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[From the Neio York Mercantile Advertiser.]
SKVESDAYSLATEK.
London, July 7.—The Act of Accusation
against Alibatrl was read to him on Monday,
and published on the next day; it is a document
of great length, and only recapitulates facts with
which our readers are already acquainted. I',
however, contains a tirade of the Procurcur-
General, which reads to us as strangely out of
place. A violent attack is made upon the poor
prostrate Republican party, whose corpse might
be allowed to rest, now that the last execution
has been done upon it, and who, as a body, are as
innocent of this deed as the hotly of lawyers of
which the Procurcur is a member; he loads them
with all sorts of epithets of contumely and dis
grace, and then turns round to 1 vent his common
place flattery on the King. But Louis Philippe
is fixed 100 high and too firmly to dread the at.
tacks of his enemies, end having shown that he
is able to conquer,’may surely now prove that he
ia willing to pnrdijn. The Princes arrived at
Neunilly on Monday.
The foMowing are the accounts from the theatre
of war ;
We find in the Gazette de France the follow,
ing Spanish correspondence:—“A Utter troni
VillaiFranca, of the 28'h nit. says: “V.llareal,
«ho was projecting an expedition against the
Asturias, made a demonstration on the line ol
M irandq. as far as Legrona, as well as an attack
on the line from Valcarlcs to Pamplona. "Cor.
dova and Fspartcro, deceived by these two
movements, marched, the former on Pampelona,
the second on the Ebro, calling up the reserve
that was in tlio Valley of iUcna. The expedi.
tion ihen set out on the 23d for the Asturias,
meeting wiih no obstacle on the road, and Villa- :
real carried his head quarters to Durana, at half
a league from Vittoria, where Espartero has left
only the Portuguese, and two Spanish battalions, i
Another letter from Itayomo of the 39ih ult.,
states as follows :—‘On the 27th, Cordova, after
making a circuit from Vittoria, and passing
through Logrono, Lcria, Larraga, and Puente la
Reyna, arrived at Pamplona with 12,000 infantry,
400 cavalry, and 4 pieces of artillery. The di
visions of the Asturias are commanded by Gen.
Gomez, having under him Brigadiers Arrago and
the Marquis tie la Robeda, with five battalions
of Castile, two squadrons of cavalry, and four
pieces of artillery.”
Algieus, June 2(l.—The question as to the
fate of Algiers being decided, several wealthy
houses of Marseilles have sent over agents lor
forming agricultural, commercial, and industrial
establishments. The plain is tranquil. The
harvest is going on well, and promises to be
abundant. The hopes of the colonist are quite
restored. The partisans of our Bey of Medeah
sustain their courage, and keep the field with
success. The late occm rences at the Tafna and
T remeccn have contributed greatly lo encourage
them. The building ofhougps and the widening
of the streets at Algiers are going on with great
activivy.
Le Droit, Paris paper, publishes a letter from
M. do Naundorff, Wiiiten to Louis Phillippe
from the prison of the Prefecture de Police.
He states himself the son of Louis XVL and
Marie Antoinette, and complains ol having been
thrown into gaol at the moment he was about to
produce evidence of his royal birth. Thu letter,
which is signed Charles Louis, Due de Norman,
die, is accompanied by another one subscribed
by lour members of the bar, declaring Naundorff
to be Monseignsur !e Due de Normandie, the
lawful son of Louis XVI., and remonstrating up
on his incarceration, the seizure of his papers,
and the erder issued to expel him from France.
London, July B. In the Loids last evening
the Duke of Richmond presented the report ol
the committee appointed to inquire whether any,
and, if any, what danger was likely to arise
from locomotive engines passing through towns.
The committee reported that there would be
danger, but they were not prepared to suggest
a remedy. If, however, die companies were
made liable for any damage which might be done
their own interes's would lead them to be cau
tious.
Notwithstanding the prevalence of a fine
breeze from the north, the heat continued un
diminished at Paris, that is to say, at 82 degrees
at 10 o’clock in the forenoon, and from 91 to 93
degrees at two o’clock in the afternoon. At
Boideaux, on the Ist instant, there were 31 do.
grees of Reaumur (nearly 102 Fahrenheit) in
the shade.
London, July 8, Thursday Evening.
By the private accounts from Liverpool, it ap.
pears that the fever of speculation in joint stock
apmpanies in that town has materially abaied, so
as to lessen in a great degree the apprehension
which was at first entertained for the consequen.
ces. Out of about 40 schemes, great and small,
projected in Liverpool alone, very few have come
into actual operation.—Among these are two fish
companies, an apothecaries’ company, a brewery,
and a steam.lowing company. Nearly all the
others have either become extinct, or are said to
be in such a state that there is no chance ol going
on with them. To carry on the few that survive,
only a small comparative amount of capital is re.
quired. The loses occasioned by the mania for
speculation will now be confined, in a great mea.
sure, to the money paid as depos ter on shares,
or the preminni to which on the first impulse
they rose. That these have been very consi.
derable in Liverpool is certain, and they have
fallen chiefly on the middle classes, among whom
the degree of suffering must be extreme. The
superior class of merchants and capitalists have,
for the most parr, had the good sense to keep out
of such speculations. The share market at Li.
verpool baa fallen into a state of almost total stag,
nation.
The banking speculations in Liverpool appear,
however, to be maintained in full vigor, and three
new ones, the “ Royal,” the “ Tradesmen’s” and
lire “ United Trades” banks have been brought
recsntly into active operation. A peculiar Tea.
ture of these speculations has been the formation
of companies out of concerns previously carried
on by private individuals. This has been the
case with the bank of S, Hope & Co., which
commenced business under the new form last
week ; the bank of Messrs. Aspinall Son has
also been announced as about to assume the joint
stock form. This practice seems to have been
borrowed from the West of England, where se.
veral instances of the kind have taken place ; and
it is pretty notorious that the parties have con.
trived to make a very good market for their pro.
petty out of the arrangement.
Os the state of things in Manchester we have
not met with any detail equally lull with that from
Liverpool, but thvreis reason to believe that the
situation of the two towns does not materially
differ in that respect.
The markets general'y have been heavy to.
day, but no material alteration occurred in any of
them, the scarcity ot business being apparently
the sole cause of it. Some rumors were in cir.
culatioa prejudicial to the cause of the Queen of
Spain, but they could not be traced to any authen.
tic source.
Paki-s, July B. — On Tuesday evening, the King
transacted business with the Ministers ol the
Interior and for Foreign Affairs, and received bis
Excellency Lord Granville, the Austrian and
Spanish Atnbass tdors, the Prussian, Danish, and
Wuitemburg Ministers, the Grand Referendary
of the Chamber of Peers, the Prefect ot the
Seine, the Duke de Choiseul, the Marquis de
Semonville, the Colonel of the Municipal Guard,
M. Barthe, M. Persil, M. Beranger, and other
personages of distinction. Yesterday, his Ma
jesty transacted business at Neunilly with the
Minister of the Interior, and granted an audi
ence to the President of the Chamber of Peers.
