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iyt« COWSTITI T»Oi* A 1. 1 Si'. 0 1* r. c, <* t/iEff. IP* TERMS— /or tile iemi.Veekly'poper, puWM>*>i <1 every Tuesday and FriJny morning, $5 pvt wfnluin 1 and for the weekly §3, nil payable in advance. 13* APVEBTISEMKNTS lire inserted weekly for 1-2 cents per square; semi-weekly B 2 1-2 cents for the first, and 43 3-4 cents for each subsequent insertion, and'monthly,, for $ 1, 00 per square fur each insertion. For yearly advertisements' private arrangements are to be made. A deduction is nmdc on tiia advertise. meats of public officers. P'd'tstagv mast he paid on letters ofbttsincss, yvi • * ■ 4 t».y. ■' ->*"/ ■ ■ _ Mt}! •luthovihf. I.UVS OF Til K I N'lTl; I) STATES PASSED AT TIIK SECOND SESSION Of'PEE 22(1 COXURESS. ( Pi llt.lt , No. 4.] AN ACT to establish a Land 0(11 no in tho Territory of Michigan. Ur it enacted In/1 hr Senate "ml Ihnise <>l Re presentatives of the I'ailed. Stales of America in Congress assembled, That all that part of the Territory of Michigan, which is comprehended within the following honntiiiies, shall, from and after the passage ofthis act, constitute ono land district for the sale and entry o)‘ tlio public lands, viz ; lying between the third and (bn-lh ranges of townships south of the bii.se line, and cast of the principal meridian, except so much thereof as lies north of the river Htirtmof Lake I'lrio; and also, the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth ranges ofTownships south of said base line, and west of said principal meridian. And there is hereby established a land office within thesafno, lobe located at such place as the Pre sident in his discretion, shall think proper to de signate. r ‘ Sue. 2. And hr il furl her rnartril, That there ahull ho appointed by the President, by and with the advice and eon:- at of the Senate, under (he existing laws, a Register and Receiver in and for said district, whoso compensation shall he the same ns provided for other Registers and Receivers. A. .STEVENSON, Speaker of the limine id ltrpre.scntuliv.es. Ill) : L. WHITE, President of the. Sr mile pro tempore. Approved, January 10, 183.1. ANDREW JACKSON. l imn dir fierr:j.i Mmsnign ,) MIWTI.W IN MONUdt:. Pursuant to notice given in the Georgia Mes senger ofllio 1 Ith insl, inviting the citizens of Monroe Count v, without distinction of parties, to meet in the Court House in Forsyth, this day, 23d January, 1811, for the purpose of expressing an opinion in relation to the late Proclamation of the President of the Foiled Slants, a large and respectable number oflhu citizens of tlio County, amounting to 5 or (I hundred, convened at the time mul place appointed : Dr. Win. H. Stephens wins called to the Chair, and Win. P. Henry ap pointed Secretary. A. 11. Chappell. Esq. explained the object of the mooting, and offered the following Preamble and Resolutions, viz: The citizens df Monroe County, assembled in pursuance of notice, for the purpose of express, ing their sentiments in relation t<V the late Pro clamalion ofthe President of (he F. States, can not repress the declaration oft hot r strong surprise and regret, that-principles and doctrines.such as those contained in that document, should have been sanctioned and promnlged by the present chief magistrate of the Fnion. The cfl'eetutil maintenance of that division of powers, which tho Constitution hits ordained'hetween the Gene ral Government and tho particular States, is a vital and most difficult point in the working of the complex political system ofour country. It would he rendering this distribution of powers idle and unavailing— ; indeed it would he a virtu al annulment ofthe distribution itself-—if to that Government, which holds the purse and sword of the w hole Confederacy, ho also ascribed tho sole and exclusive right of deciding what powers have been conferred on it, and of binding the several States by spich its decisions; —for the unchecked right of judging ofthe extent of its own powers, coupled with the unlimited command of the re sources, pecuniary and military, of the country, for the purpose of giving clfeet to its judgments, must unquestionably amount in practice to con. cunt rating in that Government any and all [low ers which it may c.ltoos ■ to arrogate. Os such a character and tendency, however, uro the doctrines of the Proclamation—doctrines which have ever been rejected by the Depuhli cun party ns unsound and dangerous, and which have heretofore only found a reception among that portion of the people and politicians ofthis country known as the Federal party.