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M CO^TIXITIO^ALISX. IS J* s*• C* ** UtJE €7. ■ the semi-weekly paper, published every Tuesday and Friday morning, S 3 per annum ! and for the weekly 8 3, all payable in advance. :] J* VDVT2KTISEMENTS are inserted weekly'far 62 1 ‘ 1-3 centsfer semi-weekly 62 1-2 cents for *he ' first, and 43 3-4 far eatK subsequent insertion, and monthly for $ I,’Od per sqpiare for *ach insertion. .1 ,j ** r y'eorlv advertisements privatp arrangements arc ; : . to be m tie. A deduction is made on the advertise- < uie'nts of pubiic officers. j IT Postage must be paid on letters oi busmeas. , DEBATES IN CONGRESS. j !>' fur. House of Repbkskktativjss. Jan. 24. , 1 DEBATE ON THE TARIFF. 1 REMARKS OF MR. WILDE, OF GEORGI A,. I Mr WILDE begged permission, before, he proceeded, ' to * correct a misapprehension which might naturally - ari=e from an observation of the honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Appleton,] respecting himselt. _ That gentleman iud referred to the Journals of the 14th • Congress, to tax him [Mr. W.] with inconsistency in •voting against a proposition to reduce the duty on brown 1 -sugar from three and a half to tvyo or two and a It:If * cents. The price of the article was then from sixteen to nineteen cents, and the duty he voted for, as a revenue duty, was ticenty per cent. The honorable gentleman could have found a more just and recent cause ol com- 1 plaint against him. As a member of the Committee of r Ways and Means, at this very session, he had voted for | reporting a hill, in which the same article, now valued at about five cents, was proposed to he charged with a duty «f two cents, or forty per cent. His apology was to be 1 feuad in his unwillingness, by sudden changes, to ruin i large bodies of men—in his attachment to tUe union, <■ the harmony, and the happiness ot his whole country. Which was strongest, his love ot Peace, or the gentle- * man’s love of Justice? This sample of their fabrics 1 would enable the committee to determine. 8 A short time sinoe, he had urged the observance of a ( sound legislative rule—majorities vote, minorities talk. 1 It raight°seem, as sometimes happens to better men < than himself, there, waa some slight disagreement be tween .precept and example. In reality it was not so. lie hail the ready justification of a politician’s alibi- a ■change of circumstances. He had been in the majority, •and he voted :he i cun la the minority, and he talked.— > Properly understood, and a proper understanding, was 1 '.indisnensablc in all things. He was perfectly consis- t tent.’ Yes. sir! said Mr. W., we were m a majority; f it was not contested. We arc in a minority. How . does it happen ? Has our majority thawed away under I the melting breath of executive pleasure ? Has it bee. < dispersed, like a nullifying mob, by the President a proc lamation? Have we been routed by the Siamese twin- ' logic of the gentlcqien Irotn Connecticut, [.Messrs, Ells worth and Huntington] or the more powerful! lungs ot • the gentleman from Pennsylvania ? [Mr. McKennan.] I The inquirv may not be uninteresting to a portion of the 1 people of the United States. If the motion of the gen- | lleman from Connecticut [Mr. Huntington] prevails, this i bill is defeated. In the present temper of the commit- ' tee, it must prevail. In the Committee of the \V hole on i the state of the Union, we cannot have tire ayes and noes. We.cannot catch the eols in the gill-net: and as i the people of the South will be unable to imagine why i such concessions, as they thought were offered, should be refused, ‘he felt it to be liis duty to assist their inqui- ] ries. He considered this, in effect, a proposition to continue i the present tariff; tor the' purpose of carrying on the < war against South Carolina. The merits of the contra- i versy were best summed up by the pithy saying of an i eastern manufacturer —of what use is the Union without < the tariff? and what good will the tariff do us without 1 the Union? The proposition to the South, then, is this: “ You shall pay taxes for the conquest of South Caroh. i na .” Now, sir, said Mr. W., I put it to your candor to £ eay if we are to fight for manufactures, whether tlje i manufacturers ought not to pay the expenses of the * war? •So far as his voice went, they should do so. He! I would not vote a man a musket for any such purpose.. £ But there was something still more extraordinary. 1n« 1 high tariff party of tha North and East say they pay an t equal, or greater portion of these taxes ; and they only ‘ ask for the poor privilege oi being allowed to tax them - \ selves fo r the protection of their own industry ! Ana so, ■ir, they mean to fight qs for the right to tax themselves, t and insist that, in justice, we must pay the cost ot the . campaign 1 Compared with this, Dr. 1 rauklhis 1 rench man with ins poker, was mild and reasonable. Mr. W. j aaid he put this proposition, not Carolina, she i had decided ; but he put it to Virgin®? to North Carolina. < Who says she sleeps when liberty is in danger and Aa. ! thaufiel Macon lives ? He put it to Georgia, to Alabama, i to Mississippi, to Tennessee, to Kentucky. All had an 1 interest in the question ; and lie reminded all, “3 uares I agitur paries cuvi proximo ardet ." South Carolina i .ays she will endure 'his system no longer. If you m- i .fat on ruining the concern by your dishonesty and ex travagance. she asks leave t« withdraw from the part- , nership. You say she shall slay and be ruined; and she won’t, you ask tor to help yon to blow her brains out O, most holy Union', which must bo preserved by c > in n o ‘ and bayonets ! Happy Republic ! by thh grace of God and gunpowder, one and indivisible ! Shall *' e P ot liejd our bulletins like revolutionary France, when- 111 an ec stucy of affection for all mankind, she proclaimed ra.\- te unity or DEATH 1 May we not say with her poet, the keenness of whose epigrams nothing can equal, but tne instrument which would have rewarded him had he been . discovered? — “O. lebel age, quand I’homme dit a I’homme, 4 * Soyons freres! ou je t assomine. i He begged pardon of the House for his bad French; at least his bad pronunciation of it. If they knew under what circumstances his little knowledge of the language was acquired, they would excuse him. He would not venture to translate, mindful of the proverb ;• but a free version, adapted to the times, might read, “ O ' blessed age ! when loving Senates vote, “ Let us be brothers ! or I'll cut your throat! Aye, sir, redress is refused—secession is denied— oppression is continued—and the sword of the Federal Executive is to be flung in the scale of the Federal Ju diciary ! Discordant concord and perpetual union, are proclaimed by sound of trumpet, and upon pain of death. Perpetual union! on such terms, it is the Dutrh innkeep er’s universal peace! When the amiable enthusiast, whose memory Paul and Virginia would preserve when his philanthropic visions were forgotten, published his proposal for pacifying the world, mine host seized on the idea for a new sign. It was inscribed, indeed, “A la paix universelle but the design was —a churchyard! Such was nbt the peace of the peacemakers to whom the benediction was given. It was not the peace of God, or the peace of treedom ; it was the peace of those de scribed by Tacitus : - “ Solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellent.” But it is said, what other course than coercion is left us? South Carolina has nullifled all tariff laws, whether for revenue or protection. If we pass this bill, will she not nullify it also? Will it satisfy her ? Mr. W. said he had no