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IV KIIIEII & THOU!**o\. AC Of JM, (6a.) SATURDAY, JAJVVARY 30, IBS6. VOI-. XIII.—KEW SERIES. WO. 101.
HB COJrWii'UTIO.ULISI .
OFFICE IN 31 AC IXTOSH-STREET.
Third door from the N. W, corner of Broad-Street.
of LWD, by Administrators, Executors, or
Guardians, are required, hy latvjto he held or. the
first Tuesday in the month, between the holirs of
ten in the forenoon and three in the aiternoon, at
the Court-house in which the property is situate. —
Notice ofthese sains must be given in a public Ga
rotte xixfv days previous to the day of sale.
Sales of NEC ROES must be at public auction, (m the
first Tuesday of the month, between the usual
hovtrsofsale, at the place of public sales in the coun
ty whore the letters Testamentary, or Administra
tion or Guardianship, may have been granted, first
giving.ttrty days notice thereof, in one of the pub
, ’it? Gazettes of this Slate, and at the door of the
-ourl-house where such sales are to be held.
Notice for the sal" of Personal Property must he giv
en in like manner, forty duos previous to day of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate,
must be published for forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court o
Ordinary lor leave to sell LAND, must be pub
lished for four months.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must be publish
ed four months, before any order absolute can be
made bv the Court.
Friday Murniiitf.Jan. 20, 1830.
SCrOur diflerenc es with France teach us to be on
our guard in our diplomatic relations with foreign
powers, and especially with monarchical govern
ments. The diplomacy of the European nations
cannot be followed by the government of the United
States; if we were to adop* it, corruption, cunning,
and deception, would soon introduce themselves in
our negotiations, and effect a complete change in our
public institutions, by corrupting those who are
chosen by the people to preserve them as pure as they
were in their origin. It is then with gratification
that we view the conduct of our Cabinet in regard
to France. Our Cabinet should be supported by the
American People, and its conduct warmly and zeal
ously defended against such of our citizens who let
their animosity against the administration got the
better of their patriotism, and of what they owe to
their country. If from the beginning the policy of
the administration had been generally, «nnrttuned
there would be now less prospects of war, because
the French Cabinet would not have calculated on the
several branches of our government being divided on
the question at issue between France anfl America.
But now that the French Cabinet must see the erro
neousness of its calculations, and the futility of in
volving our government in all the intricacies of Eu
ropean diplomacy, it is to he hoped that matters will
be arranged satisfactorily to in, without n recurrence
to war. If the French Cabinet still persist in its
course, let us meet the consequences as citizens of
n free country, and endeavor'by the utmost activity
and energy to bring tho contest to a speedy issue;
but on no account should we, hy opposition to the
measures of our government, bring disgrace on onr
country by paralyzing the efforts tlrat would be made
to meet the enmny with equal means and resources.
Taking the subject under this point of view, we must,
with a largo majority of the American people, con
d -inn the position taken by 31r. Calhoun, and oilier
members of Congress from South Carolina, in regard
to our differences with France.
1 Tkc Krenrii Ruvslinn.
I We publish in other columns the letter of the
I French .Minister of Foreign Affaires, to Mr. Pageot,
late Charge dcs Affaires at Washington. It is the
I letter which made some noise at Washington some
few weeks ago, and which is now brought to light.
|{ Our readers will bs able, after giving it due conside-
I ration, to determine whether 3lr. Forsyth was right,
I or wrong, in refusing to notice this communication
I ofthe French Charge drs Affaires. Os this lelte r
I the Richmond Enquirer says :
1 Another Genet appeal to the People.
B 31. Pageot has done precisely what roused the in
■ dignation ofthe American People against 3lr, Genet.
I He has furnished a copy of the unofficial letter of the
I Due de Broglie for the Public eye—and sought to
■ appeal from the Government to th ■ People. The
■ attempt has thus been made a second time by n
French Functionary to divid** onr country, and to
furnish such factious men as John C. Calhoun, with
to attack the Administration. 31. Pageot
■livas not satisfied with the attempt “to place a copy of
(unofficial) letter among the archives ofthe Go-
cinaieni” —and submit it through the President “to
« Egress and the American People." Foiled in this
||h lesign, he has now indecently rushed into the public
|B rints, in order to scatter firebrands among us. It
cquircs, however, bin little knowledge ofthe Arne
dean People, not to know that the effort must recoil
B upon himself.
rt'tffl This letter makes its appearaneo in the New York
B Journal of Commerce of the 19th m>t. The Editor
p» simply says, “we have come into possession” of n—
without saying who it was that put it into his bands.