—For the great, permanent, and paramount point ofdif. ferenco between political partie s in the Failed States—a dilferenee springing from the peculiar character of our Federative System, and destiti ed to Justus lung ns the Constitution itself shall exist in its present state —turns un the i/urslion of the right of judging. —the Federal party main tinning that the right of determining what powers are delegated by the Constitution and what aft: reserved to the States, resides* exclusively in the General Government as against the several States, and that tho latter are constitutionally obliged to yield to the ilclerminaii.ms ofthe for mer, on all questions touching tho boundary of power, whilst the Republican party, on *!tc oth er hand, has always insisted that each State, in virtue of its reserv -d sovereignty, anil (s a ne cessary incident thereto, possesses an espial and co-ordinate right of judging for itself, i ls against the General Government, what powers it has granted and what it has retained,and may also aonstitutkmallv act upon such its jmhnnent, hv taking measures to arrest, within i’s particular limits, infractions ofthe Constitution by tho Fed eral authorities. The cardinal coti.l,cling doctrines of the two great parlies of our country hi ing thus useer-! tabled and distinguished, it is hardly possible to • doubt as to their respective tendencies'. That of the Federalists, by freeing tho General Go. vernment from all check whatever exercisable by the States in their separate capacity, leads directly and .surely to consolidation and ultimate despotism ; w hereas that of the Republicans is happily adapted to the keeping of tho General Government ami the s vend Stales within tlieir respective rightful spheres, by rendering them mutual checks on each other; and although it exposes the country to the danger of occasion al collisions between the head mul members of the confederacy, yet an apt remedy lor such collisions is always at hand in the power of «- g the Constitution—a remedy to which m -w -w w iw " • 1 resort will invariably he had, on failure of other means, if there ho a sincere disposition to pre serve pence and the integrity of the Fnion. That Andrew Jackson should, at this late dnv, have solemnly repudiated the republican doc trines on this subject, and wedded himself by tho most imposing sanctions, to those of the Federalists, is an event, than which none has over occurred in our constitutional history more strange, unnatural, and portentous of lasting ill. To say nothing of the fact, that the doctrines he now advances those in opposition to which he was elected f 0 his present high station, nor ol the furth ~r s ue t, that the doctrines ho now j °*. ;,.re the same that were thought to have pte'.ed, a triumph in his elevation to power,— leaving out of view, too, that, as a member of iho republican party, he was always conceived to hold the essential distinctive doctrines of that party, —dropping all these things from our thoughts, it is enough to present the simple ques lion, has not his administration of the Govern ment, up to the moment of issuing this Frocla malion, been marked by a constant and clear re cognition of the principles ho now denounces ? I pon what hut a right of annulling laws and treaties of the United States which she judged to he unconstitutional, has the whole policy of Georgia for years past, proceeded in relation toher Cherokee territory '! Fpou what hut a right of annulling as unconstitutional even that twent.fifth section of the Judiciary Act, 'the constitutionality of which the President seems to think has never been questioned, has (ieorgia based herself in her disobedience to the man dates and defiance of the power of the Supremo Federal Court? And upon what, let it he ask ed, hut a recognition of this right of annulment, as exercised by Georgia, has tho President him self proceeded, during all this time, in his ac- I. quiescence in this strenuous and long continued annulling policy of the Stale ? And shall he ’ hope to win our belief when he tells us now that ' “ the power to annul a law of the I . States, ns. sumcil by one State, is incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly 1 by tho letter ofthe Constitution, unauthorized by its spirit, inconsistent with every principle on ■ which it was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed’ 1 ? I Put il is not so much in reference to the strangeness and inconsistency of doctrines such ( as these, coming from Andrew Jackson, as on I account of the pernicious ascendency which the I authority of his name is calculated to give them, that we deem tho document in which are put forth worthy of the most solemn animadver sion. Throughout the Northern, Middle mid Western States, tho party engaged in the sup port of General Jackson, was heretofore tho on ly conservatory of republican principles. That parly having now, according to all the indica tions that have transpired, fallen almost unanim ously into the doctrines of the Proclamation, those regions may he said to present, at this time, one vast, tin variegated waste of Federul j. ism. Nor is it surprising that the people of i those portions of the Union should have thus readily sanctioned the President’s new creed ; ’ for they form the great interested sectional ma |. jority in whose coat ruling hands the General Government is an obedient machine, dexterous ly used to work out all their selfish ends of lu. cal advantage and aggrandizement. And na tural enough it is, that they should he disposed to seo the groat check of State interposition re moved from this machine—a machine from which they can have nothing to four, and a check on which is in reality hut another name for re straint on their will. Hut to the people ofthe South—the groat sec tional minority—to ns who must always re main, to an important extent, a peculiar people, with peculiar and strongly marked interests, ha bits and pursuits; tons