The King arrived at the Tuileries at two o’clock,
“ecompanied by the Queen, Madame Adelaide,
aa J die Ministers of the Interior and for For
man Affair*.— Hia Excellency Jx»rd Granville
a, ‘ “Private audience of his Majesty, who at a
qu^ r Past five returned to Neunilly.
• • he M°niteur has a royal ordonnance autho
will en ; 'o of a bank'at Liiie, which
in at exclusive privilege gs issuing notes
[Fiomlhe Washington Globe-] J
Gentlemen: The accompanying notes of a 1
visit to Mr. Madison, were written for preserva. i
tion, not publicaiion. Bat hts death suggests
not only the propriety, but, perhaps, the utility I
of giving to the public his opinions on many sub.
jects. And, being under tliat conviction, I know
ol no medium, lor their extensive and salutary
dissemination, so good as the Globe, in which
I hope you may think fit to insert them.
August 6, 1836,
VISIT TO MR. MADISON.
I had long promised myself a visit to Mr.
.Madison, whom I had not seem for twenty odd
years: and on Monday, the 2d of May, 1836,
after sleeping the night before at the village of
Orange Court house, six miles from Montpe- ;
Her, we got there before breakfast, and were |
most ho.-pitably received. The ride is rough,
the road not good, nor the country much culti
vated. But after we left home, without any i
spring, it had suddenly burst forth, even there !
from several hot days; and, in the more south,
southern climate of Virginia, the woods were in j
foliage, the whitehern aaJ redbud-trees in great, i
er number than I had ever seen them, giving a !
pleasant coloring to what was otherwise rather
a wild, poor, and uninteresting region. Nesrer
Mr. Ma dison’s the coun’ry is more improved,
and the mountain scenery is very agreeable.
You enter his cuter gate from the woods, and at
once get into something like a park, with bis
well-locking house about half a mile off; she
whole cleared and improved, with trees in
clumps, and other signs of ornamental agricul
ture. The house is a two story brick mansion,
with wings and colonnades front and back, in
good design, but decayed and in need of incon
siderable repairs, which, at a trifling expense,
would make a great dfference in favor ct the
fust impression of his residence. The house
was built by his father, the wings and colon
nade by himself. The rooms are good ; furnish
ed with French carpets, large windows, a good
many paintings, and some statuary —altogether
without any fashionable or veiy elegant equip
ment, yet in a gentleman like style of rural
propriety. The table not only abundantly, but
handsomely provided ; good soups, flesh, fish,
and vegetables, well cooked—desert and excel
; lent wines of various kinds ; and when Mrs.
Madison was prevailing on me to eat hot bread
at breakfast, she said, “You city people think
j it unwholesome, but v\ e eat heartily, like the
French, and never find ourselves worse for it.”
She looks just as she did twenty years ago, and
dresses in the same manner, with her turban
and cravat; rises early, is very active, lut sel
dom leaves the house, as her devotion to Mr.
Madison is incessant, and he needs all hereon
slant attention. The view from the front of the
I : house is very picturesque, bounded b/ the
blue ridge, which begins about eighteen miles
off, seeming to be close by ; and though the ther
mometer marked S 8 degrees in the colonnade,
yet the mountain air kept the house cool enough.
’ The estate consists of near two thousands acres
of good land—the rod soil, John Randolph said,
I in which Presidents grow—with about one bun.
dred slaves, not one of whom, I was told by Mr.
’ Payne Tod, had been flogged for several years.
' They raise about a thousand bushels of corn ;
' but the principal crop for sale is tobacco, pro
| ductive of income for the fine te ng, though
I injurious to the ground. There were some
horned cattle of the superior breeds ; the horses,
' equipages, and stabling, however, the whole
equestrian department, in a useful state, but by
no means elegant. Mr. Madison told me, that
ever since his Presidency he has been obliged to
live beyond his means, selling off some of Kis
capital continually, and that he is now in debt.
He spoke often and anxiously of slave property
ns the worst possib’e forprofi', unless employed
in manufactures, as he is sure it will be to ad.
vantage: and when I mentioned Mr. Rush’s
productive farm of ten acres, near Philadelphia,
he said he had no doubt it was more profitable
than his with two thousand. Among the deplo
rable effects of the abolition excitement, lie con
siders, first, that in teaching southern people to
imagine that slavery is right and useful, a
change of opinion suddenly arises, and he refer
red to Governor McDuffie’s message in proof of
■ it ; secondly, deteriorating the condition of the
poor states, whoso bondage is embittered by
> laws and measures intended to counteract the
! i’d-litned end ill directed efforts to put an end to
it. Sustaining Governor Me. Duffie’s message,
: he also mentioned Professor Dew’s discourse;
of which, as of Governor McDuffie’s talents, ho
! spoke at the same time, with approbation, rcs
-1 peeling their slave doctrines.
Mr. Madison said he always told the south
ern people tliat the tariff was not their chief
grievance, when they complained most of it ;
but that, while he asserted the constitutional
' power, and denied the policy of high duties,
deeming it a power hest used moderately, yet in
1 his apprehension the inexhaustible new lands of
the southwest, brought into competition with
1 the worn soils of V.rginia and the Carolines,
were the principal cause of their sufferings.
Nearly two.thirds of his slaves are too young or
’ ’.oo old to work much, while the support of so
■ many is very expensive. It takes nearly all lie
' makes to feed, clothe, and preserve them ; and
1 when a handsome column or other ornamental
part of Ins mansion falls into decay, he wants the
means of conveniently repairing it, without en
croaching on necessary expenditures —besides,
the difficulty of getting adequate artists at such
a distance front their common resorts. In this
connexion he spoke cf the productions, the re.
sources, the currency, and the economy of the
country at large ; the substance of all he said, cn
these topics, was, I think, to deprecate the paper
money system, without appearing lo have con
fidence in the establishment of hard money in.
stead of it. “Ti ere will he troubles and explo.
sionq I predict,” said he, “though it is peril
ous to be a prophet,” and it seemed lo me that
he did not believe that the cotton plantations
would continue to be very productive, any more
than those of rice or grain. There was a con
siderable failure of the wheat crop last year, (ha
said,) and he spoke with uneasiness of its pros
pects this year.
Soon after our arrival, Mrs. Madison took us
into the room he occupies during the day, and
from that time I passed the greater part ol three
days at his side, listening to his conversation.