B The letter fills nearly two and a half columns of the
BH Journal—more space than we are able to give to it
B this morning—or its importance demands. It takes
U i general review ofthe President’s Message of 1834,
■ and of Mr Livingston’s letters; and alt; mpts to show
BH why his celebrated letter ofthe ISth of April last,
B was not a satisfactory explanation to the French Ca
gH am-g. In what terms this explanation, to be satisfac
Bfl ory, is to be couch al. the letter does not undertake
o say. It certainly does not prescribe the same
IIH agorons terms as the Due de Broglie has laid down
|B o Mr. Barton. Tho most it says on this point, is
•ontained in the following paragraph :
“But to banish ent're'y such an id°a, what would
Bfl 'e necessary? Nothing hut what is very simple. We
lo not here contend about this or that phrase, this or
hat allegation, this or that expression; we contend
||H ihout the intention itself, which has dictated th it part
Bv >f the 3lessage. If it be true, that the President of
MM lie United States, in presenting to Congress a stale-
B mem ofthe facts connected with the Treaty ofthe
B Ith of July, had no intention to cast any doubt on the
||H rood f.ith of tbs French Government; if it be true
|B hat the President ofthe United States in proposing
o Congress to decree the seizure by force of arms of
|B '’rench property, had not the intention to assume
with regard to France a menacing altitude, we can.
HB lot see tiow he could find any difficulty in declaring
. I '• Is such a declamation really contained in 31 r.
Livingston’s note, addressed to the Fiench Govern-
B nrnt on the 29th of January, or in that which the
H ,r "ne 31 inistrr left at his departuro on the 2Slh of
April?”— Cert a inly it is.
|H Oaths position assumed by Mr. Calhoun, on the
c rench Question, tiie Richmond Enquirer justlv
*emarks:
H We lay 3lr. Calhoun’s Speech—drawn out in all
irobability by himself—before our readers. We wish
|B pdo him justice—and therefore, we let him speak
or himself. It shall he his own which shall
MSB ow " reputation Such a speech, at such a
nsis, must prostrate him. A general burst of indig
kISW *?tion b,.s followed it,— rh~ Nullifier has nullified
Hj uraself. \<e have never pursued so factious, so
lalignaut an attack made under such circumstances.
Si 'y an - v maT h who professes to he a political'.. There
ill •* not a sentiment in ", which flows from the heart
if an American.
S ThrVmgho.it the whole SpeerhMre is a labored
H fforl to condemn his country, to vindicate the
WM -onrse of France. What can be thought of a man,
|B v ho has not poured torth one generous burst of in
ignant patriotism, under the circumstances which
ippeikd to the the spirit of an American Senate
Mr. Calhoun labors to account for the delay of
|B "ranee in complying with bar solemn engagements
He ascribes the defeat of ihs first indemnity bill to
Mr. Rives'* letter, “boasting of his skill.”—*nd to its
indiscreet publication by the Executive. This post
tion has been so often refuted, that nothing but the
i infatuation of an infuriated Faclionist could have
hazarded a repetition.
Due d« RniglieN Letter.
Translated far the Journal of Commerce.
Paris, i 7th June, 1835.
Sir; There no longer exists on our part any
obstacle to the ef.flre accomplishment of the
treaty concluded on the 4fh of July, 1831, be
tween Franee and the United Ststek. The pro
ject of lew relative to the indemnities recipro
cally stipulated in that treaty, after hawing sue
cesaively passed the two Chambers, has re
ceived the royal sanction.
I say on our part, for every thing how depends
on the Government of the United States; it be
longs to them to remove the only obstacle that
•till subsists. By virtue of a clause inserted i>.
Art. Ist, by the|Chan»ber of Deputies, the French
Government must deter making the payments
agreed upon, until that of the United Slates shall
have explained the true meaning atd real pur
port of divers passages inserted by the Presi
dent of the Union in his message at the opening
of the last session of Congress, and at which all
France at the first aspect was justly offended.
The Government having discovered nothing in
that clause at variance with iis own sentiments,
or the course which it had inteded to pursue, the
project of law, thus amended on the 18th of
April by the Chamber of Deputies, was carried
on the 27th to the Chamber of Peers. I herewith
annex the expose which accompanied it. That
document will show you, in a few words, in what
light we consider the respective positions ofthe
twißfeountrles. I also annex the report ofthe
conmlitee, presented to the Chamber of Peers,
on tire sth of June. You will thereby see how
far that House concurred in the opinion of the
Chamber of Deputies.
Mr. Livingston lias left Pans, without waiting
for the vote of the Chamber of Peers, leaving
Mr. Barton as Charge d’Affaires. The letter
hy which he acceredited him to the French
Government, is of the 28th of April. You will
find a copy of it subjoined.
