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~TSS S^BTSTUTZONALZST^
BY F. O. GUiEU.
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ao I
At 12 o’clock yesterday, his Excellency Governor
Lumpkin transmitted to both branches of the General
Assembly, the following
jnUSS AGE:
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. GEORGIA, (
Milledoeville, November 5, 1#33. (
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate,
and House of Representatives:
At no period of our political existence, have the Rep
resentatives of the people of Georgia, assembled under
circumstances more signally calculated to impress the
mind with a deep sense of gratitude to Almighty God.
It would, indeed, savour of infidelity not to feel duly im
pressed with a sense of our renewed obligations to the
great Author and Disposer of the destinies of men and
of Nations, for the many inestimable blessings vouchsafed
to us, his offending creatures.
While the chastening scourge of Heaven has been
visited upon the people of both hemispheres, earning, in
the train of pestilence, horror, despair and death, the
people of our State have not only been shielded from the
wide spreading desolation, hut have enjoyed an unusual
degree of health and prosperity. Propitious seasons, a
productive soil, and genial climate, have crowned the
labours of our industrious agricultural population with a
bountiful reward for all their toils. Our barns and store
houses are filled with plenty, and the surplus products
of our labor command a price which amply remunerates
the laborer (or all his care and industry. Indeed, the
various avocations, which diversify the labor of onr citi
zens, find'an ample and speedy reward, proportioned to
the skill and industry employed. Most of our people
cultivate their own freehold estates, and are literahy sit
ting under their own vines and trees, and none to make
them afraid. Our prisons have no insolvent debtors—
we have scarcely a pauper in the lend, except the few
who have become such from habits of intemperance.
As a State, we enjoy the overflowing bounties of a ben
ificent Providence. On terms of amity with all Govern,
ments, we are blessed with the quiet and peaceable pos
session of our long contested territorial rights—rapidly
increasing in population and wealth, accumulating from
the continual developement of the natural resources of
our State. Our inexhaustible mines and minerals have
opened a wide field tor the employment of the most ex
tensive science, skill and industry, which is drawing to
our State, with irresistible impulse, capital, skill, and
enterprise from various parts of the world. Compara
tively tree from individual distress, as well as exempt
from public debt, our people are possessed of abundant
means of promoting their individual happiness, as well
as their political prosperity.
In the midst of all these multiplied blessings, it is
truly mortifying to witness the restless spirit of agita
tion and political excitement, which lias been engender
ed and vigorously kept up amongst the people, calculat
ed, if not intended, to alienate their affections from their
own bc’oved political institutions. That the value of
our Federal Union should have become a familiar sub.
ject of calculation, is truly alarming, and argues little
for the patriotism of those, who encourage discussion
upon such a subject. Who could have believed, ten
years ago, that, at this early day, we should have wit
nessed a specula'ive discussion upon such a theme—or
that it could have become tiie leading topic of a certain
class of politicians? The Union ot these States, one
and indivisible, is now' no longer the ■’nntto of every
American citizen 1 These “ signs of the times,” speak
volumes of admonition, to every lover of constitutional
liberty, and should fire the bosom, and nerve the arm of
patriotism in the cause of Union. Notwithstanding
these threatening evils, it is gratifying to see, that our
admirable system of free government, based upon the
will and affections of the people, continues to unfold the
appropriate ability contained in its structure, to with
stand the assaults of foreign and domestic foes. The
enemies of our government, whether open or insidious—
under whatever specious form or pretext—appear to he
doomed to discomfiture, whenever they attempt ro ali
enate the affections of ihe people from that government,
which is, emphatical'y, the offspring and nursling of their
own effort and care. The people may alter and change,
as to them may seem fit ; but that they would destroy
that mighty governmental fabric, reared by the toils and
cemented by the blood of their fathers—merely for the
aggrandizement of selfish demagogues and strife-stirring
politicians, is not to he expected. The spirit that guided
our Washington has hitherto pervaded and saved our
country. The champions of civil and religious liberty,
of popular rights and constitutional government, have
thus far succeeded and triumphed over all opposition.
Therefore, we should not be dismayed at the symptoms
of yielding integrity and treasonable ambition, which
have been engaged in estimating the value, and threat
ening the dissolution of our Federal Union. lam w'i!
ling to charge the errors of all such, rather to selfish de
lusion, than traitorous design ; and will, therefore, hope,
that the clouds, which, at present overshadow our poli
tical horizon, may quietly pass away, before they gather
into a ruinous tempest. But, it has been truly said,
“that the condition on which God granted liberty to
man, is perpetual vigilance.” We, therefore, fellow
citizens, as the sentinels of the people, should exercise
the most unceasing vigilance, and suffer not ourselves
to be led astray “by every wind of doctrine.” Let ns
follow in the footsteps and adhere to the doctrines of
Washington, Jefferson and Madison, and so far as the
influence and example of Georgia will extend, our Re
public will be safe.
The drawing of the Lotteries, which were in pro
gress at the last session of the Legislature, was com
pleted about the first of May last; and the act of the
legislature, providing for the organization of ten new
counties out of the Territory thus disposed of, has been
carried into effect—and we have now, a settled free
hold population on every part of our Territory compe.
tenfto the administration of our laws, so far as to se.
cure most of the blessings of our system to thote,
whose enterprize has led them to become settlers in
that interesting section of our State, hitherto the abode
of a people wholly unqualified to enjoy the blessings of
wise self government. The accomplishment of this
great and desirable object to our State, lias been attend,
ed, at every step, with the most unrelenting and obsti
nate opposition. The unfortunate remnant of the Chero
kees has, for years past, been made the dupes and in
struments of selfish and ambitious politicians, whose
restless spirits have urged them to acts of mischief, de
grading to humanity itself. In the early part of the
present year, another earnest and liberal effort was
made by the President of the United States to affect a
treaty w-ith the Cherokees, having for its object their
entire removal beyond the Mississippi—which object, it
is believed, was defeated alone, by a few of the in
terested half-breeds, who are evidently under the in
fluence of political men, who stand opposed to the true
interest of the Indians, as well as that of the State. The
failure to effect a treaty has not, however, prevented a
continuance of our efforts to effect the object of remov
ing the Indians, at as early a day as practicable. Ano
ther opportunity of enrolment for emigration, has been
extended to such as may be disposed to remove ; and I
am gratified to loam, that many of the intelligent and in.