who are doomed, by the necessity of things, to constitute the ft older di vision in this w ide extended and still enlarging confederacy',—tho principle of State interposi tion is tho very life-guard of our liberties, an yEgis inclls|Htnsahlo to our salvation. Should wc stiller it to he wrested from us and demolish, od, the day will assuredly come, sooner or la ter, when the more numerous millions of tho North will tyrannize systematically over the fewer millions of the South, and tho General Government ho converted ipto a mere engine for the enrichment of a sec ionul majority at the expense anti to tho heavy oppression of the sec tional minority. Os what avail then is it, in the long result of things—to w hat dues it amount in reference to the lasting support of our vital interests and great constitutional rights, that Gen. Jackson has, through nil his previous administration, sought to arrest the tide of Federal encroach ments, if now he is permitted to succeed in tear ing from our grasp what would he our only shield of defence against a future administration that might he disposed to oppress us? Little shall we gain by hi.s efforts lostillo the misnam ed American system, however sttcccsslld they may prove for the present, if the same hand that has been nerved to liberate us from its oppres sions, shall also cast us, disarmed and pinioned, through all coming time, on tho tender mercies of those passions and interests in which that system originated, and by w hich it will he even tually re-established, unless it shall ho kept down by the conviction, that the Slates to be oppressed by it, would resort to their high right of interposition and self-protection. Vos, the settled conviction that this high right would he exerted on an occurrence of a proper case for :ts exercise, would tend naturally and powerful ly to prevent the occurrence of such a case ; as a sword iu the scabbard defends tho wearer by causing him not to he attacked. Wo will not cast awayour sword of defence at the bidding of Andrew Jackson, nor will we per mit our shield of protection to he broken in pie ces by the rod of his power. Distant, far dist ant ho the day, when we shall he necessitated to draw that sword or uplift that shield in self defence. Hut wo know full well, that to surren der either would ho to hasten the period when ivy shall stand in hitter want both ofthe otic and the other. Sotlih-Farolinn, however, has thrown herself fully in the breach, and ifJnstico, Right and tho Constitution, are not mere empty sounds, she. is destined to prevail. Her triuihph, if she does succeed, will redound to our benefit; her dis j comfiUtre, if she is doomed to fall, w ill alllict ns 1 with till the calamities of which site herself will the the victim. Whether wo have differed, and still dilfer, from her or not, in some posh ‘ tions of her theorv of constitutional rights, is now ' of little consequence in relation to the moincn. ! tons contest in which she is involved. For he it - remembered, that it is not against the peculiari -1 lies of h r doctrine, hut against the great princi i' pic of State Interposition, under ant/ circmnstan t res, that the thunders of the Proclamation arc t hurled. I’hut principle is right; to us it is the ■ cons 'n ative principle of all our reserved rights, t and constitutional liberties; and we must main i tain il, or yield ourselves up to be ground to • dust at the w ill of a great central Govonnnent, i without limitation of powers. Um the many points of inferior importance on ■ which the Proclamation is open to exception, wc will not dilate, but will proceed simply to set i forth our dissent to such of them as occur to us ■ most interesting. Resolved, Therefore, that we dissent from ail ; those views in the President’s Proclamation, i which proceed on a denial of the rights of a ; P.tato to arrest, through her constituted author!- ' tic®, the operation within her territory, of ah i unconstitutional law of Congress, i Resolved, That we dissent from all those parts of the Proclamation which assert the Con stitulionulity of the Turilf acts of 1828 and ' 1 8,:i2; and especially we protest against the - doctrine that Congress' dan, by a fraudulent omission to sot forth, on the face of a law, the I object for which it was passed, place the ques lion of the eonstitutioimlify of such law beyond the rcacb of the State sovereignties. Resettled, That we dissent from the Presi dent's view s iii relation to the origin of the Con slitulion and Government of the United States. We believe they were created by the people, of tlStates in their character of separate politi cal societies, and not by the people of all the [ Stales, acting as one collective mass of popula tion. Resolved, That the constitution of the I ni. ted States, being a compact among the Staffs, ' as political sovereigns, those sovereigns have ' caeh the right of secession therefrom, in cases of breaches of the compact by the other par ties'; and that this right rests on the same prin ’ eiples, (subject to such modifications ns result from the peculiar structures of our Federative System) as apply to all cases of a league or 1 compact'between Sovereign States. Resolved, That we regard witli special disap- I probation, the doctrine that a