authority to speak for South Carolina. If he could say it would be satisfactory, he should be cautious of doing so. For that very reason it might be unsatisfactory to others. This was one of the instances in which Foatenelle’s maxim applied ; if you have your handful of truth, do not open more than your little finger. Thus much was certain. The bill by no means con cedes all that Carolina claims as a matter of strict right; but it may present terms which, for the sake of harmony, she would accept. At all events, it suspends the oper ation of her ordinance, if we pass it. Oivthis point there seetpad t 0 him to be an erroneous impression. No thing could be clearer, than, if any law passes, the con venrion must be called again; and in the mean time the law’ operates. If the law afforded even reasonable hope of a return to juster councils, could it be doubted that South . Carolina would pause? Upon the passage of this bill, or one similar in principle, depended he believed, the peace and integrity of the Union If it was lost, he re peated. the people of the South should know how, why, and by whose fault it was lost. If the responsibility rested on their representatives, they would hold them . If nn others, they would learn to SjkSSSSSb J id preukded friend,. How was the present measure brought forward ? Mr. W adverted to the President’s message at the beginning ot Congress, recommending, in strong and pla.iri_lerrna, a modification of the tariff. Has he, asked Mr. W., at any time advanced other opinions ? Has he esoteric and ex oteric doctrines ? \Vas.any gentleman authorized to say the President did not desire the passage ot this bill, or at this time ? ,He would yield the floorfof such a sen tinqent. No. There was every indication that he de sired "it should pass—that it should pass at this session speedily—at once. Nejct in its official importance, on questions of reve *ae, was the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury This was well known from his annua! report, arid hii to ? Tiadottor*. traditore. K “v communications with the Committee of V\ ays and Means and the Committee on Manufacture* He spoke of public and official transactions, not of conversations, secret or confidential. There were noite such. If there had been, he trusted he knew better what wa~ due to the sanctity of social intercourse, than to violate it voluntarily. Nor would his vanity, if he had been the depositary of a State secret, the first, and.no doubt, the last he would have been trusted with, have induced him to hint at the important and mysterious character of hts-chargc. He'lspo'ke of matters open and avowed ;of things authorized to be communicated, and, in slat ed to the House by the chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, [Mr. Hoffman.] ,He was warranted, then, fin saying that the bill had the approbation of the Secretary of the Treasury ; that it, would give the ne cessary amount of revenue, without, in his opinion, leaving any inordinate excess, or destroying the m&iju. facturers. The character of the Secretary was a guar anty that whatever he uttered he behoved. He [Mr. W.] was no eulogist; but when he had occasion to speak of any man, he would do equal and exact justice. No! he retracted that expression; equal and exact justice ' was beyond the power of man. But he would do his Iriends a little loss than what he thought justice, that he might not flatter them through partiality; and his ad versaries somewhat metre, that he might not censure them from prejudice. Whatever else the Secretary was, he did net want civil courage. On that floor, where Mr.. W. had known him best, his opinions, right or wrong, were always boldly avowed and manfully de. fended. Had he changed since then ? Would any one assert it ? Was there any one there who would hazard the assertion, that Louis McLane ever wore two faces, uttered a falsehood, or betrayed a friend ? There could not he attributed to him, therefore, any more than to the President, two sets of opinions, private and public. Who-else was tlrere, then, whose views of this mat ter could be supposed to cxercisef a material influence on the fate ot the bill? The Vice President elect? Is : not he, too, -said to be in favor of a reduction of duties j to the revenue standard ? Is not tfte, too desirous that a bill should pass for that purpose, at this session ? We have the strongest trssurancesthat it is so. But the age is sceptical, and demands proofs. The position of this gentleman is in many respects critical, and full of diffi culties. Far be it from me to add to his embarrassment. But at this time, anti on this subject, there can be no fal tering, His past conduct in relation to it is not clear | from ambiguity. The temptations that beset him ar# strong. What then ? Truly, 'great men are ever great est in the crisis of their fate. Noble and generous spi rits rise with the danger, and are equal to the emergen cy. In this he is confidently affirmed to be with us; but I warn some of his friend* who have been with us, but are with us no longer, that the best evidence, per haps the only evidence, which the South will accept of his sincerity, is their votes. To them, then, I appeal ; to them I address myself. Os what use is it to speak to the high tariff men of the House ?—the opponents ol the administration, and yet the advocates of coercion. Their choice is made—their sanguinary purpose uttered. To whom, then, but to our political friends shall we look in the day of trial ? Where else shall we ask aid 7 where else can we find hope ? To them I turn, not to exhort, I have no vocation ; not to lecture, I am no professor; but to expostulate, as friend with friend. Until recently we stood in the same ranks, fighting the same battles, struggling the same adversaries, acknow ledging the same leaders. It they now waver in their faith or courage, may we not, without offence, entreat thf.n to stand by as iu this our last great danger ? Is it not due to them, as well as to eursclve*, that our thoughts of each other should be expressed frankly, but not bitterly ? If we have come to the pointy at whicn we can no longer net together, without the violation ot some duty, or the abandonment ot some principle, let the fact be avowed and the motive admitted. '1 bus, and thus only, if we must separate, can both escape re proach, and hereafter neither can complain ot being de serted or betrayed. J invite them, then, to examine the strength and weakness -of their own position. The cir cumstances under which the bill came forward, had al ready been adverted te. All the auspices, whether of men or days, were happy ; all the omens favorable. Who coulld be better fitted for a work of conciliation than his honourable friend frem New-York ? [Mr. Verplanck.] Where could we look for so much zeal, tempered by *o much prudence, and, above all, for sincerity unsullied by a doubt? The very sun shone forth upon his bill at the moment of its first reading; and, in its earlier stages, it was borne along by triumphant majorities, composed in part of the very gentleman to whom I now especially address myself. By whom is this destructive motion made ? By an avowed advocate of the high tariff and restrictive system ; by an ardent opponent of the present administration ; by a determined adversary of the fa vourite and leading politician of New-York. By whom is it supported ? By the mriat resolute and unwavering enemies ot State rights, the doctrines of Jefferson, and the republican school of politics. For what purpose ? To destroy the bill. The ob jer.t is no: concealed ; on the contrary- it is distinctly an nounced. When I said to the gentleman from Connecti