Ho is very infirm—eighty.five years old last
March —never was strong, and is now extreme
ly emaciated and feeble. Longacre’s picture
gives a perfect likeness of his whole appearance;
much better, I should say, than Stewart’s ever
did, which is the best portrait of him as he was
formerly. He cannot sit up, except a little while,
nowand then, to rest from reclining on a sofa ;
and at first, when I saw him, he wore gloves,
which were laid aside, however, as the weather
became warm. We found him more unwell than
usual, and with a difficulty of breathing, which
affects his speech ;so that Mrs. Madison told
me I must talk, and not let him. But as I want,
ed to listen, and he appeared to grow better eve
ry day,our conversation became animated without
fatiguing him. Though nothing wou'J have in
duced me to injure him, yet I found h in so free
of communication that I heard a great deal
more than now, a fortnight since it happened, I
shall perhaps ba able to recollect precisely. But
it is deeply fixed in a memory tenacious from
strong impression of its interest, and I will try to
he accurate in the memorandum ot it before the
impression fades.
Mr. Madiron is a man of medium, the middle
WJ y avoiding all extremes, and perhaps fond
of checks and balances; but he is in grain a
genuine tepublican. You perceive directly that
Mr. Jefferson is the god of his idolatry ; and
while the acknowledges the talents, services)'
and merits of his first great antagonist, Alexan
der Hamilton, yet when I told him that Prince
Talleyrand, in eulogizing M. Thiers to an Amer
ican gentleman, characterized him as the Ham
ilton of France; “Y es,” said Mr. M., * - l al
ley rand was a great dabbler in stocks.’ Not
that he disparrages General Hamilton, to whose
abilities he does justice ; and, indeed he, speaits
ill of no one, being fastidiously measured in his
language and abstemious from personalities ;
but he has no idea that Hamilton, the author ot
the funding system, is lo be classed with those i
country gentlemen, like Washington, Jefferson, j
and himself, whose foundations were in the mo- ,
ther earth, and who held stocks, scrip, and such j
ephemeral and declusive things, in great dises. ]
teem. Mr. Jefferson’s portraits, by Stewart, by ,
Kosciusco, and others, his relics and his recol. j
lections, are all about Mr. Madison’s apartments. [
When he mentioned-Mr. Monroe, he called him ,
Monroe , as was natural, Mr. Monroe having £
served under him ; but when he spoke of Mr. [
Jefferson, he called him Mr. Jefferson, as one
he looked up to. He spoke also, with obvious
ly natural respect and affection, of Washington.
I asked him if it was true, as I had heard, that
Genera! Washington had offered him the En
glish mission about the time of Jay’s treaty ? He
said no, be believed not at that time ; but he
supposed there was nothing that General Wash
ington would not have given him if he chose it,
as they were very well together; and he gave
the French mission to Monroe, you know, said he.
I forget whether I asked him, as I had heard,
that General Washington, long passive oa the
constitutionality of the bank charter, had desired
him to sketch the argument of a veto ; and I
suppose I did notask h m, as otherwise I should
should mon likely recollect his answer. But
j some question I put led him to say, in more detail
| than I can repea', that General Washington was
! a very remarkable man, anil singularly endowed,
not only with the powers of judgment, bat of sus
: pending his judgment till he had heard all that
! could be said pro and con, and then inflexibly de
; termining. I told him that Col. Pickering said
j Col. Hamilton denied that Washington was a
I great man, or any thing more than one well fitted
i (or the part he had to perform, which sentiment
Col. P. said would be found in Hamilton’s letter
j resigning the Treasury,as it appears in Marshall’s
Life of Washington. Mr. Madison said that was
itself to characterize Washington as a great man.
He said, 100, (which 1 had never heard,) that he
■was a very eloquent man, and that some one he
mentioned, (I forget his name,) who was a mem
ber, with Washington, of a Church Vestry, used
to say that in a discussion on the affairs of the
church, in which Washington took-an active part,
he never heard more eloquent speaking than
from him. Mr. Madison added, that he consi
dered Co!. Pickering a man unde: valued; for
though some one had said tliat General Wash
ington spoiled a good Postmaster General to
m .ke a bad Secretary ol Stale,when lie appointed
Pickering, yet his despatches, (said Mr. M.)
always beginning with abuse of the French and
the democrats, after tliat preface, go cn with
well composed and well considered view of our
affairs.
I mentioned ike letters of and to Washington,
as now publishing by Mr. Sparks, and lie inquir
ed if there were any ol his about the period I
spoke ot'; a question 1 could net answer fully. He
told me he had just seen the first volume oi Gene,
ral Armstrong’s Memoirs, saying that his style
is good, though ra-her too epigramatu ; but that
it isan easy matter on paper to criticise, in the
closes', the conduct of an officer in the field as
General Armstrong does General Harrison’s. 1
askei whether he appeared in the work, he said
not yet, but he supposed he would in the next
volume. I told him I thought Colonel Monroe
would not be spated in that. No, (said he,) nor
I, either. He mentioned, in this connection,
that in the worst stage of the war, just after the
capture ot Washiuton, while the British frigates
were lying before Alexandria, and an attack on
Georgetown was continually apprehended, ho
had received four persons remarkable for their
bittcr opposition to his adminis:ration; he particu
larised Mr. I'arisen, then editor of the Federal
Republ can newspaper, afterwards Senator, con
fidential caution against designs said to be in
agitation against .Mr. Madison’s person. Ho
also stated that Mr. Cyrus King, one of the
members of the House of Representatives from
that part of Massachusetts, which is now Maine,
a m®t unsparing antagonist, who never even
called on Mr. Madison during the war, after
wards called to pay his respects. Mr. Madison
invited him to one of his Presidential dinners,
which Mr. King declined, but in a note full of
personal kindness and respect. Ho was half
brotherto Ru'us King, and a violent opponent of
the war and Mr. Madison. One so constitution
ally and philosophically tolerant as he, could
bear great abuse with great serenity. I have
heard Governor Coles say, who was his Secreta
ry, when he was every day called tyrant, mur
derer, despot, <&c., that he was never known to
speak harshly of those who vilified him. His
patience and forbearance were inexhaustible.
I spoke to him of Judge Peters and of his son’s
regret, that in a late publication of Mr. Jay’s
life, there is a letter of Judge Peters’ containing
a reflection on Mr. Madison, which the Judge
must have written thoughtlessly, as he was, I
know, much attached to him. He spoke with
great regard of Judge Peters; repeated several
of hts witty sayings, laughing heartily ; said he
had no idea that Judge Peters and he agreed in
every particular; bat that did not prevent the
greatest good will between litem, and he was
sure that the Judge miglit condemn part of his
conduct without meaning to say any thing hard
of him. I related to him an anecdote I have
heard Mr. King tell ot Mr. Jay’s taking offence
at what he considered disrespect to him by the
Queen of England, at her drawing.room, and his
abruptly leaving i’, refusing to return til! assured
by proper mediation that no offence was intend,
ed. Mr. Madison said it was like Mr. Jay.
Mr. Madisoti’s temper is perfectly amiable, and
the best word I know of to describe his love of
country, is to call it beautiful or love’y patriotism,
such natural, pro r ound, and pure republican'sm,
untainted by the least particle of European pre.
ference—never having been out of his own coun.
try, and being thoroughly imbued with the faith,
the religion, that Democratic Government is
not only relatively, hut positively, the best in the
world. Infirm as his body is, his understanding
is as bright as ever; his intelligence, recollec
tions, discriminations, and philosophy, all de
lightfully instructive. He loves to talk freely
on all subjects ofpolitical, and historical inter
est, which do not involve the mere politics of the
day. From nullification up to the Congress of
the Revolution, he speaks unreseivedly as to
measures, but with almost prudish reserve as to
persons, mcluding himself.