In a note dated 28th, Mr. Livingston
as the cause ol his departure, the silence ob
served by the French Government in relation to
a previous note of the 18th, in which that Min
ister, agreeably to orders from his Government,
demanded the explanation of an expression made
use ut hy Mr. Serrurier, in a note he passed to
Mr. Forsyth at the time he left. That expla
nation, sir, we will show ourselves very willing
to furnish, if it should be asked for again, when
we ourselves shall have received those which
we have a right to expect.
Annexed are copies of the two notes of the
18111 and 27th.
On the 25th, Mr. Livingston had addressed to
me a third note of great length, in which, whilst
he forbears making allusion to the amendment
introduced by the Chamber of Deputies, he fully
enters into its principal and probable consequen
ces, as you may ascertain by reading that paper.
As long as tbc amendment was hut a simple pp>.
ject, the initiative of which did nut even belong
•o the Govenmicni, I thought proper to abstain
from entering into any controversy on this snb
ject with the Minister of a foreign Government.
Now that the project has become a law by the
concurrence of the two Chamber*, and the sanc
tion of the King, it is my duty to jirstily it against
objections which are ut’erly groundless.
i shall first recall a few facts.
The project of law relative to the execution
ofthe treaty signed on the 4th July. 1831, had
been presented three times to the Chamber of
Deputies, viz: the Gth of April, 1833; the 11th
of June of the same year, and the 13th of Janu -
ary ofthe year following, when it was rejected
bv a majority of eight votes, sn the Ist of April,
1834.
The news of its rejection was known at Wash
ington on the 6th of May, through a packet
which sailed from Liverpool on the 6ih of April.
On the 4th of June, Mr. Serrurier informed
the Secretary of State, that the King’s Govern,
ment had determined to present anew the pro
ject of law at the next session of the Chambers.
The loss of the bill having occasioned the re
signation ofthe Minister who had signed it, and
this circumstance having caused different
changes in the Cabinet, the Government could
not definitively adopt that determination until
the Bth of April The brig Cuhassier, bearer
of new instructions to Mr. Serrurier. had more
over met with <• n 1 long a stormy passage.
At the express request of Mr. MoLane, then
Secretary of State, Mr. Serrurier communica
ted, the next day, in writing the declaration
which he had already made verbally. His note
is dated the sth of June.
The reply of Mr. McLane is of the 27th. In
this reply, .Mr. McLane states in express terms,
in the name of his Government, that the Presi
dent ofthe United States will rely on the assu.
ranee Mr. Sttrrurier has been instructed to give
him , and trill wait hereafter with confidence for
the appeal that is to be made to the new Cham
ber.
Mr. Serrurier, in his note of the sth of June,
had incidentally observed that it was theinten- \
tion of the French Government to present again
the rejected law at as early a period as our Con
stitution would permit. That intention was read;
our desire was sincere, but it naturally followed
from the very nature and terms ot the engage
ment, that it referred to no particular and fixed
period; that it was left dependent either upon
the different exigencies of our internal situation,
or upon the object which both Governments were
equally anxious to obtain.
In the mon'h of August, the Chambers were
assembled, but merely for form, and for the sole
purpose of complying with the provisions of the
42d article of the charter. No project of law
was either presented or discussed.
Mr. Livingston at Paris, and the President of
the United States at Washington, having seemed
to regret that the opportunity of this accidental
meeting had not been embraced, to place again
before the Chambers the project of the law re
lative to the treaty of the 4th of July, it was easy
to make them understand, that in acting with that
precipitancy, we would not only have departed
from all established usage, but compromitted, in
stead of securing the passage of the law.
The same considerations were very naturally
opposed to the reques; made at a subsequent
period by Mr. Livingston for a special session in
the Fall. That Minister must, no doubt, have
urged them with his Government, since the latter
showed itself entirely convinced of their validity
and justness.
The new Secretary ofState, Mr. Forsyth, said
in the month of October to Mr. Serrurier, The
President readily understands why this business
has not been taken up at the opening of the session
in August; he can now account for the fact, that
the demand made hy Mr. Livingston of a special
meeting in the Fall was declined. Mr. Forsyth,
it is true, added that the President could not un
f j derstand why the convocation of the Chambers
* had been delayeduntil ikt last days of December,
instead of the beginning of that month, Bui
that observation falls belore the fact, that, by a
concurrence ofparticular circumstances on which
it would be useless to dwell, this meeting ofthe
Chambers did in reality take place on the Ist of
December.
Nothing, consequently, could prepare the
French Government (or the language of lift Mes
sage sent by the President to Congress. We
J • ere aware that that Message would contain a
statementdf the trar.sactionsconnected with the
treaty of the 4th ofJuly. Mr. Forsyth hud, on
the 19th of November, given notice ofit to Mr.
Serrurier. But .Mr. Forsyth hsd at the same'ttrne
informed that Minister, that the President would
simply advise Congress to wuil for the decision
of the Ch amber?.