citizen can he guilty of treason, whilst acting in obedience to t the sovereign authority of his own State. Resolved, That we deprecate a resort to mil , itnry or naval force, for the settlement of the , prevailing controversy between South Carolina , and the General Government; and we invoke , the interposition of Congress, by a repeal of , the protective system, as the most proper and di reel way of removing the present difficulties and dangers; and ns the wrong commenced by the j action of Congress in establishing this unconsti tutional and oppressive policy, it is the bounden duty of Congress to administer a remedy by re tracing its steps and returning to the principles ’ of Jus;ice and the Constitution. And in case of the pertinacious refusal of Congress to adopt j this salutary, course, it will he the duly of the ' States to have recourse to the lust and highest remedy provided by the Constitution itself, in the power of making amendments thereto. A. M. I). King, Esq. offered the following preamble and resolutions as a substitute fur Mr. Chappell’s: ’ Whereas, a mooting of the citizens of Mon. ’ roe County has been culled to express their j. opinion in relation to the lute proclamation of the President of the United States, and we, a ’ portion of the citizens of said County, in exer -1 cisingthe right of expressing our opinion in re lation to the above mentioned Proclamation, deem it due the occasion to say, that Ihul, instru ment receives our cordial approbation, us one embracing the principles upon the perpetuation of which our form of government most essen tially depends. VVodecm it not disrespectful to admonish our follow citizens that the right of tile United States to secure their own political existence is essentially interwoven with tiie principles assumed,and in a most able and afiec tionute manner vindicated by its venerable & pat riotic author. We indulge a hope that the day is yet distant, far distant, when the doctrine shall ho received as true, by the people of our com mon country, that the dominant faction in any one State havo the right of placing their own construction on the laws and constitution of thu whole Union, and of enforcing that construction against the opinions and interests, possibly, of fifty times tlieirown number of free citizens of a common government. We view this doctrine as essentially the same with that lately assumed by a portion of the people of our sister State of South-Carolinn, —a doctrine which, if carried into effect, will prove the overthrow of all that is politically worth enjoying both to themselves and to us, —a doctrine which we believe to lie anti-republican, and tending to anarchy and the subversion of all social security' and the perpet uation of the civil rights of the people of these United States: still less can we admit the right of any State to withdraw from the Union when a majority of that Stale may think lit to do so : we hold that in thu beginning of the struggle which led to our national independence, the feelings of our forefathers were common —that it was a united struggle in the same common cause, and for the general benefit of the whole country; and wc would respectfully ask, can we believe that those who thus devotedly risked their all in the noble cause, ever for a moment believed themselves to be contending for the establishment of thirteen separate governments, which should not only stand independent of and unaccountable to the rest of the world, but ab solutely and perfectly so to one another ! We cannot so behove nor for one moment admit. To admit a perfect right inane party, in gene ral implies a perfect obligation on the part of all others to observe that right, and to abstain from its infraction. One part of our constitution de -clnres that “ Congress shall have power to levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises,” —another part declares that Congress shall have power to “declare war”—hero the words are simple, and as broad, perhaps, as the English language will allow. A (Hirtion, however, of thu people of one State have said that although certain laws are clearly within the letter, yet they depart from the spirit and intent of that in strument, and are therefore unconstitutional, void, and of no effect, and that they havo the right to he their own exclusive judges in regard to this important matter, and in effect say that the people ofihe United States nncl'of the world I are of right hound to acquiesce in this thuirjudg j ment. And further, we hold that under the con stitution the rights of all the States in relation to the power of construing laws, and acting on that I construction, are perfectly equal; and if the \ stand assumed by our sister state of South Car olina be correct, and there bo in existence no rightful authority to gainsay her acts, wo are unable to imagine any right on the part ofthv General Government to enforce a declaration of I war on Louisiana, provided a majority of the ! people of that State were to pronounco the war , declared to carry into effect some system ol i policy not authorized by the Constitution, and i this too after the territory and jurisdiction of j Louisiana bad been actually purchased by the j common treasure of all the States. For the avoid ■ j ing