cut, [Mr. Huntington] the other day, that, -according to his argument, the bill would not give us revenue enough, and his motion went to reduce it still more, he the force of the objection. What was his reply ? “True, but the gentleman from Georgia must be aware that the motion, if successful, will be followed up by others to raise other duties, and thereby to get the increase of re venue required.” In plain terms, tea and coffee must be made free, that wool and woollens and cottons may b* subjected to prohibitive duties. The gentlemen to whom this appeal is made, hold the fate of the bill in their hands. If this motion succeeds, and it will succeed if they support it, the bill is lost. Will they bear with me while I hazard some conjectures on the consequences ? I have no gift of prophecy. I possess no powers, and employ no instruments of divination, other than such as are* common to every one of ordinary sagacity ; but what trill be, must spring from what is, just as what is must have procceeded from what has been. To transmute the cast into the future, is the true alchymy of intellect. I -'ns see what we can extract from the alembick. The first aid least evil which may proceed from the defeat of this erasure, if the blow comes from the quar ttwhW.Sre...n, it. will be .0 throw the power of settling this vexed question into other hands. Is this an imaginary danger? What says the horoscope ? Are there no starry impending planetary con junction or opnosition, boding *vl«to the great and little politicians of the North ? May not Hesper regain the as cendant? In phrase less mystical, iw « not a law o power that majorities divide, and minorities coim.uje.tt the North and East coalesce to support the principles of the proclamation, may not the South and West, fa whom they are less acceptable and familiar, unite to re sist them? And what can be fairer or more natural ? If the gianf and magician conspire, how can they be de feated but by nullification and Old Harry? Peace is a gilt too precious to be rejected, come from what hands it mav. The country must be saved, let who will save it. A civil war must be prevented, whoever is pacificator. The power is in the hands of my friends. It is the first wish of my heart that they should use it. I invoke them to do so. ’ I entreat them by every motive of fellowship, of party, of patriotism, of humanity! But if they refuse; if their destiny is written; if even party spirit loses some thing of its influence by an unnatural alliance with reason and justice; still, I repeat, the country must be saved, and let the honor be his to whom the honor shall be due. Have our friends considered how they and their leaders, and their constituents, must feel in such a new coalition as their votes will throw them into ? Once’ more, 1 be seech them to pause, if the part they must take is not already fixed, the company they must keep already cho sen Once more, I remind them, that, if they involve this country in a civil war, the administration, sooner or later will have for its adversaries the whole South, its oldest and most steadfast friends, and for its ne w allies those who have pursued it with the bitterest ridicule and the deadliest enmity. Before they throw themselves into this false position, I invite them to review with me the arguments which are used to seduce them from their republican principles, their party attachments, and their southern brethren. . , ... , We have heard that we must not submit to be bullied by a single State. We must not legislate with a sword over our heads. We will not be dictated to by South Carolina! Against listening to these miserable sugges tions of false pride, we were cautioned by my friend from New York [Mr. Verflange] m language so ele gam and touching, that nothing can be taken from, no thing added to it, without injury. In family quarrels the best heads and hearts are ever ready to make the greatest allowance for errors ofjudg i mem and infirmities of temper. Stickling on points of i ceremony in such cases, is ridiculous. nen erl =• * r to domestic broils, the etiquette is that, fixed in otner oa ses, by old Frederick of Prussia, the grea es f goes-firsi.” But bad motives will be imputed to us. * i shall be said to have yielded to our fears. An vv a y course of conduct can we pursue, to which bad motives cannot be imputed ? Bad motives have been imputed to y me, Mr. Chairman, to you, and to every bodj else. Is r that to be a reason for neglecting our duty ? Then we i. must never do any thing. The very course gentlemen >. are pursuing to escape the imputation of bad motives, _ will expose them to that very imputation. For example ; an extract of a letter was pointed out to him the other day in a newspaper, which stated, “ it is r. also said that Judge Marcy has written to the Van Biiren is members of Congress that they, must stick to the exis ting tariff’, and oppose any reduction of duties until Cal houn shall he aafftoroughly down a» to prevent all dan- I ger of his politics! resurrection. After that is done, it J ismtimated that something might be yielded to South Carolina.” Now he [Mr. W.] did not believe that Judge Marcy had ever written such a letter. He had 100 good an o pinion of his prudence. He had no idea the Vice Presi dent elect'had ever authorized any one to write such a letter. But the father-in-law of Judge Marcy is under stood to exercise a great influence over the political of I New York, to have a very deep interest in wool and to be utterly opposed to any reduction of duly on it/ Jud<*e Marcy and the Vide President elect are intimate and coTi- i fidenffal friends. The worl^ applies with little discrim- I inarion the maxim, “- nosrdtUr a sociis and, putting all • these things together, it is easy so impute bad motives, and to suppose that one man Speaks the opinions of an- j other. Now, the" truth no doubt is, that the gentleman "j in question [Air. Knower] does entertain an opinion tififii- i vorable to a modification of the tariff, at .present. He - may hare expressed that opinion to his political friend-s, j ns he has a perfect right to do. Neither Judge Marcy I nor tiie Vice President elect are'in the slightest degree j responsible for it: and the opinion itself may,be perfect- 1 ly honest. Yet, after all, such is the unchafitabieness of the world, that when men have a personal interest in maintaining certain very honest opinions, the honesty of j 1 such opinions is thought to be a scruple less than stan- ■ dard fineness. The popular notion of honesty was best ! ! expressed by a builesqne toast which the remembered. 