He intimated a pleasing, but it may be rather
fanciful anticipation, of the effect of our laws
against primogeniiuro, and entails, viz: tliat in
ptocess of time there will be no large fortunes,
but that a slate of mediocrity will be the common
condition. With strong impressions of the indis
pensable advantage of education, he appeared to
be as thoroughly impressed with the dangerous
ten Jeneies of merely lascivious life: the middle
ground is obviously his predilection.
There was one topic of our national policy on
which he spoke with enthusiasm, as the greatest
and best means of the United States taking a
lead in the inculcation of a principle calculated
to prevent war; that is, the principle that free
ships make free goods. We conversed a great
deal and with great animation about it. He
alluded to the pamphlet he published in 1806, in
answer to “War in Disguise,” and called to mind
the conversations we had many years ago, re
collecting better than I could the correspondence
also that passed between us, in furtherance of
that rule, as he asserted it to be, of international
law, that free sirips make free goods, to which
rule Great Britain alone takes exception. He
repeated many and striking reasons for the wis
dom of our advancing, and her conceding this
rule now, because in twenty years, according to
his calculation, our commerce will be greater
titan hers: all the rest of the civilized world will
second us. We shall put ourselves fit their
head, establishing a principle which England
must concede—and that principle is the pledge
of permanent maritime peace, and unlimited
commercial prosperity.
His circumspection and reserve—in fact, si
lence, whenever lie deemed it indiscreet to
speak, contrast curiously with General Jack
son’s bold, open, and unhesitating conversation
on most of the topics introduced by or to him.
Dining with him a few days before I was at Mr.
Madison’s. I was struck with the entire freedom
with which he discussed subjects of public con
troversy with a member of Congress opposed to
his administration, particularly with the warrior
or western tone of his whole conversation. The
member was deprecating the antipathy which he
said prevailed among the western members to
the West Point Academy. The General said
that it was partly owing to their suspecting favo
ritism in the selection of pupils; but more owing
to the system of punishment, which put a mark
for appearing on parade with dirty gloves, on
the same footing with a mark for not being pre
pared in a mathematical lesson, which he pro
nounced to be absurd, and declared that if ever
he saw an officer on parade with gloves, he would
disgrace him. Mr. Madison could never talk
in this way. I think the strongest approach I
heard to it from him was when speaking of his
dismissal of Mr. Granger, the Postmaster Gene
ral: he mentioned his rupture with him. But
beyond an indicating word, like that, ho never
goes. In the course of his complaints of Con
gress for thwarting the Executive views at the
beginning of the war, I confess it occurred to me
lo doubt whether the Jackson tone is not more
potenua!, if nut proper, with Congress, than the
Madison. All such comparison, however, is
odious ; and with sincere respect !or both these
uncommon persons. I mention their total dtfler.
er.ee in this particular, only that I may the batter
sketch the moral portrait here attempted, Mr.
Madison’s abhorrence of war is as remarkable
as thut it was his destiny to be President during
war. His politics are as simple and lovely as
his patriotism, peace and union. Fney are the
whole system—to avoid war at almost any price,
! and to preserve the Union at all events. I
thought, but am not perfectly sure, that I under
stoocf he was not pleased even with any increase
of the navy ; and more than once, when the con
troversy with France, just closed, happened to
be mentioned, he showed the strongest dislike
to hostilities, saying that we should be warned of
the perpetual liability to war. by its having well
resulted from such a state of.things as ne
ve'r could have been expected to give rise to it.
He spoke very freely of nullification, which he
altogether condemned, remarking that Mr. Wal
ker, of the Senate, in a speech he had delivered
on some occasion, was the first person who had
given to the public what Mr. Madison considers
The true view of Mr. Jefferson’s language on
that subject. Mr. Madison went further on this
subject than I think he did on any other in the
way of condemnation. They expected to make
Charleston, (said, he,) a great commercial em
porium, the mart of the southern country; but
they never could, by such means. He said a
great deal of the appointing power of the Pre
sident; denying altogether, as a recent notion,
the doctrine winch withholds from the President
power to fill vacancies in the recess of the Se
date. lie said much more on this point than I
can recollect, being a point of constitutional law
to which my attention has never been much di
reeled, wherefore I could not distinctly under,
stand all he said. If I am not mistaken, how.
ever, he asserted the power of the President to
send foreign ministers without the advice of the
Senate at ail, arguing that they were mere
agents of the Executive, whom ho mightcharge
as lie pleaded with foreign relations. I am not
sure that I perfectly understood, or accurately
represent, what he said in this respect. He
mentioned the treaty making power, observing
that though it might be in theory confined to the
President and Senate, yet, that when a grant of
money was to follow, it was the right of the
House of Representatives to participate in the
measure. I cannot say that he asserted this un.
equivocally, but he said it was most reasonable
or natural, or something of that sort. He spoke
of the Post Office Department as a dangerous
incongruity in our system, and intimated, but
quite insignificantly, that the reason why that
Department is not subordinated like the rest ts ;
the general action, but allowed to occupy a sepa
rate orbit, is the improper influence which Post
masters Genera! have over members of Con
gress. He was clearly of opinion that this state
of things ought to be changed. The Postmaster
General, (said he,) can take a Senator, if he
chooses, and by giving him a lucrative post of.
1 free,change the majority of the Senate. He
mentioned the indirect control which the Presi
dent had over the administration of justice, by j
i his power to appoint or remove marshals. I
told him that it had been suggested to me by the
Attorney General, that the authority of the Bank
, of the United States to establish branches with
i out limitation, was unconstitutional, conceding
the constitutionality of all the rest of the char
i ters. He said perhaps it might be so, but that
, his attention had never been particularly drawn
f to that circumstance. I asked him where I
f might find any thing in the power of legislation,
f with a view to explain and restrain the trust, and
told him I had been looking into Bentham’s
1 works, hoping to find something there, but that I
> had been disappointed. He said it was a difficult
topic, and mentioned a long letter from Mr. Jes.
- ferson to him, with an argument to ptove that
> legislatures cannot bind succeeding legislatures
; after a certain period, the ordinary term of a
. man’s life. But Mr. Madison said that he had
i written sn answer to that letter of Mr. Jefferson,
3 very considerably qualifying his doctrine. I
; spoke to him of the judicial tenure of office, and
> I don’t distinctly recollect what he said of it;
[ though my impression is, that he said he saw no
i objection to alio wing judges half pay, or some
thing of that sort, when incapacitated for active
> duty. He mentioned, with obvious acquiescence,
i the right of the Judiciary to settle questions of
> constitutional law. He condemned all tnonopo
! lies and perpetuities as inconsistent w ith republi
; can institutions; though, he said, some corpora.