of these and numberless other absurdities, ■ i and the shocking consequences incidcnttherelo. ■ I Resolved, That under the Constitution of the | . U. Slates, and the oath taken by the Pmsident, . we hold that ho has no personal discretion in i enforcing the laws passed according to tie forms , I and provisions of that instrument, j Resolved, That so long as the right olbufiVagc i and of free representation is secured to the pco . pic of these United States, the object of the first political importance is the preservation of our ; national Union; and its dissolution is to bo de precated :is the greatest of political evils, not to I one part alone but to every portion of our com , nion country. Resolved, That our confidence in the patriotism of our venerable chief magistrate, Andrew Jack i son, remains undiminished, and that we hail in him not only the defender of our country, but ; the friend of our Union, constitution and laws. The adoption ofthe first preamble and rcsolu -1 lions wasadvocated by Messrs.Chappell,Gordon, ; IScall and James W. Harris. The substitute ! was supported by Messrs. King, Smyth nnd ■ Jienjamin F. Harris. After a protracted discussion, a division was I called for, when it appeared that Mr. Chappell’s preamble and resolutions were adopted by a large majority. It was then Resolved, nem. con. that the proceedings of this meeting be published in all the papers of the ' State. AVM. B. STEPHENS, Chairman. W'm. P. llkxhy, Secretary. In accordance with the last resolution above, editorsof papers throughout the Staton re respect, fully requested to publish the foregoing proceed ings- (From the Georgia Journal.) LEXINGTON, January 26, 1833. Gentlemen, —At a time when old systems are tottering to their foundation, and the whole world, moral anil political, convulsed to its cen tre; it occurred to me that a declaration of In dependence, by the Temperance Society, would not be unseasonable, Accordingly I have prepared one. in imitation of that memorable instrument, which was the 1 prologue to our National Freedom, and to civil liberty, throughout Christendom. 1 may have been anticipated in this thought, but am not n ware of it, having seen no like attempt in print. The American Temperance Society has set ■ apart Tuesday the 26th day of February next, to bn observed as a jubilee, in commemoration ■ of the origin and success of this benevolent on -1 terprize. Would not the reading of this decla ; ration, or one of similar design, form an appro priate part of the celebration by our 100 Socie ties, and 7,500 members in Georgia, on that welcome day ? Papers friendly to this blessed Reform, will oblige the writer by noticing this suggestion. If it produced no other good, a consciousness of the same employment on that occasion, will im part new energy to this laudable undertaking. Yours, JOS. HENRY LUMPKIN. When in the course of human events it be comes necessary for a whole people to break the chains which have enslaved them to any vice, and to assume in the earth the station to which nature’s God intended them, a decent re sped for the opinion of objectors and a desire to gratify the curiosity of posterity, require that they should declare the causes which have im pelled them to this determination. We bold these truths to he self-evident—That all men are hound to pursue their true and sub stantial happiness; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, health and freedom of action ; that to secure these rights, man is constituted a rational creature, & whole some laws have been instituted in society; that whenever any habit becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right and duty of mankind to al ter or abolish it; and to establish practices cal culated to promote their present and everlasting welfare. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that any course of conduct long pursued, should not bir abandoned, unless obviously wrong and in jurious ; and accordingly sad experience has do. nionstrulcd that the people are disposed to writhe under the corse of intemperance, and slill sub mit to its numerous and grievous evils, rather than redress their wrongs, by abstaining frdm an indulgence to which they have been long ac customed ; but when a long tiain of abuses, tend ing invariably to the same result, lias produced a settled conviction that the world will be des troyed by this fiery deluge, unless its proud waves are stayed, it is their right, it is their in dispensable duty, to look no more “ upon the cup when it is red ;” and to provide new guards for tlioir future sobriety. The history of Prince Alcohol is one of countless injuries and inflic tions ; all having in direct object and tendency the destruction of the body in the grave, and the soul in licit.