1 Some years ago, some one, he forgot at the moment who, I had bean toasted as “ the man who dares be honest in 1 the worst of times. ” A wag of Boston—where, by the ' bye, they manufacture the best toasts, if toasts are not 1 their best manufacture—wrote a ludicrous account of 1 an abolition festival, where Cassar or Cuffy were thus made to Travesty that sentiment: “De man ;—who dare 1 be lioness when he git nothin by him.” That, sir, [said 1 Mr. W.] is the only honesty which wins universal ere- j * flence. A failure to observe it was the great mistake of a distinguished gentleman from the West, who, eight 1 years ago, had-occasion to give a vote in that House for * President, and who afterwards became (Secretary of * Slate under the Presidency of the gentleman for whom 1 he voted. In that vote the person receiving it might bo ' equally free Irom the slightest censure. Mr. W. be lieved they were so. Neither did he mean to be under stood as saying that in consequence of that vote the gen tinman referred to got any thing. He was not one of those who argue “ post hoc, ergo, propter hoc." He had 1 not joined the vulgar clamor: but that the fact ot his ' taking office had been successfully though wrongfully appealed to as implicating the purity of his motives, ad mitted of no doubt. His honesty had been assailed, be cause it did not appear to be unprofitable. Who, then, can expec tto escape censure if tiiey profit by their hon- ' csty ? He adverted to these things, not to wound the feelings and much less the reputation of any human be ing. For all the distinguished names of his country he cherished an habitual fondness. Me felt he had an in. torest in them all as an American citizen. Whoever tarnished their lustre, robbed him of a portion of his birthright. The matters he referred to were mentioned in no spirit of censoriousness or unkindness, but as to pics of philosophical argument and speculation. They might serve to show gentlemen that the fear of having ; bad motives imputed to them, was no safe rule of ac tion ; for, in the instance alluded to, the distinguished citizen upon whom such motives were, no doubt untru ly, supposed to operate, was at first disposed to decline coming into the administration. his friends per suaded him that such a refusal would be attributed to the timidity of an evil conscience, and their importuni ties exposed him, through the feat of danger, to the Ve ry danger they feared. But, sir, continued Mr. W-, if it were possible that any friend of the Vice President elect could entertain Or inculcate such a course as the letfer-writer mentions, nothing could be at once more ignoble and more impoli tic. Even Sylla saved his country before he chastised his enemies; and was one as much better than Sylla, as Sylla was greater than him, urged to remember his petty interests and animosities when the republic was in dan. ger? Sir, the recent experience of the New-York statesman’s opponents might teach Ins friends this salu tary lesson. Never seem to persecute a depressed ad versary, if you do not wish to raise him above you. But it will be urged.no doubt, that the Vice President elect ought not to be identified with the gentlemen to whom these considerations were suggested, nor they with him. They were not his men, nor any one else’s men. They were their own men. Undoubtedly- He intimated nothing to the contrary. But, unhappily again, *• circumstance, that unspiritual God,” bore testi mony againt them, and, however hard it might be, the rule of political judgment was the rule of the prize court. Circumstanstial evidence outweighed positive i ' asseverations. The rule was harsh—oftentimes unjust; but it was the rule of the world, and the world alone could alter it. Unfortunately, these gentlemen were all’ well known as partisans. He traced no gentleman thro ayes andnoes ; but unless his memory deceived him up on every test question of party, they were faithful to their colors, far beyond himself. The Bank of the CJiu ted States, the Choctaw reservations, the breach of pri vilege, the Wiscasset collector, all proved their perfect orthodoxy; and could they who subscribed the- whole thii ty-nine articles boggle at the first question-in the catechism ? Where is party discipline more perfect than in New York ? Have they not punished my friend [Mr. Verplanck] with the ostracism for a breach of it? And if all honorable duty is forbidden, ought lie not to be proud of his punishment? We have often been reminded of the power of the Uniied States. To what purpose ?' Is the mere gift of strength a using it ? Can it make, right, or legalize oppression ? “ Power without wisdom,” says the Poet, “is but armed injustice.” Either he says tru ly, or we should apostrophize the sword with Devereux.* “ God, law, and priest, and prophet of the strong I” Power enables its possessor to be magnanimous. The weak can never yield with so good a grace. Is the best part of the possession the only one we are nev er to use ? Besides, is the concession made to South Carolina alone ? Are there not five or six other States which have suffered long,-and who stilVentreat without threat, ening? What is the argument as to them ? We cannot fake off your burthens until we chastise South Cardjina. May they not answer very reasonably, relieve us first and chastise her afterwards. But if you insist on chas tising her first, and keeping on our burthens until it is ef fected, when are we to be relieved? A gentleman of much experience, who thinks South Carolina ought to be quelled, [Mr. Adams] is said to have estimated the cost of the conquest at ten millions, and the annual loss to the revenue during the operation at three. When South Carolina is chastised, we, who are Invited to as sist jn correcting her, will fiqd ourselves sharers in her punishmdht. Tea and coffee may continue free, but the duties on the Protected articles will increase. Having warred for taxeC-, we shall pay taxes for the war. But if we submit tc? one State, we must to another . first, one will nullify, and then a second ; and if we yield to each of their demands, what is left ot the Gov. ernment will not be worth having—it will become con temptible from its weakness. The strength ot Govern ment is in the .affection of its citizens. M-as France ever stronger than in the days of the republic ? Does history show any example of people rebelling agal- nst * Government which did not oppress them ? Has South Carolina no cause of complaint? The whole South says she has. Seven States complain that they are oppress ed. The President himself, in his message, admits the fact. Yet we must give them not redress, but chastise ment, lest, hereafter, other States should nullify without cause. A Government, professing to be founded on reason, desires to consolidate its empire by steel. It claims to derive all its just powers from the consent.-of the governed, yet seeks to eke out its authority by a lit tle gentle force. Why and whence the revival of all this clamor for a strong Government ? Is not the Govern, ment which lasted Thomas Jefferson through the em bargo, and Tames Madison through the war, strong enough for any President ? Do we not know the origin, the progress, and the defeat of that sect in politics, whose favorite object it was to establish a strong G >v ernment ? That sect the republicans of New York and Pennsylvania resisted, and at last overthrew. Are they about to be converted to the rejected heresy ? more fed ral than federalism ?—aye, arch federal ? Let me avail myself of the authority of the great apostle of republi canism—he who wrote the political gospel of American independence. “ A Government held together by the bands of reason only, requires much compromise of opin ion ; that things even salutary, should not be crammed down the throats of dissenting brethren, especially when they may be put into a lorm to be swallowed ; and that a great deal of indulgence is necessary to strength en habits of harmony and fraternity.”? Sir, he was right, [said Mr. W.] Government, to use a comparison which would come home to the business of some ofrhis Pennsylvania friends—Government is like iron : tough est when.softest.. If you harden it to make it stronger, i it becomes • Even arbitrary monarchs find their beat support in the affections of their subjects,. There is but one way i to make “ taxation no tyranny.” It is that recomcaend-- , ed by old Burleigh to Elizabeth—“. win men’s hearts, and you have their hands and their purses.” j The violence and precipitation of South Carolina s 3 * Devereux, book 3, chap. 3, p. 180. k t Memoir and Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 4, p. 392. Letter to Edward Livingston, 4th April, I 1824. ’ ' have been objected to. If she is wrong in her resis tance to the tariff, however moderate she might be, she would be wrong still. If she be right, she will not cease to be right on account of her violence. One of the strongest political discourses he ever heard was de livered on that floor fey an honorable gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Randolph] from the text, “the kingdom of heaven suffcretli violence, and the violent take it by force.” That speech had more effect than any one cir cumstance, except the battle of New Orleans, in making Andrew Jackson President of the.