1 lions seemed to be indispensable to public im
; provements ; but he thought that every legists.
> ture should have power to review the by laws
■ and other proceedings of corporations, as they
3 pass from lima to time, and to affirm, after, or
! disaffirm them, as they pleased. He mentioned,
. though rather mysteriously, the movements at
the beginning of the war, when ho was Presi
| dent, saying that matters might have been much
better done if Congress would have given him
, a.i army organized as the army is at present—
, that is, a sin ill force, with a large staff; whereas,
he satd, they insisted on giving him a much lar
ger army than was necessary. There were
, certainly (he said, with meaning and feeling)
i seme unaccountable proceedings in tits begin
■ ning of the war to thwart his administration of
it; to which, on my answering yes, the opposi.
tion was thoroughgoing, he replied, “ but that is
not wiiat I mean.” There was something, (said
he,) I never could understand, and will not cha
racterize, but leave it to history to, da so. I
thought he meant something done or left undone
by the members of Congress ostensibly suppor
ting the war. He spoke of it with emotion, in.
timating that the plans and views of the Execu
tive were marred by the legislative department.
He mentioned Napoleon, as I had olten heard
him formerly, with dislike; and when I stated
circumstances vindicating Joseph Bonaparte
from aspersions which Dir. Madison seemed to
have adopted as well founded, ho said he was
glad to hear my explanations.
There were other topics touched b/ him,
which, perhaps, might be deemed personal, and
I therefore omit, particularly, what he said of
Ex presidents.
Shortly after my visit, the spirit of this just
man was made perfect, as 1 trust, by his death.
A purer, brighter, juster spirit, has seldom exis
ted ; and I would bo the last to make public
these, among its last emanations, if I did not
believe that it may do some public good, and no
individual harm—above all, to their illustrious
source. I ought, perhaps, to add that, several
times, on my expressing hopes of his health im
proving, he said, with perfect composure and re
signation, that he believed he had a proper sense
of his situation/ that ho felt he wes on the de.
scendmg, not the ascending line; that, weak
and emanciated as 1 saw him, I had still no idea
how extremely feeble he was, but that he viewed
his decline with serenity.
[From the Raleigh Standard ]
THE ELECTION.
The contest is over, and the result, for Go.
vernor, is, in ail probability, in favor of the
coalition candidate. For although the returns
are not complete, there are enough to satisfy us
that Gen. Dudley mast succeed. The election
of Governor has not been as warmly contested
as rr igitt have been expected, as the votes polled
sliow that many counlies have ..ot given their full
vole. Whilst the opposition counties have most
ly voted to the almost of their strength, those
friendly to the administration have but in very
few instances voted to their full extent. To
whatever cause this may be ascribed, whether to
personal objections to our candidates, arising
from past or present causes ; yet such is certainly
the fact, and though much to be regretted, it
plainly shows that this elecion is no certain test of
the strength of the two political parties. Whilst
the east has acted with a manly and liberal spirit
in sustaining Gov. Spaighf, although they so ge
nerally differed from him in regard to the impor.
tant question of a Convention, the West seems
illy to have repaid him for having gone with her
in favor of so favorite a measure. In this, as in
other matters, great injustice has been done him,
arising from prejudices not well founded, but,
nevertheless, not to be surmounted, ,
The election for members of the Legislature
has been much more animated, and though the i
exertions on the part of the opposition, as will !
always be the case, have been more strenuous, i
than on that of the friends of the administration, i
the result has not been so favorable to them as in i
the election of Governor. Here again the
friends of Mr. Van Burcn had difficulties to con- t
tend with of the most serious character. At -
tire usual time of coming out as candidates,
great excitement existed upon tic subject of
slavery, and much prejudice prevailed against
Mr. Van Buren in regard to this matter. Gen
tlemen who were friendly to him could not be in
duced to enter a canvass, in which they foresaw
that every species of art and deception were to
be resorted to on the part of the opposition,
which would require sacrifices on their part,
which few were Hilling to make. Hence it was,
that in every county, the most active and popular
men of the opposition came forward on the
White ticket, and spared neither money, time,
nor means ; whilst it was often difficult even to
fill the ticket on the Van Buren side.—The re.
suit, therefore, finder these circumstances, is
much more favorable than might have been rea
sonably expected. IftheVan Buren party have
not a majority, our opponents certainly have
nothing to boast of. Have have lost the victory,
we can say, with truth, that out honor and prin
ciples have been preserved; which, we fear, is
more than can be said in behalf of the coaliton.
So far. then, from desponding of the election of
Mr. Van Burenin this State, we feel every con
fidence in success, and say to his supporters, as
their cause is identified with the best interests
of the country, “never give up the ship !”
Cotton ManuCaciHre.
Extract of an article on the Cotton Manufac
ture, taken fi otn Blackwood's Magazine for
March, 1836.
The state of imposing grandeur Vvhich the
cotton manufacture has now attained, and the
accelerated rate of its pn gression daring the
year just ended, are great cause oftriumpand
congratulation, not alone to the masses compos
ing that mighty interest, but to the united empire.
Magical as was its creation, instantaneously as
it burst from its shell, almost full fledged, and
clothed in a few years with the full blown luxu
riance of seeming maturity, for which as many
centuries Irave in other arts scarcely sufficed,
yet does it bear about it all the elasticity and
freshness of early youth; it has not yet even
arrived at the heyday of the blood, but bounds
along as if in the very spring tide ofits days. Its
career is that of the Amazons, that noblest river
of the world, widening, and deepening, and
fertilizing, as it courses impetuously onwards its
thousands of miles, until become itself a sea, it
rushes into alliance with the great Atlantic. As
the mrjestic river god takes his rise in the aureo
argentiferous cerros of the Peruvian Andes, and
rolls his Pactolean flood over shining sands of
precious minerals, so the gigantic manufacture—
wonder and glorious issue of creative genius—
spreads 1-tr and wide its hundred arms, and galit
ers into its lap the glittering treasures of the
whole glob—enlisting under its banner, in its
forward march entire populations—loading the
land with cities and towns, factories and manu
factories—pressing into its service alike the
powerful stream and gentle streamlet—shaking
the solid ea'rth with the neverceasing thunders
of steam—crowding the highways, and oppress
ing the ocean itself, with its countless carriers of
products and returns. Whatever its natural
capacity, and however nobly endowed by inven
tion, its parent, the infant giant was, moreover,
nourished into its herculean proportions by a war :
monopoly and the fostering aid of bounties and
protective regulations. We are assured, indeed,
by the seers, that to legislative cares it owes
nothing, just as we have it, under the hand of
that lively person, Mr. P- Thomson, that the
navigation laws had been the bane instead of the
germ, which the obsolete wisdom of Adam
Smith and Sir J. Child pronounced them to be,
of the maritime* glory of Britain. It is not easy
to treat with people who cannot be brought to
deal upon the square;—who tell you that com.
merce flourishes best where least defended, and
when examples are quoted where industry pros,
pers most, although most thickly fenced round
with aids and guards, answer with a fatuous
simplicity, that it prospers in spite of restrictions.