fluehtial am mg them, have availed themselves of the
liberal terms proposed. Therefore, the day cannot be
distant, when the State will be entirely relieved from
the perplexities occasioned by this portion of its popu
lation. It will, however, become the duty of the Legis
lature, at its present session, to revise and amend our
laws providing lor the government and protection of the
Indians. Experience has already exposed many defects
and ambiguities in the existing laws on this subject,
■which should be speedily remedied. In our anxiety to
provide for the welfare and protect the rights of this un
fortunate race, we have, in some instances, given ad.
■vantages to the native population over our white citi
zens; which advantages, when exercised under the in
fluence of selfish counsels, become oppressive to our
- white population, who are certainly not less entitled to
.the protection of onr laws, than the native race—how
ever just may be their claims on the sympathies of an
enlightened government.
Under our existing laws, the reservations of land se
cured to the natives during their pleasure, are, in many
instances, unreasonably large, and ought to be curtailed
by judicious legislation. I would also call the attention
■of the Legislature to another description of native
claims, which involves considerations of the greatest
importance to the interest and honor of the State. A
class of individuals, chiefly of the white and mixed
blood, and who claim the right of natives within the
* are persons, who, under the treaties
of Ml l ar| d ISI9, took valuable fee-simple reservation?
of the best lands then ceded, under an expressed, writ
ten determination to become citizens of the U. Stales—
asid consequently, abandoning all the claim of rights or
privies as a part or portion of the Cherokee nation.
Nevertheless, persons have since sold and dis
posed of their reserved lands, thus taken, for large con
siderations of money for their individual benefit ; and
have gone into the country still occupied by the rem
nant of the Cherokees, and have again made selections
and settlements on the most valuable lands, of that por
tion of their people, who have not participated, in an
equal degree with themselves, in the benefits of the
treaties rest rred to. Moreover, these very individuals
by their superior intelligence, and advantages of educa
tion, have had the address to regain an influence over
the Cherokees—whom they had once abandoned to their
fate—so far as to rule, govern and influence them in all
matters relating to their most important interest ; and
have been, for years past, and continue to bo, the prime
and efficient cause of preventing the Cherokees trom
yielding to the liberal and beneficent plans of the Fede.
ral Government, for removing them to the west of the
Mississippi. The insolence, and mischievous influence
of these individuals should no longer receive the indnl
gence or countenance of extraordinary privileges from
the Federal or State Government; but should be treat,
ed bv both governments as intruders of the most as
suming character. The lands, now in the occupancy of
these persons under our existing laws, ought to be
granted to the drawers; who are the rightful owners, 1
and who have been restrained from the occupancy by ;
the laws of the State now in force. These persons have ;
already done their own people, the State of Georgia, ]
and our common country, great and serious injury. !
They have been the dupes and instruments at home and '
abroad, of desperate, political agitators, whose factious
spirits are unbridled by the restraints of virtuous patriot
ism.
A judicious and well regulated system of public cco- ;
nomy requires, that the people and their representatives,
should be perfectly familiar with the financial condition |
and resources of the State. No branch of political eco.
nomv requires greater skill, wisdom and prudent fore- |
cast, in a government like nur’s, than that of devising
the ways and means to meet the expenditures, which
popular opinion seems to demand. At this time, the
cnneral voice of every political community, is raised in
i favour of general Education, as well as a liberal culti
vation of the arts and sciences. Nor is the demand less
urgent for the most splendid works for internal improve
ment. AH this, I deem to be proper enough—no one
desires the advancement of the country in these impor
tant objects, more than I do—but true dignity consists
in living within our circumstances, and let us therefore
scrutinize onr means. The people of Georgia have
long enjoyed the overflowing bounties of theii rich and
* extensive territorial inheritance, but these advantages,
as a source of public revenue, now no longer exist. The
present financial resources of the State, consist of a
capital of about two and a half millions of dollars—
upwards of one million of which, is composed of the
stock owned by the State, in four of our incorporated
banks; about one million of the notes of citizens dis
counted by the Central Bank, and the balance, of vari
ous items, including apeeie, bonds, notes, canal stock
and other evidences of debts due the State.—ln nddi
tion to the foregoing, the State still has a scattered rem
nant of fractional lands, which, by prompt and appro,
priafe legislation, might he made available for public
purposes. The aggregate, annual profits accruing to
the State at this time, upon her various investments, a
mount to the sum of about one hundred and twenty
thousond dollars. This brief view of the present con
dition of the resources of the State will, at one glance,
urge upon the consideration of thn Legislature, the ne
cessity of adopting such systematic, financial operations,
as will direct the present course, and must determine
the future prospects of the State.
After much reflection, I would respectfully recom
mend to the General Assembly such legislation as may
tend finally, to brig all the public assets of the State un
der the immediate control and management of its own
agent, the Central Bank, and further to invest that insti
tution with the necessary powers to enable it to act effi
ciently in the collection of the debts due the State. The
present vested capital of the State should be considered
a permanent fund ; the annual profits of which, should
be scrupulously applied to great public objects ot ac
knowledged utility—and while the whole people are en
joying the benefits, which are constantly flowing from
this, their permanently vested capital, I would recom
mend that no more taxes be exacted from them, than
what may be sufficient to defray the ordinary expenses
of an economical civil government; which will scarcely
be felt by the people, and, at the same time, serve to
remind each individual, annually, that he is a citizen and
component part of the government.