-Unitetf States. Aluch has been said in the course of this debate about nullification. On that doctrine he had once expressed an opinion, of which he had nothing to retract, nothing to. explain. Nullification could do little harm but for the help of the tariff. It reminded him of a spying, which he would quote for the gentlemen from Connecti cut, [Messrs. Ellsworth and Huntington] who had quo . ted him : “ the devil would not do so much mischief if ,tt were not for tiie witches.”* Tne -gentlemen had been pleased to extract from a certain letter of his, such parts as they thought made-in favor cf their argument; and they referred to them with much praise, and some triumph. One advantage that letter at least procured him—some slight credit for candor and fair dealing, and a reputation for courage enough to tell the truth. But if he was a good witness for the East, he was for the South also. His testimony, if it was worth any thing, must be taken altogether. If it would be good to show the ori gin of the restrictive system, it would be good to prove the deeply-seated,.all-pervading discontent of the South ern States. It would avail as testimony that Union and the present protective duties are incompatible. We must choose between them. The gentlemen from Connecticut, [Messrs. Hunting, ton and Ellsworth] had recommended to his attention part of his own letter. There were other parts which he would recommend to theirs. 4f his memory served him, he had there said, too many would be found in every country to flatter aßdiinflatne the inclinations of whom, or whatsoever may be sovereign; comparatively few to argue with the masters of votes or legions. For the reason, then, that if he were the representative of a m*m ufacturing district, addressing at that crisis implicit be lievers in the beneficent magic of the restrictive policy, lie should attempt to mitigate their zeal and confidence; for the same reason, appealing to those who werg con vinced of its malignant influence, it was hisduty to soothe, if possible, their just indignation. Unless this course of conduct was pursued by all who aspired to be thought honest and dispassionate, must not alienation spread and become incurable ? Do not the gentlemen from Con necticut, continued Mr. W., aspire to be thought honest and dispassionate ? If they do, let them anwer me this question. The gentlemen have praised“-havc they tin. itated me ? With respect to the character of the right to secede, and the circumstances and limitations under which it could be exercised, this was not the time todiscuss them. II e would say but a word. Unless there were instances i] in which a State could say to her associates, “ Non in j haic feedera venimus,'” disguise it as we will, this is a great consolidated Government; and if, for maintaining her construction of the compact through her courts and juries, she is to be sabred and bayoneted, it is a dlspo- TISM. Last session we were told, “if Carelina will go, let her go?” We were told “we could not drive her out of the Union.” Now we must cut the throats of her citi zens if she will not remain! On this head, he could not avoid citing an apt passage from the declaration & protest'drawn up by Mr. Jefferson, with the intention of being submitted to the Legislature of Virginia.? “ Whilst the General Assembly thus declares the rights retained by the States, rights which they have never yielded, and which this State will never volunta rily yield, they do not mean to raise the bannerol dis affection or of separation from their sister stales, co purties with themselves to this compact. They know and value too highly the blessings of their Union as to foreign nations and questions arising among themselves, to consider every infraction as to be met uy actual rc. sistance. They respect too affectionately tire opinions of those possessing the same rights under the same in strument, to make every difference of construction a ground of immediate rupture. They would indeed con sider such a rupture as among the greatest calamities wtiiclf could befall them ; but not the greatest. There is yet one greater —submission to a Government of un limited powers. It is only when the hope of avoiding this shall become absolutely desperate, that further Ibr bearance could not be indulged Should a majority of the co-parties, therefore, contrary to the expectation &. hope of this assembly, prefer at this time, acquiescence in these assumptions of power by the federal member of the Government, we will be patient, and suffer much under the confidence that time, ere it be too late, will prove to them also the bitter consequences in ,which that usurpation will involve us all. In the mean while, we will breast with them rather than separate from them every misfortune, save that only of Jiving under a Go vorninVnt of unlimited Dowers.”! A quarter of a century before, the patriarch had held similar language; “ I thought something essentially ne cessary to be said in order to avoid the inference of ac quiescence; that a resolution or declaration should be passed, 1. answering the reasonings of such of the States as have ventured into the field of reason, and that of the committee of Congress, taking some notice too of those States who have either not ausweted at all, or answered without reasoning; 2. making firm protes tation against the precedent and principle, and reserving the right to make this palpable violation of the federal compact the ground ot doing in future whatever we might now rightfully do, should repetitions of these and other violations of the compact render it expedient; 3. expressing, in affectionate and conciliatory language, our warm attachment to union with our sister States, and to the instrument and principles by which we are. united ; that we are willing to sacrifice to this every thing but the rights of self-government in those important points which we have never yielded, and in which alone we see liberty, safety, and happiness ; that not at all disposed io make every measure of error or of wrong a cause of scission, we are willing to look on witii indulgence, and to wait with patience till those passions and delusions shall have passed over, which the Federal Governme./t have artfully excited to cover its own abuses and con ceal its designs, fully confident that the good sense of the American people, and their attachment to those ve ry rights which we are now vindicating, will, before it shall be too late, rally with us round the true principles of our federal compact. This was only meant to give a general idea of the complexion and topics of such an in strument. Mr. M. who came, as had been proposed, does not concur in the resercation proposed alone; and from this I recede readily, not only in deference to his judgment, but because, as we should never think of sep aration, but for repeated and enormous violations, so these, when they occur, will be cause enough of them- * V, __ further development of these ideas was to be found in his letter to Mr. Giles, from which Mr. W. begged leave to read a couple of passages. “I see as you do, and