—To prove this, let facts be sub nutted to a candid world. lie has caused three fourths ofthe litigation, civil and criminal, in the courts, by silencing the admonitions of conscience, imparting artifi. cial courage to the nerves, hurrying his sub jects into imprudent contracts, buying what they did not need; makingHhem feel that they were “rich and increasing in goods,” when they v ere poor and without the means of complying with their engagements. By dethroning reason, he has filled our mad houses and lunatic asylums with a largo pro portion of their uilhappy inmates. He has in the United States alone, one Prov ince of his dominion, reduced 1311,000 yearly, to pauperism, to be maintained by the labor of the temperate and industrious. He has shut up, annually, 56*00(1 of her po. pulntion in the debtors prison; sent out 90,000 murderers, robbers, thieves and incendiaries, to make havoc in socioty; rendered from 300 to 500 thousand citizens habitual drunkards, and made a draft upon the sober part ofthe commu nity for 30 to 50,000 recruits, to fill up the was ting ranks of intemperance. He has quartered upon all the villinges,towns nnd neighborhoods in the land, persons to trafic in moral ratsbane ; scattering fire-brands, ar rows and death upon individuals, and the once peaceful abodes of families; converting the bus. hand and the father into a tiger and a demon ; dissipating property; clothing once happy wives with the habiliments of widowhood and woe, and substituting squalid poverty and wretched ness, for sunny prospects, as an inheritance for orphaned children. Ho has sent to our Legislative assemblies grog shop delegates, who pervert the reason, and un dermine the virtue of their constituents, to pro. cure their suffrages, and fill the seats of Justice with drunken Judges and Jurymen. By his in fluence, the elective franchise, the birth-right of freemen, has been so corrupted, that votes are sold for the meanest bribe. He lias polluted with his presence the sanc tuary of the living God: yea, intruded himself into the sacred desk, and clothed churches in mourning for fallen ministers and members. He has degraded the Army and Navy ofthe Union, and occasioned an incalculable waste of property, by accidents on the land and the wa ter. He has introduced amongnll classes, ages and conditions, habits of idleness, profanity, profli gacy and extravagance. He bus inflicted upon our unoffending women l nnd children, cruelties and sufferings, at the re r cital of which, humanity shudders. Under the delusive promise ofprolonging life, j and invigorating strength, he has ruined the - health, and brought to an untimely death, thou sands and tens of thousands of human victims. i He has plundered our wealth, burnt our . dwellings, laid low in the dust our brightest tal i ents, and such are his arts of seduction, that he l persuades our citizens to slay themselves by a . slow, but sure poison, nnd to become the exe cutioners of their friends and brethren. , He has added to the miseries of our slave j population, nnd rendered the merciless savage 1 still more vindictive. In fine, this unrelenting tyrant, whose known ? rule of warfare is an undistinguished dostruc j tion of all ages, sexes and conditions, to com -3 plote tlie work of death and desolation, is pour ing upon th v : ■n n a flood of iniquity “as f seriously ■ ■: and threaten with utter ru -3 in, its social, intellectual, political and moral character.” In every stage of these oppressions, the bar, the press, and the pulpit, have endeavored to , cure the mischief; their repeated efforts have . been answered only by an aggravation of bur - dens. A Prince whose character is thus mark ed hy every net, which may define a tyrant, is unfit to havo dominion over intelligent and ac countable beings. W'e must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessi ty which denounces our total abstinence from ‘ the use of ardent spirits. And appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the rectitude j of our intentions, do solemnly publish and de clare : That wc will drink no more,, except as a medicine, while the world stands. And for the 1 support of this declaration, with a firm reliance j on the assistance of Divine Providence, we mu tually pledge to cacK other our sacred honor.” €O.\WKt:SB OF 'mu V. STATES. WASHINGTON, February 1. 1 Congress — Analysis of Proceedings. —ln the ’ Senate, yesterday, several bills from the House 1 of Representatives of a private character, were passed. Mr. Wnggaman introduced a bill to establish a port of delivery at Perry’s Bridge, on the Vermillion river, in Louisiana; which was read and ordered to a second reading. Mr. Grundy submitted a resolution for the appoint- I ment of a committee to join such committee as , may be appointed hy the House of Rep'roseuta . lives, to ascertain and report a mode of exami ning the votes for President and Vice Presi dent of the United States, and of notifying the persons elected of their election. At one o’- clock, the Senate resumed the consideration of the hill further to provide for the collection of duties on imports. Mr. Bibb continued iiis ar j gumont in opposition to the bill. After speak. ing two hours, he gave way to a motion hy Mr. i Poindexter, that the Semite, adjourn, which was ’ negatived — ayes 11, noes 19. Mr. Bibb rose, ’ but gave way to n motion by Mr. Buckner, that the hill be postponed to, and made the special order for this d iv, for the purpose of proceeding to the consideration of Executive business. Mr. Poindexter resumed the tno'ion to adjourn, and asked for the yeas and nays, which were order ed, and were—yens 14, nays 20. Mr. Bibb then spoke about fifteen minutes, when he again gave way to a motion by Mr. Mangurn, that the Senate