It would be easier, as we know from some ex
perience, to fix the furtive, askance, and wander
ing eye of the copper-colored Indian, than to
drive such slippery casuiss into a position; the
difficulty for the cock is not in skinning the eel,
but in playing holdfast with the wriggling slimy
creature. When the crafts which have ever
taken root and thriven without kindly shelter and
purveyance have been enumerated, it will be
time enough to combat as argument that which
as yet is no more than shallow pretence. When
babes and sucklings on the “let alone” philoso
phy, bereft of the mother's fostering i-nr« and
the father’s watchful eye, shall grow erect to
manhood, and display, untutored, all the intelli
gence of man, then shall we be converted from
the error of our ways, and learn to believe that
a monoply of the raw material was the real
source or the domiciliation of the woollen manu
facture in England, and not the friendly laws by
which it was created and protected; although the
same and stronger causes failed in Spain to pro.
duce tiie like effect.
'I he state of the cotton manufacture, brilliant
as to all appearance it is for the present, and rich
in prospects for the future, is, it may be feared,
not without its perils. Recent and considerable
insolvencies at home and abroad, have partially
lifted the veil and laid bare some of tiie naked
ness of the land. A trade of unwholesome con
signment would seem unprofitably to have swel
led the amount of exports, and a traffic of bill
advances, renewable and often renewed, to have
been carried on, with advantage, doubtless, to the
Board of Stamps and Taxes, but neither advan
tageous nor creditable to the interests ot the
manufacturers. If the extent of the evil were
limited to consequences already accomplished,
the warning to others might be accepted as in
demnification in full for partial injury. But in
the course of oar experience wc have observed
that pernicious example spreads abroad with the
baleful and subtle fiectncss of the plague, and
with all its deadly certainly. Manufacturers
are beyond all the most sanguine and undoubting
race of traders; they are also, on reverses of
trade, the most desponding. Each man strives
to outstrip his neighbor. Power is laid on—the
wheel put at greater speed—the shuttle taught
to fly with the velocity of the whirlwind—fac
tories built, and machine shops stormed for
power loom and selfacting mule—without refer,
ence to markets, or thought whether the capacity
of consumption be rateably augmented with that
of production. As stock accumulates and pur
chasers grow shy; as payday arrives for the
materiel , and banking credit is overpassed, there
is no remedy but one; the commission merchant
is there with his stamped paper, renewable for
a three-fourths advance; the store is cleared
forthwith, and its contents transferred to Rio de
Janeiro, Havana, Mexico, Singapore, Calcutta,
or any other place from which a decent pro forma
account ot sales has been received, or cun be
made up. The picture may be looked on as 100
darkly colored, we hope against our fears that so
it may prove—but on a topic so delicate it would
ill become us to found apprehension on idle sur
mise or the loose conversation of the day. The
results upon trade of the Frusso-Germanic cus.
toms’league yet to be experienced, may be
temporarily mitigated pro lanto by the recent
advance of cotton fabrics, because the Tariff,
unchangeably adjusted by weight, will bear less
oppressively upon ascending Values. It must,
notwithstanding, partially exclude from Central
Germany many descriptions of fabrics. The
calamitous fire at New York can hardly fail to
J visit upon this country, but more especially upon
the manufacturing districts, no inconsiderable
portion of loss arising from that awful destruc
tion of property, estimated at nearly five millions
sterling; by reducing to bankruptcy so many
debtors, and involving in addition no mean amount
ol valuable commodities directly belonging to
natives or branches of firms of this country there
resident. The melancholy effects may be ex
perienced slowly, but they may be anticipated
not the less surely.
[From the Floridian of August 13 ]
HORRIBLE.
A few days since, a party of Lowndes county
Ga. Volunteers, fell in with a party of Creeks
near the Florida line, and killed ten warriors,
and took eight women and children prisoners.
The prisoners were taken to a house under
gnard.—ln the evening one of the squaws was
observed to give her children drink from a cof
fee-pot. Shortly after, she obtained leave of
absence, and not returning, search was made
for her, but she had made her escape. Her chil
dren were all found dead, from poison admin
istered by their unnatural mother. On Wednes
day the 2J mst. Col. Wood, of Randolph, Ga.
with only thirty-eight men under his command,
discovered a large party of Indians in a swamp.
—The savages challenged him to come into i
tiie swamp for a "fairfight. Notwithstanding (
hia inicnoniy in number?, he boldly charged
upon them.—After a desperate engagement,
hand to hand, the savages fled in all directions.
Twenty seven warriors were found dead on the
field ot bat.le. and many more were supposed to
have been killed, and wounded. Before their
flight they strangled their children by stuffing
their mouths and nostrils with mad moss. The
children were found in that condition after the
battle.
/' [From the Globe.] V
MR. MADISON’S OPINIONS.
We gave,a few days since,an account of a vis.
it to Mr. Madison, by a distinguished citizenof
Philadelphia. In the conversations Mr. Madison
held with this gentleman, it was grati'ying to
perceive, at the end of his life—the first of
which was given with devotedness to the estab
lishment of our institutions, the meridian to
'their administration, and the close to a philoso.
phtc contemplation of their tendencies—that he
Iwre evidence of his confirmed conviction in the
proptiety of cherishing the democratic doctrines,
to the opening triumph of which he had con.
tributed so much. Our Philadelphia correspnn.
dent says, that Mr. Madison cast bach his looks
to Mr. Jefferson as his idbl among s-tatemcn; and
we are happy to find, from the following note
of Mr. Bancroft to his late 4th of July oration,
that he recurred to Mr. Jefferson with the same
affectionate confidence, in a conversation wi'tli
him in March last. To both these gentlemen
also he expressed his repugnance to munopo.
lies.
But what will the coalition of Webster,
White, Clay, Calhoun*, II AarAsoN. Tyler,
and Granger, say to the fact slated by Pancroit,
that he he expressed “HIS PREFERENCE
FOR MR. VAN BUREN, WHOM HE PER
SONALLY ESTEEMED MOST HIGH LA':”
that he “ WAS ALIKE OPPOSED TO TilE
WHIGS OF THE SOUTH AND THE
WHIGS OF THE NORTH—NOT TO
THEM PERSONALLY, BUT '1 O THEIR
DOCTRINES?”
And what, especially, will that dupe of the
nullifiers (Judge White) say, when he learns
that “THE PARTY THAT RALLIES.
ROUND MR. VAN BUREN WAS TO MR.
MADISON THE PARTY OF THE UN
ION?”