with the deepest affliction, the rapid strides with which the federal branch of our government is advanc ing towards the usurpation of all the rights reserved to the states, and the consolidation in itself ot all powers, foreign and domestic; and that too, by constructions which, if legitimate, leave no limits to their power. Take together the decisions of the federal court, the doctrines of the President, &, the misconstructions ot the constitutional compact acted on by the legislature ot the federal branch, and it is but too evident that the three rul*f blanches of that department are in combination to strip their colleagues, the state authority, ot the powers reserved by them, and to exercise themselves, all func tions, foreign and domestic. Under the power to regu late commerce they assume indefinitely that also over agriculture and manufactures, and call it regulation to take the earnings of one of these branches ot industry, i that, too, the most depressed, and put them into the pockets of the other, the most flourishing ofall. * * * And what is our resource for the preservation of the constitution? Reason and argument ? You might as well reason and argue with the marble columns encir cling them. The representatives chosen by ourselves ? They are joined in the combination, some from incorrect views of Government, some from corrupt ones, suffici ent voting together to out-number the sound parts, and with majorities of one, two, or three, bold enough to go forward in their defence. Arc we, then, to stand to our arms? No I that must be the last resource, not to be thought of until larger and greater sufferings. If every infraction of a compact of so many parties is to be resisted at once as a dissolution of it, none can ever be formed which would last one year. VVe must have patience and longer endurance, then, with our brethren while under delusion; give them time for reflection and experience of consequences; keep ourselves in a situa tion to profit by the chapter of accidents ; and separate from our companions only when the sole alternatives left are dissolution of our union with them, or submission a Government without limitation of powers.”^ If this bill fails, said Mr. W., I entreat our friends to consider .what is the next step. If you will not alter, you must be called on to enforce. The choice is be tween this bill and another measure which must b« « Memoir and Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 3, pages 428, 429. Letter to W. C. Nicholas, Sep tember 5, 1799. t Ibid. 1774, pages 62 and 63. t Ibib. 1774,page5.68, 69. ! ) Ibid. vol. 4, page 421. nameless—not for want of words to characterize it as it deserved, but because they could not be used without n breach ot order. He could not sav what was doing in the other end of the capitol; but this he coulJ say--he was present the other day at the consultation of a body of learned physicians. The case was ode of delirium and dtb lity brought on by ill treatment, and the remedy proposed was the lancet and blue pills. This is the pre scription of our political empirics. The cry is. Bleed the Republic! Let me tell them sir, “ jrfus a medico quam a moi'bo periculi." it no longer admits of a doubt, the choice of our friends must be made between coercion and conciliation. The first will soon identify Carolina with the whole South ; the second will unite the South against Carolina. Co. ercion is not wise or prudent; nor always f»rtunate, even when the disparity of strength is greatest. Austria a - , tempted to coerce the Swiss ; Spain to coerce the Ne therlands ; England to coerce her North American co lonies; and, in our days, Turkey to coerce Greece. What was the fate of coercion 7 There has, indeed, been one successful effort. Russia has coercud Po land ! Is she proposed to us as an example ? In the struggle between tha United States and a Slate, to keep peace vi et armis, by blowing up all mal contents, what is tiie alternative? If the State conquer, she is out of the Union of course. If you conquer, is she not out equally? You may reduce her to the condition ofa subject province—you may reward with her plunder some pro-consular Governor, for ruling her with the dcs. potism of a master &. the wastefulness of an agent, leav ing behind you in her bosom— “ lininoi tale odium, et nunquam sanahile vulnus ,” But she is a ffv.'-ru > longer! Youmay grasp a barren sceptre, and . over a dispeopled territory ; but, till you ex'ternii.iuiu the sons of Carolina, your domin ion over her soil extends not beyond the points of your bayonets. And what will you have done ? Extinguished one star of tin constellation, and made South Carolina “ Like the lost Pleiad seen no more below.” Before gentlemen decide against conciliation, and in favor of civil war, will they review the history of our struggle with the mother country ? If they will, and arc not struck and warned by the coincidences, they are beyendthe power of hellebore. Let me turn their at tention to the page before me. It contains His Majes ty’s most, gracious speech to both Houses of Parliament, on Wednesday, November 30,1774. “My ■lords and gentlemen. It gives me much con- j cern, that I am obliged, at the opening of this Parlia ment, to inform you that a most daring spirit of resis tance and disobedience to the law still unhappily pre vails in-the province of Massachusetts Bay, and has, in divers parts of it, broke forth in fresh violence of a very criminal nature. These proceedings have been coun tenanced and encouraged in other of my colonies, and unwarrantable attempts have been made to obstruct the commerce of this kingdom, by unlawful combinations. I have taken such measures, and given such orders, as I judged most proper and effectual for carrying into exe cution the laws which were pvssed in the last session of the late Parliament, for the protection and security of the commerce of my subjects, and for the restoring and preserving peace, order, and good government in the province of (Massachusetts Bay ; and you may depend upon my firm and steadfast resolution to withstand every attempt to weaken or impair the supreme authority of this Legislasure over all the dominions of my Grown ; the maintenance of which, I consider as essential to the dignity, the safety, and the welfare of the British empire; assuring myself, that, while I act upon these principles, 1 shall never fail to receive your assistance and support.’ i « * " « * “My lords and gentlemen. Let me particularly re- I commend to you, at tiffs time, to proceed with temper in your deliberations, and with unanimity in your resolu tions. Let my peeple, in every part of my dominions, be taught, by your example, to have a due reverence for the laws, and a just sense of the blessings of our excel, lent constitution. They may he assured that, on my part, I have nothing so much at heart, as the real pros perity and lasting happiness of all my subjects.” Sir, said Mr. VV. I intend to excite no additional odium against the memory of George 111. In o«r declaration oi independence he was indeed efi scribed as “ a Print-*, whose character was marked by every art which msy define a tyrant.” But he has gone to his account. His I,itter years it had pleased Providence to visit with the heaviest calamity that can befall a human being. With his shade, therefore, he warred not. There was proba bly some office form—y standard original—upon which all such instruments were made. There was another curious coincidence, which might become more or less perfect, according to the exterior which was given to a contemplated call for certain pa pars. “An odd incident happened, which served to re vive, with