V&'hat must then have been our astonishment
when tiie Message reached this side ot the Allan
tic! And could it be expee'ed that the French
Government, after having fulfilled the double
duty of r-atisfying its own dignity by recalling its
Minister from Washington, and of redeeming tbe
faith of treaties by obtaining from the Chambers
the appropriation necessary to the completion of
'the Convention of the 4th of July; after having
i tendered lo the Minister of the United States his
i passports; could it be expected, 1 repeat, that
| the French Government would not wait, before
I it resumed any communication on the subject
with the Government df the Union ; and belore
it renewed with it the interrupted relations, that
the latter would come forward and express itself
in terms calculated to dispel the unfortunate in
terpretations to which the Message had given
rise 7
Such is in fact and in substance the course
which the amendment introduced by the Cham
'ber of Deputies has pointed out to the Govern
tnent; such is the course which the Govern
ment intended to have pursued, even if the law
had not made it their duty.
Nevertheless, it is agaihst this course, so sim
ple, so reasonable, that Mr. Livingston seems to
wish to protest beforehand. „
Mr. Livingston fully admits, in his note of the
27th ol April, the right of foreign Governments,
to take proper exception to the acts and language
of the Government which he represents.
•• Should the President,’' he observes, “ do an
official executive act affecting a foreign .power,
or use exceptionable language in addressing it,
through his Minister, or through theirs ; should
a law be passed injurious to the dignity of ano
ther nation, in all these, and other similar ca
ses, a demand for explanation would be respect
fully received, and answered in the manner that
justice, and regard to the dignity ofthe complain
ing nation, would require.”
But he maintains that these principles, the wis
dom of which is evident, are not applicable to an
act by which the President, sole representative
of the nation towards foreign powers, gives to
Congress an account of the situation of foreign
relations.
“The utmost freedom,”says Mr. Livingston,
—“the utmost freedom from all restraint in the
details into which he is obliged to enter, of in
ternational concerns, and of the measures in re
lation to them, is essential to the proper perfor
mance of this importan; part of his functions.
He must exercise them without having continu
ally before him the fear of offending the suscep
tibility of the powers whoso conduct he is obli
ged to notice.”
“ Were any foreign powers,” continues Mr.
Livingston, “permitted to scan the communica
tions of the Executive, their complaints, whether
real or affected, would involve the country in
continual controversies; for the right being ad
milted* it would be a duty lo exercise it. by de
manding a disavowal of every phrase they might
deem offensive, and an explanation of every
word to which an improper interpretation could
be given. The principle, therefore, has been
adopted, that no foreign power has a right to
ask for explanations of any thing that the Presi
dent, in the exercise of his functions, thinks pro
per to communicate to Congress, or of any course
he may advise them to pursue.”
We cannot, sir, admit such a principle; we
cannot admit it, at least without condition or lim
it, in an absolute, general, and peremptory sense
It does not depend upon a nation from the
mere fact of its having adopted such or such a
form of Government, to acquire with regard to
foreign powers, more rights than it would have
had, or (o arrogate to itself other rights than
those which it would have enjoyed under any
other form of Government.
Nations are free to choose, without any con
straint. the Government they please—precisely
for this reason, and under this condition, that
such a choice concerns them exclusively, and
that whatever that choice mav be it cannot effect
the rights, or injure the legitimate interests of
other nations.
Now it is the acknowledged right of every
Government, when the legal representative, or
j when the official organ of another Government,
expresses himself publicly in reference to it, in
language which is deemed offensive, to demand
an explanation of it. Such a right the Consritu.
tion of the United "States can neither abolish,
modify nor restrict. It is an international right
(un droit international.) It suits the people ol
| the United States to divide the power of the
Union between the President and a Congress?
Beit so. It suits them lo oblige the President
to give publicly to Congress an account of the
state of foreign relations. Their right is tip.
questionable. But that the President of the U
nited States, the official organ, the legal repre
sentative of the Union towards foreign nations,
thereby acquires the right to press
licly upon foreign Governments in language of
fensive to those Governments; that he should, in
asserting the liberty, the freedom necessary for
| such communications, dispense with all reserve
; in his language, and with all responsibility to
i wards the powers whom that language concerns,
1 is what we cannot admit.
Irresponsibility il’inviolabilite) whether it re
lates to persons, to acts, or to words, irresponsi.
bility when it is legally established, is a pure na
| tional institution, a purely internal regulation, and
j can never be uoed as an argument ia the inter
course which Governments hold ;—ith each other
If it were otherwise, and if we were disposed,
after the example of Mr. Livingston, to carry tbe
argument to its extreme consequences, if might
be maintained that the President of the United
States has the right, provided it be in a Message
to Congress, to impute publicly to foreign Go
| vernments and to foreign nations the most odious
acts, the most perverse intentions ; to hold them
up publicly to the animadversion of the world,
without these Governments or these nations ha
ving the right to manifest the slightest resent-
ment, since, according to this very strange doc
trine, they would not even be allowed lo take
* official notice of it,
i To state such a doctrine, is to refute it.
t However, Sir, w»e do not wish to exaggerate
! any thing. Mr. Livingston is perfectly right
. when he says that the cause’which he supports.