Under the provisions of the act of the Lcgisla'ure,
passed on the 24ih day of December last, a receiver of
the assets of the Bank of Macon was appointed by the
Executive, but the report of that Agent will show, that
he has been wholly unable to effect the objects contem
plated by the Legislature. The Report, together with
copies of the correspondence on the subject, is herewith
submitted; and may aid the General Assembly in de
termining upon the expediency of further legislation on
I this subject—at least it will become necessary to provido
for the payment for services already rendered under the
direction of the State, with a view to effect a fair and le
-1 gal settlement of the affairs of said Bank.
The dishonest and fraudulent management of Banks,
so frequently developed, admonishes the Legislature,
most urgently, to interpose its entire constitutional au
thority to shield the people from the desolating effects
of legalized swindling. During the last year, the public
confidence was greatly shaken in the soundness of the
paper currency of our State, by the failure of the Bank
of Macon: and before the people had recovered from the
shock and the losses suffered by it, their fears and fore
bodings were greatly increased and confirmed, by the
failure of the Merchant’s and Planter’s Bank of Angus
ta. The developements already made, in regard to the
Bank of Macon, evince the important fact, that, if Banks
are not managed with fidelity and skill, the ruinous ef
fects, which must ensue, will fall, chiefly, upon the hon
est and unsuspecting, labouring class of society, who are
unable to contend against a combination of legal suotil
ties, which will always be united to divide the spoils of a
disastrous Bank corporation. Corruption, on the part of
a Bank officer, should be deemed a highly penal crime,
and punished accordingly.
My general views in relation to these institutions, and
their connexion with the public interest, remain un
changed; and having been freely communicated to the last
General Assembly, I deem it unnecessary to reiterate
the sentiments therein contained. Copies of all the
Bank reports made during the present year, under the
provisions of our existing laws, are herewith submitted
to the Legislature; which will enable the Representa
tives of the people to judge of the present state and con
dition of these institutions, and will show- to what extent
they have complied with the requirements of the law.
The history of our own times, urges upon the consid
eration of every informed and reflecting citizen, the in
dispensable necessity of increased exertions to edu
cate the rising generation. We need some system,
which will produce a general effect, and operate bene
ficially upon the whole community. Our republican in
stitutions can never be considered safe and stable, while
a small number of individuals, however talented, can
lead and misguide wh«le communities, to the very brink
of ruin!! When the number of educated men in a poll
tical community, is so few, as to be chiefly confined to
one or two professions —who may therefore the more \
readily unite their efforts to controul and direct society,
with a view to their own selfish aggrandizement—the
liberties of the people mu.it be endangered. The con
servative influence ot education is greatly needed in our
State. That general system,which may be best calcula
ted to impart to our whole people, the blessings of a
competent, business education, cannot fail to promote
individual happiness, as well as greatly to strengthen
the bonds of our republican institutions. It is not ne
cessary that our sons should all be College-bred gentle
men—l care not for names—-if our children can receive
adequate instruction in the solid and useful branches of
science, it is immaterial with me, whether they acquire
it in Universities, Colleges, Academies, Lyceums, Work
Shops, or Manrel Labor Schools of any description what,
ever. The great object to be effected is, to give the
plain working man an education, which shall make him
intelligent, virtuous and useful—and which shall place
him upon the ground of hopeful competition, with the
professional classes, who are assuming the lead in the
entire government of the country.
I rejoice, at the gradual growth and increasing pros
perity of Franklin College. This State institution me
rits the continued patronage of our whole people—at this
time, I consider it entitled to the confidence of the peo
ple, and that it should receive the liberal support of their
Representatives. The literary and mural worth of the
President and Faculty, together with the increased fa.
ciiities of books and apparatus, affords the most flattering
assurances of its future and permanent usefulness ; and
I trust that our State may yet be remunerated for all
she has expended, or may expend, in support of that in
stitution. But in relation to our other expenditures, for
purposes of public education, I do not <eel authorized to
speak thus flatteringly ; for, the annual expenditure of
upwards of forty thousand dollars for the support of Ac
ademies and Poor Schools, though well-intended, is, in
reality, effecting but little good. It is obvious to me,
that we have experimented long enough upon our pre.
sent system of Academic and Poor School education;
and that we should no longer be content with acknowledg
ing existing imperfections, but that we should, at once,
attempt an entire renovation of the system. In making
this change, this important fact should be constantly
kept in view—that to make education truly valuable,
while the mind is cultivated and disciplined, the pupil >
should be carefully trained to habits of industry and
morality. To make the rising generation better, wiser <
and happier—and at the same time, eradicate or dim- (
inish poverty, oppression and crime—should be the lead- I
ing objects in establishing a general and well based
system of public education. With a view to promote
these great objects, I respectfully submit to the Legis
lature, my deliberately formed opinion, that, in order to
ensure success, it is indispensably necessary to connect
with the education of our children, regular and system,
atic manual labour. I believe that children in a well re.
gulated institution, designed for useful education, should
be taught various arts of lucr tive labour; so that in due
time they may be able to earn a comfortable living by
the labour of their own hands. From my own observa
tion on the subject of education, and from all the infor
mation I have been able to procure from others, I con
sider that system of education best, which keeps youth
most constantly employed, body and mind; and which
exercises the most unceasing vigilance and controul,
day and night —which excludes all vitiating associations
and practices, and which superintends even the amuse,
ments and social intercourse of the pupil. Another
idea, not less important, urgres upon our consideration
the expediency of connecting manual labour with a
system of public education. The most vigorous con
stitution, without exercise, is soon wasted by disease
and decay; and a full development of the powers of’he
mind, m such cases, is rarely attained by the most dili
gent application. If bodily exercise be thu* profitable
| in the development of the physical and mental powers of
youth, I consider employment in the mechanical arts, and
j especially agriculture, as being far preferable to those
I plays and pastimes, which, at present, occupy so much
\ of their time, and in which they engage without any
sensible or rational object of utility whatever. A self,
i supporting system of education is also the more desirable,
! from the important consideration, that it is calculated to
j level those distinctions in society, which arise from the
I inability of the poor to educate their children in our ex
isting institutions. In recommending a change of our
system ol poor school education, I would, by no means,
be understood as recommending a reduction of the funds
appropriated to that object; but as proposing such an im
provement of the system, as will more profitably employ
that fund, for the benefit of the poor, and as will have a
tendency to bring them nearer to the level of I he wealthy.