doable force, ail the ill temper and animosity that had long subsisted between the Executive part oi the government and the people, in the province of Massa chusetts Bay. Tiffs was the accidental discovery and publication of a number of confidential letters, which had htxiu writtun guriny tlm course ol the unhappy disputes with the mother country, by the then Governor and de puty Governor of that colony, to persons in power and office in England. The letters contained a very unfavor able representation of the state of affairs, the temper and disposition of the people, ana the views of their leaders, in that province; and tended to snow not only the neces a.tyof the most coercive measures, but even a very con suierable change of the constitution, and system ot gov ernment, was necessary to secure the obedience cl the colony.” “These letters, indeed, were in part confidential and private; but the people of the colony insisted that they were evidently intended to influence the conciuc. of gov. ernment, and must, therefore, be shown to such persons as had an interest in preserving their privileges. Upon the death ofa gentleman, in whose possession these ic - ters then happened to be, they, by some means whuff, are not known, fell into the hands of the agent for me colony isf Massachusetts Bay, who immediately trans mit.ed them to the Assembly of that province, which was then sitting ai Boston. Tne indignation ami animos ity which these letters excited on the one side, and the cot.fusion on the other, neither need nor admit of descrip, lion.”* How exact a cornpamon-piece would appear for this picture, it (which God loruidl) tha correspondence ot the government with certain individuals in South Caroli na should be published. He hoped it never would be. He deprecated that publication as Iraugiit with infinite mischief. Other singular points at resemblance were to be found in the history of those times. “The Minister, alter having moved that the King’s message, ot tiie 7th March, should be read, opened fits plan for the restoration ot peace, ord.r, justice, and com merce in the Massachusetts Bay. * * * * Alter stating his opinions, and arguing their correctness, the Minister proceeded: “It would be proper, there fore, to take away from Boston the privilege via port until his Majesty should be satisfied in these particulars, and publicly declare in council, on a proper certificate ot the good behavior ol the town, that he was so satisfi ed. Until this should happen, the custom house officers, who were now nut sale in Boston, or safe no longer than wliile they neglected their duty, should be removed to Salem, where they might exercise iheir Junctions.”? Upon these arguments, leave was given to bring in the celebrated lias!or or>rt hill, which will serve as a model for any Chari. <• -.air bill it may be necessary to pre pare, and the .jo, i» in opposition and support of which are so applicable, mat gentlemen, by consulting tiie re ports, may find their own speeches m those of Lord North, his partisans, or his opponents, with one excep tion—a little better English. Lord North, forexample, is reported to have said, “ I hope that this act will not, in any shape, require a military force to pat it in execu tion. The rest of the colonies will not take fire at the proper punishment inflicted on those who have disobeyed your authority. We shall then be nearly in a situation that all lenient measures will be at an end, if they do. But, if we exert ourselves now with firmness and intre pidity, it is more likely they will submit to our authority. If the consequences of their not obeying this act are likely to produce rebellion, those consequences belong to them, and not to us: k is not what we have brought on, but what they alone have occasioned. We are only answerable that our measures are just and equitable. Let us continue to proceed with firmness, justice, and re solution, which, if pursued, will certainly produce tls.t due obedience and respect to the laws ot this country, and the security of the trade of its people, which I so ardently wish tor.” We all know, said Mr. W. that the bill passed. If such a one comes to us, that coincidence, at least, will, I trust, be wanting. After its passage, history informs us, that “several gen tlemen who had voted for it were nevertheless of opinion that something of a conciliatory nature should attend this measure of severity, and might give greater efficacy to it. That Parliament, whilst it resented the outrages of the American populace, ought not to be too willing to irritate the sober part of the colonies.” A motion was accordingly made for a repeal of the tea duty laid in 1767. The debate upon the policy of a repeal at that particular time, was long and earnest; the party for the repeal strongly urging experience, which they insisted was in their favor. That the attempt to tax America had inflamed, the repeal had quieted, and the new taxes had inflamed it again. The good effect of ri gor would depend on a tincture of lenity. The lenity * Memoirs and correspondence of Thomas Jefferscn, vol. 4, page 419. letter 25th December, 1825, to W. B- Gilts. INDISTINCT PRINT might render the rigor unnecessary. They, therefore earnestly pressed the repeal of the noxious duty, M ft ' probable method of restoring tranquillity. How were these arguments met ? The ministry said, “ a repeal at that time would show such a degree of wavering and in consistency, as wo’Jd defeat the good effects of Ihe ri g irons plan. That Parliament ought to .show that it would relax none of its just rights, but enforce them in a practical way; that it was provided with means of com. polling obedience when resisted. If this tax was r*peal ed what answer is to be given when they demand the re. peal of the duty on wine ”+ On these grounds the motion was regnt’ved. After the Boston port biil, came the bill for the “ bette- regu. iaiing government in the province of Massachusetts Bay.” Both these memorable laws were before them. 1 ney were doubtless pattern acts for all lovers of jtrong government; but politicians, a little bolder than ib» Brit. Ua m *n.s:ry, would put them together. He wor.'d net go ti. rough with them. Gentlemen curious in engines of coercion, might perhaps have scanned them dame by ° ( ai . se * T l° bringing forward that bill. Lord North favor e1 10 “ ouse °f Commons with a dissertation on tli e pos co,ln^a^ I hen came the bill lor the better a: aun istrauoii oi justice in Massachusetts Bay. That, wo, ' ,oU |\ , urnii h SJlne hintsto an American Draco. Tn?y would be gathered up no doubt. It was on that bill that ~O Rci. L “ rre was enabled to make his proud boast: • 1 ro.otL toe tulence of America at the hazard of my popularity there;! w 11 resist your phrenzy at the samo iis v icie. t was then, too, he gave Ins nieniorable, but fruitless warning. “ I know t,.e vast superiority of your disciplined troops over the provincials: out beware how you supply the want of discipline by desperado* ‘“‘ r ’ Sa,< -1 r - " • the.fatal dilemma ot Mr. Dunning is exactly that presented to the South : “ resist an i we will cut your throat; submit and we will tax you.’j'l h rom this hasty review of councils, whose folly and madness Could be excelled only by our own, it was grate tul to turn to a safer, a wiser precedent—that set by 1 homas Jefferson respecting the repeal of the embargo. It would be unjust and imprudent to use any other than his own words: “ Mr. Adams called on me pending the embargo, and while endeavors were making to obtain its repeal, lie made some apologies for the call, on the ground ot our not being in the habit of confidential com munications; but that that which he had then to make in volved, too seriously, the interest of our country, not to overrule all other considerations with him, and make it his duty to reveal it to myself particularly. 