- is, in a general “sense, common to all free coun
j. tries:—That all Governments, founded on the di
, vision of power, and on the publicity of debates.
have an interest in repelling, on the part ot so.
reign powers, any interference with the commu
nications which the Prince and his 31iai3ter», in
constitutional Monarchies, end’n republics the
magistrates entrusted with the Executive power,
are called upon to make to the Legislature. And
this is the reason, as .Mr. Livington very judi
ciously observes, that that in France and in Eng
land, the language of the royal speeches is sore
served in every thing that concerns foreign re.
laiions ; ofid it is the s?,tne motive, as ybu will
observe, Sir, lo the Cabtnetjof Washington, that
has directed the conduct of France in relation
to the Message of President the
expressions contained in that Message had been
inserted in a proclamation, or any other act of
the Executive power of the Union, we would at
once have called for an explanation. Out of re*
sped for the very nature of tho ad, the French
Government deemed it a duty to manifest the
sentiments it felt on that occasion, by instantly
recalling its Minister, and stating in a comma,
nication, the motives for that recall; but it did
not ask for explanations ; it was contented to ex.
pect them from the justice of the Government of
the United States, and from the ancient friend,
ship of the American nation, not doubting tiiat
the Government of the Uniied Stares would ap.
predate the difference in such cases, between
answering an interpellation, and preventing, by ? a
spontaneous deterrniuatibn, by explanations red
di y offered, a misunderstanding always to be re.
gretted.
The amendment of the Chamber of Deputies
is conceived in the sarfie spirit of reserve and
conciliation. It does not make it the duty of
the French Government to ask for explanations;
it merely supposes they will recive them.
We were not mistaken, sir, in believing that
the Government ofthe United States would ap.
predate that difference, since Mr. Livingston, as
he hiiijself observes, hastened as early as the
29th of January last, when the Message of Pres,
idem Jackson had been only known a few days,
to offer us explanations at great length, of every
passage of that Message which treated of the
relations between the United States and France ;
and since that step and the explanations con
tained in his note of the 29fh of January have
received, as he informs us by his note of the
29th of April, the entire tpprobatidu of tbe
President.
Mr. Livingston was not astonished that those
explanations, as long as they Were presented only
upon his personal responsibility, did dot prdduce
uponus the effect he intended ; but he supposes
that being now clothed with tho approbation of
tho President, they must satisfy all that the ni.
cest sense of national honor could desire.
He therefore makes it t psint in bis note of
the 25th, to repent and to deVelope them, in the
hope that the French Government, by examin
ing them anew, under the impiession that they
had b>‘Corns the expression of the sentirdents of
the President, would deem them sufficient. He
is so much the more anxious to impart to us
his own conviction on this subject, as he deems
it impossible for the Government of the United
States to go any further. He even seems lo
be apprehensive that future events, which he
need not specify, designating thereby no doubt
the adopiion of the amendment of the Chamber
of Deputies by the other two branches ofthe
Government, may hereafter render improper
any allusion to explanations presented under the
influence ol different circumstances.
We sincerely wish, Sir, not to add to tho diffi
culties of tho situation in which the 'wo coun
tries are respectively placed. The question
of date, to which Mr. Livingston seems, in this
ease, to attach an importance which it belongs
not to us to appreciate, does not in any way al
ter either the nature or the extent ofthe duties
which are prescribed to us. If satisfaction had
reallv been given to the just susceptibility of
the French Nation, as early as the 29th of Jan
uary, (the da'e of Mr. Livingston’s first note,)
and therefore previous to the adoption of the
amendment under consideration by the Chamber
of Deputies, or as early ns the 27th of April,
(the data of Mr. Livingston’s second note,) that
is to say, before the adoption of this same amend
ment by the other two branches of the Legisla
ture, we would be sincerely gratified. The
more thu Government of the United States
wr aid have shown a willingness to explain itself,
the mors we should be ourselves disposed to
find the explanations satisfactory, and to view the
solicitude of that Government as a testimony in
favor of the intentions which had dictated the
Message of the President.
We will simply observe, before we proceed :
Firstj That even supposing tho explanations,
given by the note of the 29th cf January, to
have been such as we-might have wished them,
they were, on the 18th of April, the day of the
passage of the amendment in the Chamber of
Deputies, notiiing more than the simple expres
sion of the personal sentiments of Mr. Living
ston. This is an observation which did not es
caoe his notice.