The outcry of one and all of these worthies
will be, that the Magician, in his visit to Mont
pelier last year, cast a spell upon the great civi
lianas previously upon the military chieftain;
and they will exclaim against the opinion of the
one as of the other, that it is an attempt to ap
point a successor. But when the people of al
most every State in the Union have recognized
him as the choice of the democratic majority,
and as the rallying point of the friends of union,
arrayed against every species of faction, shall
we hear more of the Presidential dictation of a
successor? or will a convention of democratic
delegates, directly from the people, be called a
caucus?
NOTE TO MR. BANCROFT’S ORATION.
It was in the last days of March and the ear
liest of April, that I was, for a few days, an
inmate at Montpelier. Mr. Madison’s health
was at that time so firm, that ho coul d spend
the whole day and evening in conversation. In
speaking of his political opponents,j lie expres
sed himself with a candor which could hardly
be surpassed, unless it was by the firmness with
which he maintained his own convictions.
His services to humanity will not cease with
his death ; he has left a legacy which, will be
i valued by the whole world to the entFbf time.
“ When elected a member of the Convention,”
said he, (and I use nearly his own words,) “I
began to study the character of the Amphection
-1 ic Council and the leagues of antiquity; and I
i soon observed how meagre accounts of them had
been transmitted to posterity. I resolved that
the history of our own Federal Union should not
be left to the same obscurity.” For this purpose
i he took note in the Convention, from which he
. was never absent ;he dined moderately ; drink
, ing little or no wine, and wrote till about dark.
Then taking a short walk, he returned, diank
tea, and wiote till bed lime. Rising early, he
1 continued writing till breakfast till the hour when
the Convention came together. In this way he
i was able to keep up with each day’s debate and
i to write out the speeches and proceedings in full
He was not absent during one important scene.
I Tbo ivork which lie has prepared lor the press,
> and which will fill three, octavo volumes, con.
tains the proceedings of the Convention, with
i the debates in the very words of each speaker.
Every thing will be found there without partial!,
ty and without concealment.
Mr. Madison delighted to bear testimony to
the integrity of his colleagues. Stating with the
greatest firmnes the points on which he differed
from Hamilton, lie rendered ample justice to the
latter. Indeed, he was even anxious lobe can.
did. “The Convention,” said he, and every
thing confirms the judgment, “was the purest
legislative body I ever knew. It is said there
were parlies, there were differences of opinion;
but all the members were animated with a sin.
cere desire to form the best Federal Govern,
ment ; and there were few whose previous views
were not somewhat modified by the debates. It
was the purest legislative body ; personal consi.
derations and party views mingled as little as
possible in the discussion,”
I mention these details, because the value of
the History or Journal is rendeted incalculable
by the fact, that the events of each day were care,
fully and immediately written down. The vol.
umes will have paramount historical authority.
Dir. Mudison attempted to gather memorials
of the historyof the Declaration of Independence.
In this he declared that he had met with little
success.
The Journal of the Convention is not the only
historic monument which Mr. Madison has left.
He has left journals of Congress from 1782 to
1784, and from his return to Congress in 178 G to
the close of the Congress of the Confederacy.
His intimate correspondence with Jefferson, and
Edmund Randolph, and olhers. exists; and I
verily believe, that if it were all to be printed,
there would not bo found one single petulant
remark, least of all, one single uncandid asper
sion, and of his opponents.
I held it a great advantage to hear from Mr.
Madison’s own lips high encomiums on Jefferson;
to listen to accounts of the gay good humor in
which lie delighted; of his immense industry and
power of research, and the remarkable purity,
decorum, and correctness of his tastes and man
ners. In private life he must have been as
amiable, as in his public career he was humane.
That Mr. Madison was in the last days ofhis
life with the democracy of the country, as much
as he was from 1795 to the close of the war, is
no secret in Virginia. The day on which I ar
rived at Orange court-house, it was publicly
asserted; and oil the next day was repeated and
not denied. What I learned then was confirmed
to me. There is no doubt about it. Mr. Madison
believed what I have attempted to illustrate in
this Address, that the contests of parties are the
contests of conflicting opinions. Mr. Madison
was alike opposed to the Whigs of the south and
to the Whigs of the north, not to them personal
ly, but to their doctrines; and his preference of
Mr. Van Buren, whom he personally esteemed
most highly, was the result, not of that personal
esteem, but of love to the Lfnion. The party
tiiat rallies round Mr. Van Buren was to Mr.
Madison the tarty of the union.
An attempt has sometimes been made, to re
present Mr. Madison as having been estranged
from democracy. It is a foul calumny. It is
true, that his candor was perfect j that he sought i
the motive to conduct in most public men in coa- j
victions and fixed interests of a general charac
ter, and not in personal corruption. But on all
the great points now in discussion, his testimony
was emphatic. “I am opposed to all monopo
lies and perpetuities,” said he to me, and en
couraged and strengthened mo in the vie ws I had
formed. Os the patronage bill which Mr. Web.
etcr supported, Mr. Madiscn was most open and :
decided in his condemnation. Os the panic and i
the warfare of the Senate on the President, the
opinion of Mr. Madison was the opinion of the
people of the United States, and of the enlight. ,
ened communities of Europe. On the Fiench
ques ion. Mr. Madison was equally with the ad. 1
ministration; and as we read together his early
writings on the difficulties of Washington’s ad. 1
ministration with England, many passages were
applied to the recent controversy with France. (
The city of Boston remains consistent in its op. |
position to democracy ; and Mr. Madison remain. ,
ed consistent in his attachment to it. He felt
that the Union was safe in no other hands. In
death, as in life, ho was the friend of his country. (
The influence of the city of Boston has kept\
Massachusetts in an unrelenting opposition to |
every democratic administration of the country. (
It was said of the English nobility with regard to )
a man of genius, V
They helped to bury whom they helped to starve.
It is a fact, which the yeomanry ot Massachu. i
setts ought duly to consider, that the whigs ofj|
that same city of Boston have been tho loudest 5 !
in their eulogies of the Democratic Presidents,'
after they were dead. Jefferson, and Madison,
and Monroe, they are willing to worship amoncr
the stars; they were unwilling to respect then}',
when in power. What is the just inference? f *
appeal to the country, if it be not this ; wherti *
the selfish passions of the moment pass
humanity asserts its rights, and does honor to it«
benefactors. This is well. But there is onel »
thing better; to respect the friends of humanity*
during the active years of their lives, as well asl
after they are removed from earth; to co.operate I
with them, to defend and support them, while!
they are yet capable of deriving comfort from!
such support. It is a miserable policy to reserve ■
fur the grave. „ I
AUGUSTA, GA. I
Tuesday Morning, August 23, IB3G.
Fs"The Post Office in Wilkes county, named ,
Jackson X Roads, is now called “Rthobolh,” and-
John M. Cooker has been appointed Postmaster.