1 assured him there was no occasion for any apology for his visit; that, on the contrary, his communications would be thank fully received, and would add a continuation the more to my entire confidence in the rectitude and patriotism of his conduct and principles. He spoke then ofthedissat islaction of the eastern portion of our confederacy, with tae restraints of the embargo then existing, and their restlessness under it. That there was nothing which might not be attempted to rid themselves of it. That he had information, ot the most unquestionable certainty, that certain citizens of the Eastern States (I think 110 named .Massachusetts particularly) were in negotiation with agents of the British government, the object of Wiiidi was an agreement that the New England States should take no further part in the war then going on; that, without formally declaring their separation from the Lilian of the States, they should withdraw from all aid and obedience to them ; that their navigation and com. fierce should be free from restraint and interruption by toe British ; that they thouid be considered and treated by them as neutrals, and as such might conduct them* : selves towards botn parties, and, at the close ol the war, be at liberty to rejoin the confederacy, lie assured me tout there was imminent danger; that the convention would take place ; that the temptations were such as might debauch many from tiieir fidelity to the Union ; and that, to enable its friends to make head against it, the re peal of the embargo was absolutely necessary. I ex pressed a just sense ol the merit of this information, and of the importance of the disclosure to the safety and even the salvation of our country : and however reluctant 1 was to abandon the measure, (a measure which, per severed in a little longer, vve had subsequent and satis, factory assurance, would have effected its object com. p.eteiy,) from that moment, and influenced by that infer, mation, I saw trie necessity of abandoning it; and, in stead ot effecting our purpose by this peaceful weapon, we must light it out or break the Union. I then recom mended to my triends to yield to the necessity of a re peal of the embargo, and to endeavor to snpplv its place by the best substitute, in which they could procure a general concurrence.”* Mr. Wilde was not unapprised, that, in some of these details, the memory' ot Mr. Jefferson was inaccurate. I he correctness ot the material part, however, remain unirnpeached. The discontent of ihe East, and the ma. carnations ot some leading men there, to produce a dis solution of the Llnion, or temporary secession from it, had been communicated to Mr. Jefferson ; and, instead ot seeking means to punish the instigators of the resis tance to a law of Congress, or ashing new and extraor dinary powers to enforce it, 'dr- J- recommended a re pea of Ihe embargo. lius much Mr. W. thought was apparent, even from the statement ol the distinguished gentleman referred to, made with a view of correcting the errors of Mr. Jeffer son’s octogenarian memory. To avoid all injustice, Mr. W. would use his ovn language : “ It was m these let. ters of 1808 and 1800,” says Mr. Adams, “that I men- Honed the design oi cerui.i leaders of the federal party' to effect a dissolution o r the Union, and the establish ment of a northern confederacy. 1 his design had been formed in the winter of 1303-4, immediately after, and as a consequence of the acquisi. tioa of Louisiana. Its justifying causes to those who entertained it were, that the annexation of Louisiana to tae Union transcended the constitutional powers ot tha government of the United .States. That it formed in facta new confederacy, to which the States united by the loimer compact, were not bound to adhenc. That it was oppressive to the interests, and destructive to the influ ence ol the northern section ot the confederacy ; whose right and duty it therefore was to seceda from the new body politic, and to constitute one of their own. This plan was so tar matured, that the proposal had been niado loan individual to permit himself, at the proper time, to be placed at the head ot the military movements which it was foreseen would be necessary for carrying it into execution, in all tiiis there was no overt act ot tr.ason. in tbe abstract theory ol our government, the obedience ot the citizen is not due to an unconstitutional law. Ho may lawfully resist its execution. It a single individual undertakes this resistance, our constitutions, both of tlio United States and of each separate State, have provided a judiciary power, judges, and juries, to decide between the individual and the legislative act which he has resist, ed as unconstitutional. But let us suppose the ease that legislative acts ol one or more States of this Union are passed, conflicting with acts of Congress, and command ing the resistance of their citizens against them, and what else can be the result but war —civil war ! And i» not that de facto a dissolution ol the Union, so far as the resisting States are concerned ! And what woul Ibo the condition of every citizen in the resisting Slates ? Bound by the double duty of allegiance to the Union and to the State, he would be crushed between the upper and nether millstone, with the performance of every civic duty converted into a enrne, and guilty of treason, by every act of obedience to the lavv.”f t Correspondence between Mr. Adams and several ci. tizens of Massachusetts, Boston, 1829. It was precisely this miserable state of things so clear, ly and ably delineated by the gentleman from Massachu setts, [Mr. Adams,j that he, Mr. \V. desired to avoid. He conjured, nay, he implored, his political triends to aid him in averting it. It they turned a -deaf ear to his prayers, he reminded them that the Southrons were Ital ians, not in their skies only. If they should trace up the failure of peace to those whose cause they had been up holding, there was danger they might adopt the despe rate saying ot Cosmo de Medici: “ You shall read, said he, that we are commanded to forgive our enemies ; but i you will no where find, we are required to forgive our friends." Mr. VV. wished to forgive ail, or rather he wished, by a comprehensive measure of conciliation, so to bury every past cause of complaint, that there should be noth ingleftto forgive. In pursuit of that just object, he ac knowledged no friend but him who aided, he recognized, no enemy but those who obstructed it. Whosoever, in this hour of peril and dismay, would aid him in his holy purpose—whosoever would even dare to speak, what the freemen of the country thought, but had not yet uttered, him would lie grapple to his heart with hooks of steel I And he who thwarted him in this most cherished object of his life, would he tear thence, though he were his brother of the same womb, born at the same birth 1 * Annual Register, 177 C, page 64. § Parliamentary History, vol. 17, 1774, page 1191. GEORGIA, Burke county. ■WjttTHEREAi Green Roberts, applies for Letters ol V V Administration on the Estate of Graystock Roberts, deceased. These are therefore to cite and admonish all and sin gular, the kindred and creditors of said deceased to be and appear at my office within the time prescribed by law. to file their objections (if any they have) to shew cause why said Letters ot Administration should not be granted. Given under my hand at office in Waynesborough. this 28th day of March, 1833. 93 J- G. BA DULY, Cl’k.