We will also observe that bv the publication I
of Mr. Livingston’s correspondence, the Govern
ment of the United States had excited against
him such a feeling of irritation, that it would
have been out of our power, even supposing that
we had considered that correspondence as con
taining nothing but what was right and proper, to
avail ourselves of a document bearing bis sigrla
tnre, to repel in oneor the other ofthe Chambers,
the amendment under consideration.
I will now proceed to the examination of the
explanations which have been offered to us.
Mr. Livingston is right in thinking that our
objections to the Message of the President are
confined to these two points.
Ist. The Message impeaches the good faith of
his Majesty’s Government.
2d. It contains a threat to secure the execution
of the treaty by the fear of reprials.
It is indeed under this double point of view
that the Message of President Jackson excited
in France the greatest indignation. The Cab ; -
net of Washington will readily admit that if the
allegation were true, the indignation would be
just. No Government, no people, would for one
moment bear without itself either to the direct
or indirect imputation of a « ant of good faith, or
the idea of another Government or another peo
pie endeavoring to obtain from it through me
nace, what could only be granted by it to justice.
It must equally be a Imittec that when the im
pression produced by the appearance of any
document is general; when that impression is
fell, not only by the whole na’ion whom tine
document concerns, but even by foreigners, by
uninterested people, by persons tiie least d spos.
ed to take a part in the contest, the very univer
salityof that impression is a sufficient evidence
against the genera! tenor of the document.
If we examine in detail thte Message of the
President of the United States, (I mean that pan
of it which relates to the rela'ions between the
United States and France.) it will possibly be
found that passing successively from pharse to
phrase, none will be met with that cannot bear
an interpretation more or less plausible ; none,
of which, strictly speaking, it cannot be said that
it is a simple expose of such or seen a fact true
in itself, or the assertion of such a right which
no one contests, or the performance of such or
i such an obligation imposed on the President by
the very nature of his (unctions. There will
certainly be found several in which the idea of
impeaching the good faith o( the French Gov.
eminent, or of acting upon it through menace or
• intimidation, ts more or less disavowed.
Yet when the whole succession of facts is
- taken into view; when we perceive the care
i which seems to have been taken to present
i them in sh unfavorable light, without making
i allowance for circumstances which explained
i them, without paying anv regard to consider*,
i tions which the Government of the United States
r itself had previously admitted; when we see at
the end of this uninterrupted series of allegations,
which have the appearance of wrongs, tor the
sale reason that they are ru&de to rest on isela
ted and incomplete statements, the unexpected
proposition, the extreme proposition to say the
least, to seize npon French property, it is impos.
sible at first view, it is even difficult after reflec
tion, to escape the thought that all this part of
f the message had bees written fir the double
. purpose stated above.
It is not so,however; at least we hope it is not.
But to banish entirely such an idea, what wouPd
i be necessary? N olhing but what is Very simple.
We do not here contend about this dr that phrase,
this or that allegation, this or that expression;
we contend about the intention itself, which lias
dictated that part of the message. If it be true
i that tiie President of the United States, in pre
settling to Congress a statement of the facts
r connected with the treaty of the 4th of July, had
l no intention to cast any doubt on the good faith
of the French Government, if it be true that the
President of the United States, in proposing to
Congress to decree the seizure bv force of arms,
i of French property, had not the intention to
i assume, with regard to France, a mtancing atti.
, tudo, we cannot see how he could find any
, difficulty in declaring it.
’ Is such a declaration really contained in Mr.
Livingston’s note, addressed to the French go
; vernment on the 29ih of January, or in that winch
the same minister left at his departure on the 27th
of April ?
We would be equally at a loss to affirm or to
deny it; —and for this reason it is evident that
neither the one nor the other can be considered
sufficient. The note of the 29th of January is
intended to discuss, contradictorily, with the
French government the Correctness of facts
i asserted in the message of President Jackson.
It is intended to prove that the view taken by
him of these facts is at least plausible. It is in
the midst of this long disquisition that two or
three phrases are incidentally thrown out, on the
just confidence which the government of the
United States has always entertained in the
sincerity of thk French Government; confidence
which Mr. Livingston had always made it a duty
i to foster, and which according to him, is not in
i contradiction With any of the ideas or allegations
i expressed m the message. The ntito of the 25th
of April, is chiefly intended to make an indirect
attd anticipated examination of the amendment
introduced by the Cdalbber of Deputies. While
upon this examination, and with a view tb prove
that any demand for explanations would ih future
be useless in f£et and inadmissible in principle
Mr. Livingston refers to the testimony given by
him in his first note, to the good faith of the
French Government; he refers to subsequent
sanction given by the President to the contents of
that note: he dwells on the paragraph df the tries
sage of the President, in which alt idea of threat
is, he says, expressly disavowed.