JKrlt is a gratification to us that Mr. Calhoun has
given us occasion to praise the opinion he expresses
in the following extract from a letter he wrote to a
c nxunittee of citizens of Athens, in reply to an invi
tation to a public dinner. It lias always been with I
, Us a matter of the deepest regret, that a man of such \
; splendid talents, should have pursued a course which k
has deprived his country of the benefits which those I
very talents Would have produced, had they been I
p uperly directed. I
Mr. Calhoun visited Athens during the commence- I
mint of Franklin College. He was invited to a "
public dinnoi ; he declined the invitation. In his
letter to the committee, composed of Messrs. A. S-
Clayton, C. Dougherty, S. J. Mays, G. 11. Young,
Asbury Hull, G. R. Clayton, and Hines Holt, he
expresses himself as follows, in relation to internal
improvement and rail roads in the South':
“As to the act regulating the public dUpoShefj I
c insider it by far the most fortunate, measure of the
Sessii.r. And here kt me say, whic his due k> truth,
and justice, that for the success of this great and be. I
n ficcnt measure, the country is greatly indebted te I
lha steady and firm co-operation of a majority of the r
friends of the administration in both Hous s, who I
proved by ih ir acts, that they preferred their country J
and its inslilulions to parly attachment.
“If I mistake not, the passage of the measure is
the cominencemi nt ofa new political era. it will t
be regarded in history as ma king the termination of \
that long vibratic nos our system towards cunsoiida- 1
lion, which lately threatened the ove. throw of our I
institutions and ihe loss of our liberty, and the com- j
mencemrnt of its return to its true confederaliva
character, as it came from the hands of its framers.
“There is one view of this important subject high
i ly interesting to the Southern Atlantic States and
i especially to this, which deserves notice. It will
| afford the means, if properly applied, of opening our
| connection with the vast and fertile regions of the
West, to the inculable advantages of both them and
us. —We are in the rear of Ihe other sections in re
’ terence to internal improvement. Nature seemed
i to place an insepaiable barrier between the South
ern Atlantic ports and the West; but a belter
i knowledge of the geography of the Country, and tho
, great advance of the means of communication be
tween distant parts, by Kail Roads, have, in the lasi
\ year, or two, opened new views of prosperity for our
section. Instead of being cut off from the vast com
[ merce of the West, as had been supposed, we find
- to our surprise, that it is in our power with proper '
[ exertions to turn its copious stream to our own ports.
1 Ju-t at this important moment, when this new and
t I brilliant prosp ct is unfolding to our view, the de
t posite bill is about to place under the control of the
States interested, ample means of accomplishing, on
’ the most extended and durable scale, a system of rail
‘ roadcommunicanonih.it. if effected, must change
the social, political and commercial relations of lha
w hole country, vastly to our benefit, but without in
juring, other sections. No frtate has a deeper in
terest in seeing ih j system excuted than Georgia.
! Her position gives her great and commanding ad
vantages in reference to rail roads: more so in my
opinion, than any other Stales in the Union, and ail
that she wants to raise her prosperity to the highest
point and place it on the most durable foundation is m
a w'se and JiiHiniwu appll.-niion of her means
Though possessed of less advantages, I feel
dent, 1 apeak tire sentiments of Carolina in saying,
that she feels no envy at lha superior advantages of
Gco'gin, and that she will rejoice to see them de
veloped in the fullest extent. That there may be a
generous rivalry and a hearty disposition between
them to co operate to tlie full extent, where their
i joint efforts may be of mutual advantage is my ar
dent desire; let us both bear in mind, that though
each still may have its separate interest to a certain
extent, yet as it regards other sections, they both
have a common interest, and that interest is to unite
the Southern Atlantic by the ticarcsl, cheapest and
best routes, with the great bosom of the Mississippi
and its vast tributaries.’ ’
i
&y~ With pleasure we transfer toour columns front
the Georgian, the following resolutions, adopted at
a meeting of the Union and State Rights Association
ofChatham County, held at Savannah on the 18tll
instant. The last resolution, respecting internal im
provement in Georgia, is particularly laudable and j
patriotic. The resolutions were unanimously adop- I
■ ted. I
Resolved, That as a portion of the great Union
Republican Party of our common country, we rejoice
in the triumph of principles daring Ihe past year, as
has been manifested by popular suffrages in several
states ol the Union, and ihut we Will earnestly exert
ourselves to maintain the escendency of those prin
ciples in their purity in this Stale.
Resolved, That lha combination now exising be
tween disappointed politicians and the fiaclions of
sectional parties—who are united by no common
bond of Constitutional principle, or of expediency in
ike administration of the General Government—-to
defeat the election of a President and Vice President
of the United States, by the electors to be chosen by
the people of the several States, and to carry the
election into the House of Representatives of tho
Congress of tlie United States, is an anti republican
and fraudulent attempt to substitute by intrigue and
artifice the secondary alternative of lha Constitution
and one of necessity, for a primary popular election,
and should be met by a jealous and determined re
sistance of the people to preserve for themselves and
their posterity, ihe election of a Chief Magistrate of
the United Stales.
Resolved, That to prevent such a fraud upon a
popular election of the President and Vice President
of the United States, —it becomes the members of the
Union and Stale Rights Parly of Georgia, to discard
all difference concerning men, and to exercise a gen
erous forbearance of particular prejudice, in support
of a great common principle, and to unite as one man
in support of the electoral ticket presented by tho
party to the people of Georgia.
Resolved, That our members in the House of Re
presentatives of the United Stales, one and all, poo
scss our confidence, and that vve use active efforts to
re-clcct them, as the immediate representatives of
the people.
Resolved, That vve approve of the conduct of Gov
ernor Schley, and that hts energetic course in pro
tecting our frontier from Indian barbarities, com
mands our admiration and entitles him to the warm
support of the people ofGeorgta.
Resolved, That we will advocate an enlightened
system of internal improvement in Georgia, free
from all sectional influences, or designs, and that tho
best interests of the State require from her legisla
ture in the ensuing General Assembly, the adoption
ofa system, upon ill ; faith of the Slate’s res mrces
which will connect Ihe State With the South West
ern and Western States of the Union, and which will
give to the people of the West and North portions of
the State easy, convenient, and rapid communica
tions with our towns in the interior at the heads of
river navi gallon with those on the sea coast.
Air. Madison. I
Our readers will find in this day’s paper, an inter- I
esting communication taken from the Globe. In it I
the opinion of3l r. Madison, upon many subjects of I
public interest is freely given, as expressed by him
self to a distinguished citizenof Pennsylvania. Now
that this great and good man is gone, those opinions
must have great weight with the people of the United
States, especially with the people of the Southern
section of the Union. W care gratified that his.opinions
have been made public at this time, because it may
jead many of the South, who have enlisted them
selves with the opposition to the present administra
tion, to pause before they commit themselves fmlher
with that opposition in its attempt to pat down tho
republican parly. The opinions expressed by Mr.
-Madison to the citizen of Pennsylvania, are corrob
orated by Mr. Bancrof, of Massachusetts, who visi
ted .Mr. Madison in March last. For this gentle
man’s statement, we refer the reader to another
article of the Glebe, appended to t!»c communication
of the citizen of Pennsylvania.