Every year’s experience affords additional evidence
of the correctness of the views heretofore communicaf
ed to the Legislature by myself, and predecessors, in re
gard to the defective condition of our militia system.
The Executive has not the power to correct these im
perfections, which have been so often pointed out, with
out the co-operation of the Legislature. The Reports
of the Keepers of the public Arsenals, at this place and
Savannah, are herewith transmitted. From an experi
ment made upon a few hundreds of muskets, which had
been returned to the Arsenal in this place, out of repair
and greatly injured by rust, I find, that the guns belong
ing to the State in like condition, may be put in good
order, at an expense of one dollar each. Would it not
therefore be economy for the Legislature to provide for
the collecting and cleaning of the scattered arms be
longing to the State ?
Under the authority of a joint resolution of the Ge
neral Assembly, approved on the 22d of December last,
William Schley, John A. Cuthbert and Joseph Henry
Lumpkin, Esquires, were appointed by the Executive,
“ To prepare a plan for the Penitentiary buildings—di
gest a system of laws for its government and organiza
tion—and to revise and amend the penal laws of this
State, so far as relates to the punishments, which that
code prescribes, and report the whole to the next Gene
rat Assembly.” lam apprised, that the report of these
gentlemen, is in a state of preparation, and will, in due
time, he laid before the Legislature. Not having been
directed to be submitted to the Executive, but passing
directly to the Legislature, I deem it inexpedient to
venture a remark on the several important subjects, em
braced in the Report. The character of these gentle
men, ns jurists, justifies the expectation, that the views
to be submitted by them, will be useful to the Legisla
ture, and to the country ; and as the preparation of their
report has required much time and labour, it is there
fore to be expected that they will be suitably compen
sated.
The annual report of the Inspectors of the Peniten
tiary, required to be made to the Executive in conformi
ty with the provisions of the act of the last General As
sembly, is herewith submitted. Since the report has
been received at this Department, there has not been
sufficient time, from other indispensible duties, to inves
tigate its details with that scrutiny, which has hereto
fore b*en customary, and which is always desirable.
It is believed, however, that the operations of the past
jmar have, under all the circumstances, been success
fully conducted for the interest of the institution and of
the State. In our efforts to sustain the institution, we
should profit by past experience, and introduce improve
ments as fast as circumstances and a due regard to eco
noray will admit. With one additional remark. I will
dismiss the subject of the Penitentiary, and that is—
that our leading policy should be to make the institution
maintain itself. The honest part of society feel a re
pugnance to the idea of labouring to support the convicts
in the Penitentiary. Therefore their comforts should
be procured from their own labour, which under skill
ful management and good discipline, is the best means at
our disposal for effecting the great objects of penal pun
ishment, by preventing crime and producing reformation.
The reports of the snperinteadaivs of the public hands,
will present to the Legislature the operations, progress
and success of that branch of the public service during
the past political year—and which, under nil the circum
stances, authorize the belief, that the agents entrusted
with the improvement of our public roads, are entitled
to the public confidence and approbation. My general
views, heretofore submitted to the Legislature on this
subject, have undergone no change—Put it devolves on
the Representatives of ihe people and not the Executive,
to determine whether the present system shall be aha.n
doned, or be sustained by such legislation as has here
tofore been suggested.
No one can feel more gratified than myself, at the man
ifestation of the rising spirit of enterprise, which has
characterized the proceedings of onr fellow-citizens, in
various parts of the State, in regard to works of internal
improvement. This spirit should not be checked, but
encouraged by the Legislature. Every citizen and sec
tion of the State should have the lawful privilege of in.
vesting their capital according to their own views of pro.
fit—guarding, at the same time, the interest of the resi
due of the community from injury being sustained, by
any exclusive privileges which may be granted. Our
past experience, however, should admonish us to be
cautious how we entangle the Stale, by becoming part,
ners with individuals, or corporate bodies of men. Such
associations between Government and ils citizens, are
considered dangerous to equality and liberty. The fa
vored capitalist, who becomes a partner with the gov.
eminent, rarely fail to assume some unusual consequence
on account of the association; and generally, the result
is, that the government is left to bear the burthens of the
concern, while the individual partners reap the whole
profits—or abandon the project before any thing is ad
vanced except by the government.
If the State should, at this time, determine to enter
upon any great work of internal improvement, it should
be a central Rail Road through the entire State ; begin
ning at the best emporium on our coast, and proceeding
from thence, in a direction best calculated to benefit the
largest port on ot our population, to the base of the moun
tains. A well constructed Rail Road, through the centre
of the State, being once completed, it would be speedily
intersected by various roads from all parts of the State
at the points most needed. The great highway of com
mercial intercourse being thus permanently established,
n tiling could then hinder the progress of internal im.
provement in Georgia, to the full extent which utility
might dictate. To effect any thing permanently useful,
it is necessary to concentrate the public mind to one
great central object, which shall be considered and pat
rnnized as a State work, designed for the benefit of the
whole people. The credit and resources of our Slate,
should not be expended upon local or partial works of
internal improvement. Our commencement must neces
sarily be accurate surveys, upon which true estimates
may be predicate, and this can only be obtained by the
services of a skilful and well qualified Engineer. In
connection with this subject, the views of a highly re
spectahle and numerous portion of our fellow-citizens of
Savannah and Macon, herewith submitted, are entitled
to the most deliberate and respectful consideration: as
also the report of the commissioners, John G. Pol hill,
Hugh Lawson, and Moses Fort, Esquires, who, under a
resolution of the last Legislature, were appointed and
instructed to examine the port of Brunswick and the
Rail Road avenue to the AJatamaha; which report, with
various other documents, is herewith laid before the
General Assembly.