You will easily conceive, sir, and the Cabinet
of Washington will, we think, understand it also,
that suc-h phrases incidentally inserted in docu
men's, the purport and tenor of which are pole
mical, and surrounded, in some measure,by de
tails of a controversy which is besides not al
ways free from bitterness, cannot dispel suffi
ciently the impression produced by the perusal
of the message, nor strike the mind as would the
same idea expressed in terms simple, positive,
direct, and unaccompanied by any recriminations
concerning facts or incidents no longer of any
importance. Such is the motive, which, among
many others, has placsd the French Government
in the impossibility of acceding to the wish ex
pressed by Mr. Livingston towards the conclu
sion of his note of the 25th of April, by declaring
(to the Chamber of Peers probably) that pre
vinus explanations given by the Minister of the
United States and subsequently approved by the
President, had satisfied it.
The impression produced by the perusal of the
Message was deep. It was so in France, in
Europe, and even in the United States; the de.
bates in Congress, and public notoriety
ly prove the fact. Under the weight of this im
pression, the French Government did not hesi
tate to place itself in a situation to meet the en
gagement contracted in the name of France.
In pausing there for the present, and waiting
for the fulfilment of those engagements to be
claimed, or expecting them to be claimed, in
terms consistent wiih the regird which is its
due, it is not afraid ofbeing accused, nor France
which it represents, of being accused of appre.
dating national honor by any number of mil.
lions which it could withhold, as a compensation
for an injury offered to it. Mr. Livings’on i«
the first to repel such an idea. Far from it; the
French Government will consider as a fortu
nate day, the one in which it will be able to de
liver up honordbly the trust that lies tn its hands;
but each State has duties to perform towards'
itself—each situation has its exigencies. Mr.
Livingston objects to the idea of seeing the Pre
stdent of the United States give anew testimo
ny to the good faiih of the French Government,
lest such a step, reasonable and just in itself,
should not appear to be exclusively dictated by
justice and by reason. He will not be astonish
ed if the French Government, on its side, at
taches an equal importance, to show that in ac
knowledging openly a legitimate debt, and de
claring itself ready to discharge it, it has
exclusively consulted reason and justice.
Yon are authn-ized, sir, to read the present
despatch to Mr. Forsyth; and, if he desires, let
him take a copy of it. Accept sir, &c.,
(Signed) V. BROGLIE.
Fuel. —The prices of fuel have become ex
ceedingly high. Pine wood is sold at §2 50
per load, oak at §2 50, and hickory at $3 50.
N. Y. Jour. Com. 19 th inst.
The New Exchange. —The Merchant* "met
yesterday for the first lime in the building at the
corner of Exchange Place and New street, and
found themseves very well accommodated. 76-
High Prices. —A drove of twenty fat sheep,
sold yesterday at the high price of 18 to 20 dol
lars per head. Dressed hogs, “whole hogs,”
brought a9i cts. lb.— lb.
General Sessions —J. H. Wilding, who lately
made the faux pas on the Stock Exchange,'has
been indicated for obtaining money under false
pretences.and it was expected that his trial would
, have taken place yesterday. It has however
laeen postponed untilthe next term.— -Ibid. '
The Hon. Benjamin Ruses’, one of the vetc
racism the government of Massachusetts, i*
elected on joint ballot of the legislature, s msm>
her of the Executive Council.—ifc.
From the Charleston Cour, of Wednesday Int:
From Key West.
The srbr. Exit, Capt. Sisson, arrived at tfcjk
port ycsierdav, from Key West, having left that
place on the 21st inst. We received from our
Correspondent, the letter which follows, and a
Key We«t paper of the 16th inst. from which ws
have made an extract, giving some further parti,
cularsof the murder perpetrated at New Rtvfer.
No verbal news, in addition, haa been com.
municated to ns, except that a meeting of the
inhabitants of Key West had been held, to make
arrangements for a proper defence of the place,
at which it was det'dea that the trees in ths ti,
cinityof the fortifications should be cut dowflf,
so that a clear field should be presented, in cast
the foe should make an attack. The Steamer
" Champion, which le t there for Mobile on ths
20th, returned the same day, on account of bad
weather.
KEY WEST. JAN. 16 —Further particular*
of the Outrage at New River. —We have been
informed by William Cooley, Esq. who ha* arri.
ved at this place, that on the 4th, when the attack
and murder was committed on his family by the
Indians, he was about at the wreck of the Span,
ish brig Oil Bins. That on arriving at the Light
| House, Cape Florida, and learning that an attack
had been made on his family, he proceeded to
the melancholy scene, accompanied by Mr. Bee.
sly, Mr. Roberts and Uie negro slave Simons be.