adjourn, which was carried—ayes 17, noes 14. In the House of Representatives, the motion heretofore made by Mr. Wilde to ro-consider the votes by which the report and resolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts had been re ferred to the committee of the whole on the state of the union, came tip and was debated h}' Messrs. Wilde,.!. Davis, E. Everett, Wicklilfe, Polk, and Adams.' Before the question was taken, the hour allotted to morning business had expired. The standing order of the day was then called. Upon the question, will I he, I louse now resolve itself into the committee of the whole on the state of tlio union ? Mr. E. Ever est demanded the yeas and nays. It was car ried, ayes 98, noes 79. The House went into committee, Mr. Wayne in the chair, upon the Tariff bill. Mr. Banks addressed the commit, tee about an hour and a half against the bill, and was followed by Mr. G. Evans on the same side, who also spoke about mi hour nnd a half— when Mr, Jarvis made a few remarks in favor of the general principles of the bid, when Mr. Howard moved to insert 3d September, 1 8.23, af ter tbo word coffee, making the duty of one cent per pound ; to take (Meet from that date; which was agreed to. Air. Hurd then address cd the committee in favor of the motion of Mr. Huntington, to strike out the duties on ten and coffee. Alter he had concluded, the question was taken on that amendment,‘which was car ried— ayes 09, noeso4. Air. C. P. White then moved a series of amendments to the bill, mak ing the reduction of the rates of duty upon the most important articles more gradual. Before the question was taken on these amendments, the committee rose. The amendments were ordered to be printed, and the House ad journed. FEB. 2. Congress. A ua /,, of Proceedings. —ln the Senate, \ . -i. ~i iy, several memorials were pre sented, and various bills reported by standing Committees. The resolutions submitted on Thursday, by Messrs Grundy and Tomlinson, were adopted. A bill to provide payment for horses and arms lost by the volunteers in the lute campaign against the hostile Indians, and a bill to explain and amend, the 18th section of the Tariff’act. of 1832, wore passed. Thu Senate resumed the consideration ofthe bill further to provide for the collection of duties on imports. Mr. Bihb spoke an hour and a half in conclusion of his argument against the hill. Air. Frehng hinjsen then addressed the Senate in favor of the bill,and in reply to Mr. Bibb, After speak ing one hour, he gave way to a motion hy Mr. Seymour, that the Senate adjourn, which was curried. Air Frclinghuysen will resume his argument to-day. In the House of Representatives, after sundry memorials and resolutions had been disposed of, the motion heretofore offered by Air. Wilde, to reconsider the vote by which the report of the Legislature of Massachusetts had been referred nnd ordered to be printed, came up. Air. A dams continued his remarks, and was followed by Messrs Alexander, Wayne nnd Clayton, un til the hour allotted to morning business had 1 expired; when Mr, Wicklilfe proposed that the motion be laid on the table by unanimous con sent. Mr. J. Davis objected. The House then proceeded to the standing order of the day, and went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, upon the Tariff bill, Mr. Wayne in the Chair. The amendment to the bill, hereto, fore proposed hy Mr. C. P. White, were separ !, ately taken up. That to the first paragraph imposing duties on wool, came up first—The bill ns reported proposed a duty of 35 per cent. ! on unmanufactured wool until 1834, then 25 per cent, till 1835; and afterwards fifteen per cent. The amendment proposed that from 1834 to 1933, the duty should be 30 per cent. — irom 1835 lo 1836, 23 percent, and afterwards* 20 per cent. Mr. Root moved to amend the a mendment by striking out 30 and inserting 43 per cent, which was lost. Mr. H. Everett moved to amend the amendment by striking out the rate of duty and substituting 4 cents per pound and 40 per cent, which was carried. Ayes 87 nocs 07. Mr. Beardsley moved to a mend the amendment by inserting “till 2d March 1634, then eight cents per pound and thirty five per cent, till 1835—then 2 cents per pound and thirty per cent, till 1836, after that time-1 cent per lb. and 25 per cent. This amendment to the amendment, was also adopted —ayes 86, noos 69. The question of agreeing upon the amendment ns amended was then taken and no galived—ayes 72 nocs 82, The amendment °f Mr. C. I’. White, relative to such blankets as should not come within the 5 per cent, duty, ex tending the period of the progressive reduction of the duty, was carried—ayes 66, nocs 64. Mr. Sewart moved to amend the amendment of Mr. C. I’. M Idle, which proposed a similar ex tension of the period of the progressive reduc tion ofduties on carpets, by striking out 35 per cent, the highest rate ofduty proposed, and the progressive reduction, and inserting instead 50 per centum, as the permanent rate of duty.— This motion was lost—ayes 75, nocs 80.