Savannah, the first settled point and long established
emporium of our State, has for years past, contended
against a rivalry, which has not only paralized her ad
vancement, but must eventually annihilate her prosperi
ty as an important commercial city, unless she is sus
tained by liberal legislation. Many considerations con
nected with our history as a State, forbid the abandon
ment of our first and most important seaport town,
unless the interest of the great body of the people of
the State, shall require such a course. The great ques.
tion which should now be settled is, whether the interest
of the people of Georgia will be most effectually promo,
ted by a determination to sustain and buildup Savannah?
Or whether we should look to Brunswick, Darien or
some other port, as possessing equal or superior advan
' tages? The reason why this question should now be
settled is obvious. If we commence a great central
channel of commerce—we should commence at the
ocean and proceed to the mountains. The State should
have but one work of this description on hand at a time;
and that should be directed with the single view of ben
efiting the greatest number of our citizens. Various
considerations admonish every true Georgian to lay aside
his local and sectional prejudices, and to exercise a
magnanimous spirit of patrotic state pride, which will se
cure to himself and fellow-citizens those commercial ad
vantages, which the God of Nature designed for the
people, who should inhabit this favoured portion of the
confederacy. It would be mortifying, indeed, to see the
immense products of our own state drawn from their
natural channals of destination (our own extensive Allan,
tic coast) to Charleston and the Gulf of Mexico—mere
ly for the want of industry and enterprise on the part of
our own citizens ! Not only the products of our own
State should be shipped from our own ports, but, by
timely and judicious measures of internal improvement,
a very considerable portion of the westerm trade might
be drawn to the ports of Georgia—which is believed
to be the best and most natural channel for much
of that trade. The immense and superabounding
products of the great and fertile West, are more than
sufficient to glut its only natural outlet. New. Orleans.
Therefore, the surplus products of that fertile region,
must necessarily seek a market elsewhere. Hence, we
have witnessed the efforts of New-York, Pennsylvania,
Maryland, and Intel}', Virginia and South-Carolina to
obtain a portion of the Western trade by their canals, rail
and turnpike roads. Should not Georgia strive for a part
of this immensely valuable trade? The eastern counties
of Tennessee are nearer to the coast of Georgia than
any other Atlantic market; and it is confidently believed,
that if we had a suitable channel of commerce, or in nth
er words, a good rail road from a seaport in Georgia to
the mountains, it would be extended without delay to
the heart of the great West. The great mountain bar
rier which separates the Western, from the at Atlantic
waters, can, it is believed, be more easily overcome,
and at far less expense in Georgia, than any one ot the
Atlantic States.
Under the authority of a joint resolution of the Gene
ral assembly, passed at the last session, Win. Nichols,
jr. Esq. a gentleman of high qualifications, was duly
appointed fay the Executive, and has made the necessary
surveys, to ascertain the practicability of a commercial
communication between West Point in I roup county
and the town of Columbus; which report is in a Stata
of preparation, and will be laid before the Legislature
at an early day of the present session. The informa
tion collected by this examination and survey, will ena
ble the Legislature to determine what can, and ought to
be done, to improve the commercial facilities of that in
tcresting section of the State.
In pursuance of the provisions of a resolution ap
proved the 21th Dec. last, the improvements on the
Fractional Surveys of land in the Cherokee Territory,
have been rented for the present year, and the no s es re
ceived for rent have been deposited in this Department,
subject to the direction of the Legislature. The reports
of the commissioners who performed this duty are
herewith submitted, and will afford ful! and detailed in
formation on the subject.
Various resolutions passed by the Legislatures of a
number of the States of the Union, on subjects of gene
ral concern, have been transmitted to this Department,
with a request, that they should be laid before the Gene
ral Assembly of this State—and are, therefore, res
pectfully submitted for your consideration. Many of
these documents are so voluminous, that it has been
found impraclicable to furnish copies for the convenience
of the respective branches of the Legislature ; the ori
ginals of such are, therefore, transmitted to the House
of Representatives No recommendation or comment
on the part of the Executive is deemed necessary in
regard to the resolutions submitted, except those passed
by the .Legislature of Alabama on the subject of the
boundary line between that State and our own; and
those from the State of Pennsylvania, on the subject
of the “ entire abolition of lotteries.”
The importance of an amicable, speedy ftttd definite
adjuaiment of the boundary line between Georgia and
Alabama, is too obvious to require argument; and the
plan proposed bv the Legislature of Alabama, is en
titled to the respectful consideration of the Represen
tatives of the people of Georgia. The resolutions, to.
gether with the correspondence, which has passed be
tween the Executives of the two States, will urge the
expediency of an early attention to this subject—and I
would recommend to the Legislature, a course which
may afford full evidence, that Georgia is prepared for
the most ample investigation of her claims, and that
she seeks nothing but that justice from others, which
alone will be satisfactory to herself.
I concur with the public authorities of the patriotic
State of Pennsylvania, in respectfully recommending
your cordial co-operation with the Legislature of that
State, in effecting the entire abolition of lotteries.
The survey and settlement of the entire territory of
the State having been accomplished, I would respect
fully recommend to the Legislature, that immediate pro
vision be made for executing a splendid of Map Georgia.
In order to construct an accurate map of the Slate, it
will he necessary to cause a re-survey of the county
lines of that part of the Slate, situate between the Sa
vannah and Oconee rivers.
The numerous Acts and Resolutions of the last Legis
lature, requiring the action of the Executive, have re
ceived prompt and due attention, by carrying into effect
the objects contemplated by the Legislature, or by plac
ing such objects in a course of execution, which, in due
time, (as far as may be practicable) will ensure their
completion.
