prescribed by law, to i. STERLING T. COMBS. Adn. >■ I Januan j’2, 1833. lit 63 INDISTINCT PRINT