—The amendment of Mr. C. P. White was adopted ayes 76, noos 73. The amendment of Mr. C, P. White, relative to manufactures of cotton and silk, was then taken up. A ter several irA effectual motions to amend it, the first by Mr.' Pearce, to insert a specific duty of 7-J cents per square yard on cotton manufactures, except colored or dyed cottons, on which a duty of 8| cents per square yard was proposed, was lost— ayes 68, nocs 73 ; another by Mr. Stewart, to strike out that part of the amendment which related to certain manufactures of silk and cot. ton, was lost—ayes 63, iocs 78. Before the question was taken on the original amendment, the Committee rose, and the House adjourned. •FEB. 4. Congress — Analysis of Proceedings. —ln the Senate, on Saturday, several memorials wc.ro presented, and various private bills reported. Mr. Tipton introduced a bill granting a pre emption of a quarter section of land to actual set tlers, at one dollar twenty-five cents per acre, which was read twice and referred to the Com mittee on the Public Lands. Mr. Grundy's resolu tion changing the time of the meeting of the Sen ate from 12 o’clock, M. to 11 o’clock, A. M. was agreed to. At one o’clock, the Senate re sumed I lie consideration of the bill further to provide for the collection of duties on imports. Mr. I'relinghuyson concluded his speech in fa vor of the bill. The further consideration of the •subject whs then postponed lo this clay. 'Pho Senate then spent a short time in the considera tion of Executive business, after which it ad jou rued. In the House of Representatives, after some further debate upon the motion of Mr. Wilde, to reconsider the vole by which the report and resolutions of the State of Massachusetts bad been referred to the Committee of Ways and .Means, in which Messrs J. Davis and Wilde took part, the motion was withdrawn. The motion heretofore made by Mr. Plummer, to reconsider the vote by which the estimates from the General Land Office were referred to the Committee on Public Lands, was negatived with, out a division. The House then went in'o Committee upon the Tariff bill, Mr. Wayne in the Chair. The amendment of Mr. C. P. White, striking out the B|b and 9th paragraphs of the first section, and fixing the duty on manufac ture® of cotton, and silk and cotton, at 50 per cent, until 1831, —then till 1835 tit 25 per con', and then at 20 per cent, was taken up. Mr. Appleton moved to amend the amendment bv striking out a portion and annexing a proviso that until 1834 the duty on plain cottons should not be less than 71,cents per square yard, and on printed cottons not less than 8| per square yard—and afterwards the duly on plain cottons should not be less than 6 cents per square yard, and on printed cottons not less than 8 cents per square yard. Upon this amendment a debate arose in which ?dcssrs. Appleton, C. P. White, Wieklilfo, Cairihreleng,J. Reed, Burgos, Boul d n, E. Everett, Wilde, .1. Davis, Clayton and Stewart, took part. Before the motion was taken the committee rose and the House ad journed. From the S milkern Patriot, Ftb. G. Conn, il last evening adopted the following Preamble and lb solii ions ; .Whereas,BENJAMIN WATKINS LEIGH, Esq. Commissioner from the State of Virginia to the Constituted authorities of this State, has recently arrived in this city upon the important object ot Ins mission, and a deep sense of the in telligence and dignity of tile enlightened and patriotic Slate he represents, as well as of his own distinguished merits, requires that a be coming tribute of respect should he paid him by this community—Bo it therefore Resolved, That the City Council of Chat les ion, on behalf of the citizens thereof, respect fully welcome Mr. Leigh to this city, and ten der him their gratulations upon Ids arrival and residence amongst us. Resolved, That Mr, Leigh bo, and he is hereby requested, to consider himself us the GEEST OF THE CITY, during his residence here. Resolved, That Mr. Leigh be, and he is here by, invited to dine with the City Council at St. Andrew’s Hull, on Friday next, the Bth hist, at 4 o’clock. Resolutions were also adopted requesting the InfcnJmit to communicate the above Resolutions to .Mr. Leigh, and appointing a Committee of Arrangements for the Dinner. [From the Charleston Courier Feb. B.] Mr. Leigh of Virginia. —This gentleman has, as was to have been expected, from the pcculini delieucy of his situation, politely declined the invitation extended to him by the City Council, to consider him, the “Guest of the City,” and to partake of a public dinner. It is said that Mr.* Leigh will leave this place for Virginia in a day or two. It is rumored, but we cannot vouch for its cor. redness, that “the Powers that be,” have do. dined taking any step in conformity with the request of Virginia, until after the adjournment of Congress, and that should that body adjourn withouta satisfactory adjustment of the Tariff, the State Convention will be again called to. gather, to act on the question of secession, with a view, however, of afterward) submitting their decision to the people, for ratification or rejection. Official accounts have been received from Commodore Downes at the Navy Department, dated on board the U. S. Frigate Potomac, Valparaiso, Oct. 26, stating that he had receiv. ed a Communication that day from Mr. Ham, Charge d’Affaires ofthe United States to Chili, informing him of the seizure and detention, at ( onception, ol two American whale ships, the Franklin and Good Return.