A statement of Executive-Warrants drawn on the
Treasurer during the political year 1833, and a list of
Executive-Appointments made during the recess of the
Legislature, are herewith transmitted.
Fellow-citizens, under a deep sense of the magnitude
ofour responsibilities, suffer me to remind you, that,
as American citizens, a beneficent Providence hasplac
ed us upon a lofty eminence. The eyes of all the world
are directed to the people of these United States. To
us, as a people, has been entrusted, upon a large scale,
the experiment, whether a people can govern themselves
without kings, nobility, or standing armies. To us, be
longs the distinction of demonstrating, that millions upon
millions of free and equal citizens may dwell together
in peace and prosperity: exercising all the prerogatives
of wise self-government, without tumult, anarchy or
domestic wars. And to ensure and perpetuate these
inestimable privileges to our posterity, we should always
bear in mind, that our people must be virtuous and intel
ligent. Ignorance and vice are opposed to liberty. Re
ligion, j cithout religious establishments, affords the best
guarantee of the perpetuation of our republican system.
The principles inculcated by the Saviour of man, in his
sermon on the Mount, will make a people obedient to
laws, emanating from themselves, and administered by
a citizen-magistrate of their own choosing, without the
aid of mercenary legions, and the pomp and power, which
are the attendants of despotic and arbitrary governments.
That the Creating Power of the Universe may clothe as
with a spirit of republican simplicity, equality and liberty
—and guide the onward march in that course of policy,
which shall ensure to posterity, the unfading inheritance
of equal rights and free government—is the fervent pray
er of your fellow-citizen.
WILSON LUMPKIN.
[From the Portland Courier.]
Maior Downing Life anil letters.
We h ave just been informed from an unquestionable
source that Messrs. Littell & Holden, Booksellers, Phi
ladelphia, are making arrangements for publishing a vol
ume of what they call the Genuine Letters of Major
Jack Downing. It is therefore our duty, in behalf of
our friend, the Major, to speak out. And we now say,
that Major Downing commenced his correspondence
through this paper, between three and four years ago,
when he was simple Jack Downing, direct from Down
ingville, that he has continued his correspondence in this
paper as Jack Downing, <?apt. Downing, and finally as
Maj. Downing, up to this date ; and has never sent a sin
gle letter to any other paper. Some two or three months
ago he announced in this paper his intention of publish
ing his life and letters, and requested us to collect his
letters, for that purpose, and add such explanatory notes
to them as they might seem to require, and he would
prepare a briefMemoirof his life to accompany them.
This has been done. The Major did us the honor to
consign the care of the publication to us; and we have in
pursuance of the object, agreed with Lilly, Wait & Co.
Boston, to execute the work, which will probably be oat
of the press in two or three weeks.
More than half ofthe letters which have been afloat
in the papers for six months past under the signature of
Major Downing, have been spurious. We repeat, none
have been genuine which did not first appear in this pa
per, and many of the true letters, which have been wide
ly circulated, have been much mutilated and contain
many errors. Therefore any pretended collection of
them which should appear from any other quarter, would
probably be mostly spurious, and the true letters among
them would necessarily be imperfect. Under these
circumstances we appeal lo Messrs. Littell &, Holden of
Philadelphia, as honorable and judicious men, whether
both justice and expedience do not require them to give
up their intended publication. Editors who will aid in
setting this matter right, by copying this article, or other
wise, will confer a favor on the real Major Downing.
We learn (says the Baltimore Lmoniele of the 29th
ult.) that the Hon. John M’Lcan, of Ohio, was nominated
for the Presidency last evening at the Mechanics’and
Working men’s meeting, in Monument Squaie. There
was no nomination for Vice-President.
FRIDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 8, 1833.
The Friends of the Union,
I from all parts of the State, are
requested to meet at Milledgeville, on
the 20th instant.
Editors friendly to the cause will insert the above in
their papers until the day of the meeting.
November 8. ___
FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT.
MILLEDGEVILLE, Nov. 4.
Both branches ofthe General Assembly met this day,
agreeably to law, and every member being in attendance,
they proceeded to organize by the choice of officers, the
members having previously produced their credentials,
and taken the oath prescribed in the Constitution,
In the Senate, Mr. Jacob Wood, of the County of M’-
Intosh, was elected President, and Mr. John A. Cuth
bert, of the County of Baldwin, elected Secretary. The
state of the ballots was as follows
Jacob Wood, 49 votes.
W. C. Daniell, 34 do,
Mr. Baxter, 1 do.
Mr. Muncrief, 2 do.
J. A. Cuthbert, 45 votes.
I. L. Harris, 43 do.
Blank, 1 do.
In the House, Gen. Glascock, of the County of Rich
mond, was elected Speaker, and Joseph Sturges, of the
County of Upson, elected Clerk. The state of the bal
lots was as follows :
Thomas Glascock, 89 votes.
Asbury Hull, 88 do.
Joseph Sturges, 91 votes.
* W. Williams, 85 do.
Blank, 1 do.
After which both houses proceeded to the choice of
door keepers and messengers.
NOVEMBER sth, 1833.