Id'nging to Fitzpatrick, who volunteered to go
with him. When he approached his once peace,
(ul home, he found the body of Joseph Flinton
t of Cecil County, State of Maryland, who acted
as instructor to his children; his body was man.'
' t pled, and - he had evidently Seen killed with arf
axe. His two eldest children were found near
by, shot through the heart, one holding yet
the book in her hand, she had been learn,
ing, and the book oF the other lay by her
side; about a hundred yards distant he forth!!
the bodies of his wife and infant. She also had
been shot through the heart, and the same ball
it is supposed broke the infant’s arm. Hit
house had been burned, but the house in which
he kept arrow root and the machinery Which he
manufactured it with are left uht’Hjured, {The In;
dians carried off about twelve barrels provisions;
30 hogs, 3 horses, SIBO in silver, his clothing;,
one keg powder, over 200 pounds lead, ami
S7OOO worth of dry goods. By their tracks afia
the atnoiint of property carried off, Mr. C. coht.
pules the number of the Indians at from 20 to
. 30. They also carried off his ne|fo man, and
woman, and a Spanish man nanfed Emanuel.
Ourberieved friend and neighbor caused ths
bodies of his loved ones to be as decently buried
as circumstances would permit, and reiilfned to
the Light House on the 10th.
At that time, he assures us, there had beeri
no Indians at the Light House, though he saw
their fires about ten miles to the northward.
Ho speaks with great confidence, that ttltci
companies, one with a block house at New Riv£r*
and the other with a block house at Cape Stable,
would afford complete protection to the Keys
and Islands along the Reef.
NJEW
CEOTIMIJTG StOHE,
COUNCIL OF BROAD AND MACI.NTOSH-3TR.EETi
THE Subscribers have just opened a large
and handsome assortment of READY
MADE CLOTHING, which tbby offer at low
prices, viz :
Blue, Black and coiorb'l Cloth Dretfs, Frock ahd.
Hunting Coats and Coatees
Drab Petersham over Coate, Gfey and Olive
Cloth do
Grey &. Bine Satinet Hunting Coats & Coatee*
Cloth, Cassimere and Satinet Pantaloons, of all
qualities and colours
Vests of every description.
Ladies and Gentlemen’s Camblet & Circassia*
Cloaks.— Boys and Misses’ Ditto
M erino. Worsted, Lambs Wool, Cotton and
Flannel Under Shirts and Drawers
Hosieries, Stocks, Suspenders, Gloves, Fancy
Cravats. &c.
Silk and Beaver Hats
Boy’s Cloth Jackets and Pantaloons, oriattniun.
able Patterns.
(servants, Laborers and Plantation Clothing.
ALSO,
London Cloths of Fashionable Colors, vi* :
Daliah, Mulberry, Acanthus, Rifle, Bottle and!
Invisible Green,
Russels Brown, Plum, Steel Mixt. OUve, Violet*
and London Smoke, Blue and Black Ditto.
Plain, Ribbed and Plaid Cassimeres, of the new
est and most fashionable style
Merinos, Valencias, Plain and Cut Velvets,
Black and colored Silks and Satins and Single
Mill’d Cassimeres, for Vests.
Buffalo Cloth for Hunting Coats.
V. DURAND A CO.
N. B. The TAILORING BUSIN ESS carri.
ed on in ail its branches, having an experienced
Cutter, we can warrant a neat and handsome fit.
Nov 24 47
MORGAN & WYATT,
AT THEIR NEW STAND ,
Ao. 242 Broad-street,
HAVE on hand, a good supply of SEA
SONABLE DRY GOODS, among them'
are :
French Merino Cloths, assorted colors
Merino Circassians do
Fig’d and Plain Col’d Silk
Black Italian Lustring Silks, (good)
Black Ginghams and Calicoes, for mournntg
Black Challe, (fine) do
Merino Handkfs and Shawls
Fancy Silk d<* do
Hem. Stiched & Plain Linen Cambric Handkfs-
Handsome Belt Ribbons, assorted
Black, Blue-black and Green ?ilk Velvet
Blk and White English Silk Hose and i Hose
Long white Kid Gloves
Merino and Lambs wool Hose and half Hose
ALSO,
A good assortment of Prunello and Kid Slip,
pera. Fur Bound Morocco and Gum Elastic
SHOES.
Jan 7 81
WASHINGTON HALL,
Milledgeville Georgia.
iSitiß THE subscriber having Taken thir
well known stand, for a term of years,
offers to his friends and the public, as good ac-?
cornmodations as can be found in the up country
of Georgia.
His supplies will be of the first quality; ants
all that can be done for the comfort of those who
may favor him with a call, shall be done.
His charges shall be uniform and reasonable.
The whole establishment is undergoing a tho.’
rough repair, and will comain when completed,*
upwards of sixty comfortable room*.
ALFRED M. HORTON.
January T 4th