The annual message of the Governor was transmitted
to-day, to both branches of the General Assembly, and
read. I send it to you by this mail. Nothing was done
in either house, but receiving a few notices for the ap
pointment of committees, to prepare and report bills on
local matters. In the house of representatives, liowev.
er, an incident happened which tested the complexion of
that body as regarded nullification. It is this : In the
preamble es the minutes of the proceedings of yesterday,
it is therein stated, that the house of representatives had
met, agreeab'y to law, on the 4th November, in the year
of our Lord 1833, and in the 50th year of the indepen
dence and sovereignty ofthe United States. Mr. Coop
er, a member from the county of Putnam, who is repre
sented as a nullifier of the Calhoun school, moved to strike
out the word “ sovereignty .” His reasons, in support
of his notion, were only a repetition of what the nulli
fiers of South Carolina had frequently advanced, respect,
ing the sovereignty of the states. He insisted that the
people were sovereign, which nobody ever denied, and
that the federal government was not sovereign, which
nobody ever believed and maintained. This gentle
man either deceives himself, or wished to deceive
others, witli regard to :he term sovereignty as applied
to the United States. The sovereignty of the United
States means nothing more nor less than the sovereignty
ofthe people of twenty-four States, united together by
common consent for certain purposes, and for the accom
plishment of certain objects. Bnt this gentleman, with
other nullifiers, in order to veil their ulterior views, have
recourse to the quibbling about words, which has placed
South Carolina in an unenviable situation. It would
seem by this movement that the nullifiers intend to take
a bold stand for their doctrine and for Mr. Calhoun, and
to consider as opponents all those who do not go with
them in their policy, which, I atr sorry to find, is the dis
solution of the Union, and the formation of a southern
confederacy. Indeed this policy begins to be publicly
avowed. The motion of Mr. Cooper was opposed, by
merely stating that it had been uniformly the rule to de
signate, with the time at which the legislature met, the
Christian era, and the era when the thirteen original
states declared themselves independent of the crown of
England, and sovereign, as England and other powers
were. And I must here observe, that Mr. Cooper wish
ed to go further than even the nullification Convention
of South Carolina, which, in their ordinances of nullifi
cation, dated them with the day of the month, the year
of the Christian era, and the era of the independence and
sovereignty of the U. States, at which those ordinances
were adopted. The motion of Mr. Cooper was lost—
-67 voting for striking out, and 106 against. He then
made a motion to add, after the word sovereignty, or the
United States, the word “ respectively ,” which could not
change in the least the meaning of the expression “ inde.
pendence and sovereignty of the U. States,” because by
United States, it is clear that the independence and sove
reignty of the States united are understood. This
motion was also lost by 78 voting for it, and 97 against.
So the matter ended.
After the message of the Governor was read, the
members of the Senate repaired to the Representative
chamber, and both branches united, proceeded to open
the returns, and count the votes given in at the late elec
tion for Governor of the State. It appears that Wilson
Lumpkin received 31,592 votes, and Joel Crawford 29,.
162 votes, making a majority for Lumpkin agreeably
to the returns from all the counties of 2,430 —but by ex
cluding the returns of the counties of Gilmer, Cobb,
Baker, Lowndes and Marion, which were not admitted
by the General Assembly on account of the informality
of their transmission, the majority is only 2,276 votes.
NOVEMBER 6, 1833.
The proceedings of both houses this day were confin
ed to the introduction of notices for the appointment of
committees to prepare and report bills, and to the inau
guration of Governor Lumpkin, which took place at 12
o’clock, in the presence of the members of both branches
of the General Assembly. The following is the inau
gural address. I have not time to give you my opinion
of this address : I shall in another letter give it some
what at large.
Inaugural Aildrcss ot Sovernor bumpkin,
Fellow-Citizens, —
By the voice of the people, I am a second time called
to the chief magistracy of the State, and now appear
before you for the purpose of solemnizing the ohliga
tions which I am under, to discharge with fidelity the du
ties of the high trust confided. Experience has not
only taught me to feel the full weight of the responsi
bilities which were in the first instance anticipate ?, but I
am convinced, that the most pure and zealous devotion
to duty, requires the aid and support of the people, to
crown with success the efforts of any public functionary.
My own abilities can effect but little good, unless I
am supported by my constituents. But, however, hum
ble my pretensions may be, I shall be faithful to the
laws and constitutions of my country, duly regarding
the opinions of my fellow-citizens, with whose seal of
approbation I have been so often and so highly honored.
But with all my veneration for public opinion, and deep
felt gratitude for past confidence, I am ready, if it he
necessary, to sacrifice my present standing, upon the
altar of my country’s good, by sustaining the demo
cratic principles upon which I have acted throughout
the whole of my public life.
When the foundations of our republic arc in danger,
personal and selfish calculations must be excluded. I
shall move forward in the path of duty, regardless of
consequences to myself. I shall shrink from the perlor,
mance of no duty, however painful, and no responsibility,
however severe. I shall look to the weltare of the
whole state, and not consider myself the advocate of any
local or partial interest. I shall constantly hear in mind,
, that we are all citizens of Georgia, as well as citizens of
the United States ; that we owe allegiance to both goc
ernments; that both governments are ours, and are equal. Si
ly indispensable to our happiness, prosperity and liberty; I
that each should be kept strictly within their respective I
constitutional spheres; and, finally, that he, who would I
destroy State Sovereignty by consolidation, or the fede. *
ral system by nullification, is a traitor to liberty, and de.
serves the universal execration of mankind.
On Monday last, the following gentlemen were elect- 1
ed Directors of the Augusta Insurance and Banking j
Company, for the ensuing year :—Peter Bennoch, Wm. |
Bryson, Nicholas Delaigle, John Fox, Alexander Gra- I
ham, William Harper, J. K. Kilburn, J. McDowall, fe:
Andrew J. Miller, T. I. Parmelee and E.lward Coxe.— 1
At a subsequent meeting ot the Board, Peter Bsx. |
xoch, Esq. was unanimously re-elected President.
A public meeting was held in Richmond on Tuesday
29th ultimo, to devise measures for the suppression of
the vice of Gambling in that city. Resolutions were
unanimously adopted, providing for the appointment of a
committee of twenty-four citizens, to collect informa,
tion in reference to the number and situation of Gaming
Houses in Richmond; to inquire into the causes of their
extraordinary increase, and to ascertain whether it is
owing to any defect in the laws or in the mode of their
execution. A resolution was also unanimously adopted,
expressing the sentiment “ that the bold, manly and in
dependent course taken by the Editor of the Compiler
in relation to the vice of Gambling, deserves the warm
approbation and support of the community.”
Miscellaneous Items.
The New York City Inspector reports the deaths of
105 persons in that city, during the week ending 26th
ult. Consumption 22.
At Greenville, (S. C.) on the 31st ult. the Thermom
eter, at sunrise, in the open air, was down to 20 degrees.
A snow storm was experienced in Philadelphia on
the morning of the 30th ult.
A Hog was lately exhibited in Albany, which weigh,
ed 1400 pound.
The Mechanics and Working Men of Boston have no
minated the Hon. Samuel C. Allen as their candidate for ■'
Governor.
The New Orleans Bulletin of the 23d ult. says, that a :
sharp frost was experienced in that city on the 21st, and
that “ all absentees may safely return.” r I he interment*
on the 22d, were 25, and on the 23d, 21.
It is said that Don Miguel has remitted to England,
between 200,000 and .£400,000 sterling against a “ rainy
day.”
Com. Porter, we understand, is shortly expected home
on a visit to his family.
We learn, says the Charleston Courier, that the
Branch Bank of the United States, on Saturday, reduced
their rate of purchase of Bills on the North per cent,
and now change i per cent discount, with time to run, in.
stead of $ per cent, the recent rate.
The following is a report of passengers and merchan
dize conveyed on the South Carolina Rail Road, during
the week ending 3J inst. Passengers 257, exclusive of
those in the Company’s service. Merchandize up, 130
boxes, bales and trunks; G 5 hbls. tierces, casks and
crates ; 30 sacks and bags ; 25 kegs ; 73 packages, va
rious descriptions. Merchandize down, 105 bales Cot
ton ; 20 packages various descriptions.
A Kentucky paper thus decribes the escape of a con
vict from the penitentiary : “The young Roman escaped ,
from the durance vile, into which his evil destiny had
cast him—he seal ;d the wall of his prison and emerged
into open day. True, he had to fly, but even in his flight
there was nothing “ inglorious ” since he fled for what oth
er men fight — for liberty.
Production of Colton in Florida. — By a statement in
the last Floridian, we perceive that a great increase in
the production of Cotton is taking place every year.
From two ports in Middle Florida, St. Marks and
Magnolia, in 1825, sixty four hales were shipped. In
the year from Ist July 1332, to the Ist July 1333, nine
thousand six hundred and seventy five hales were ship
ped from the same ports
Comb -titaaii stations.
The publication of a correspondence between.GeneraL
R. A. Beall and myself, with its editorial preface imtlie
Georgia Messenger, demands of me a few brief re±-
marks. I hope that I shall be pardoned for the frequent!
mention of myself, which this task imposes, and which)
1 should most gladly li avoided.
When my correspondence commenced with General!
Beall, I knew nothing of the particular management of
his press, and it was directed to him, because receiving
my impressions from common opinion, I supposed hinn
to be the principal, and controlling editor. No person,..
I presume, will believe, that in the present instance,
common opinion led me into any practical mistake, con
cerning the proper individual to be addressed. And if,
as 1 presume, the “equal control” implies the equal re
sponsibility of the editors, ray procedure would have
been strictly just, even witli a knowledge of their actual
arrangements. When two or more conductors of the
same journal, declare themselves all equally answera
ble, for every tiling which appears in the editorial co
lumns; it is clear that every one of them must he respon
sible, severally, as well as jointly ; since, if the respansi
bility were only joint, the right of asking personal ex
planations. would become a virtual nullity. The per- 8
son who deems himself aggrieved, may of course ?
make his own selection among those, who proclaim |
themselves all equally answerable for the grievance.— i
*My first communication was a sealed letter, enclosed by «
mail to a gentleman residing in Macon, with a request
that he would deliver it. This mode of transmission
was adopted, simply that 1 might at once ascertain,,
whether it was received or not; for I thought it possi
ble, that Genera! Beall’s professional engagements on ,
the circuit, might have called him from Macon. The*
gentleman in question, was only the medium ol deliver-#
ing my letter: its contents were not communicated tos
him. So much to prevent misconstruction of the past —t
a word now of the future.
There is a renewed declaration of “ warfare,” under *
the editorial head, in the following terms :
“ Col. Cumming’s frank avowal, that, in the cclebrat. I
ed Constitutional argument between the “Trio” and I
“ one of the PEori-E,” he inclined most to the latter,
clears him, it is true, of the charge of inconsistency, but j‘
at the same time proves beyond all doubt, that he has
occupied a place in the Republican ranks to which he ,
never teas entitled. Thus has lie given us new and !„
stronger cause, for the warfare, which we have dec'ared
against him, and winch we are determined to carry on
“ so long as we stand in our present relations to the par
ties and politics of the country,” unrestrained by the for'r
of that “ public opin on," which, in view of “ those who*,
seek or hold office, and those who do not, expects the one
to bear, what it forbids the other to endure.” —Col. Cun*-
ming has no claim to be considered and treated as a
private citizen. His right, to exemption from political
discussion, we cannot recognize, fur though he holds no
office himself, and for all we know, may desire none, no
man exercises a more powerful influence, in forwarding
the views of those, whose peculiar business it is to seek
office; besides let it always be remembered that blow,
will beget blow, it matters not, who may strike the first.”
Such is the gratuitous manifesto issued against me.
I have satisfied my own sense of moral propriety, and I
trust that of every reasonable man, by the spirit of
moderation which I have already evinced. If there
are those who have nevertheless determined, to fasten
contention upon me—be it so—the responsibility on
themselves. If retaliation should become necessary,
it will be correspondent to the nature of the aggres
sion. Exercising the commonest privilege of citi
zenship, I have endeavoured to promote a political
cause, whose success, I believe, from the bottetn
of my heart, is essential to the prosperity, the glo
ry, the happiness of our country. This cause,. I
shall continue steadfastly to maintain—in social peace,
I would hope with all the world—but it must be that
sort of peace, vdiich alone can satisfy an honorable man.
If the meditated warfare is to be against the doctrines
which I advocate, or the policy which I support, it is
well. Let it be proved that they are wrong, and ta roe