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fc-I V.lv■' - i • —’ Tl ~‘ l " 1 ~f~ r —*———
THE CON STIT I TIUXALIS i »
&. THOMPSON.
or the laws or the united states.
jjr TERMS. —TiI 1-WEERLY PAPER,peran
nuai, six dollars; for the Weekly (containing twcn
y-eighi columns) three dollars —ail payable in ad- .
vance. . .
JCr A I) VE It TIS E ME NTS inserted at Charles
ton prices. Pottage musthe paid on all commu
nications and letters of business.
[Concluded from first page-]
ance has been placed in the General Governmcn ■.
and the just expectation iias been indulged, that ;
in the execution of its high duties, tiiu Execu
tive Administration would carefully andsteadny
pursue the object f>r which the lailh ot tbe
Union was pledged, ‘ the peaceable extinguish
■meat, on reasonable terms, of the Indian title to
ail lands within the territorial limits of Georgia.’
In 1817, the public declaration of the President
to Congress, that an arrangement had been made
by which, in exchange for lands beyond the
Mississippi, a great part if not the whole of the
lands possessed by the Cherokee tribe eastwa.d :
of that river, in the Stales of Carolina,
Tennessee and Georgia, and in the Tetriloiy of
Alabama, would be soon acquired, gave a jm-t
expectation, that the National pledge given lo
Georgia would he redeemed. In the eight years
which have succeeded, these anticipations of tne
President, have been realized every where bu*.
in Georgia. The successive purchases inane
since that period, have crowded the Cheroaccs
out of Tennessee, Alabama and North Carolina,
almost altogether into Georgia; and the lame
upon which they have been made, have create*
all the difficulties now encountered in the peace
ful acquisition on reasonable terms , of the lands !
upon which the Cherokces arc now permuted to
remain—difficulties which are every hour increa
sing, from the policy pursued by the General j
Government. It is, with all due respect, a sub
ject of serious enquiry, what produced the extra
ordinary change in the wishes ot the Cherokee
tribe, as expressed in the treaty of IfclT? How
it happened that the Cherokces of the Upper
Towns, most ot whom were without t*ic limits
of Georgia, and who desired to ho fixed perma
nently on the lands on which they then lived,
were Induced, in 1819, to abandon their designs,
an d many of them to become inhabitants of the
region beyond the Missisippi, while the Chcro
kecs of the Lower Towns, (most of them within
the State of Georgia.) anxiously desiring to re
move in 1817, were in 1819, tempted to remain,
and filled with the desire of a permanent estab
lishment there?”
This letter of the Delegation of Georgia in
Congress, was written in 18.-1, and directly at
tacks the treaty of 1819, in terms as strong and
direct.
Extracts from the “ Report of the select com
mittee, to whom was referred the President’s
message of the 30th March, 1823. relating to
the compact of 1802, between the United Slates
and the State of Georgia; also, a memorial ot
the Legislature of said State, upon the same
subject.”
** The attention of Congress has been caded
to the arrangements made with the CheroKccs
in 1817, and 1819. The arrangement of 1817,
was for the purpose of carrying into effect the
wishes ot the Cherokee.s, as declaicd *o Mi.
Jefferson in 1898, by a deputation from the up.
per ami lower towns. The lower towns desired
lo continue the hunters life, and for that purpose
wished to remove across the Mississippi, 'l no
wishes of the upper and lower towns were gran
led, and arrangements made for the removal of
the latter across the Mississippi. No line was
drawn between the upper and lower towns, al
though a request was made ot the Indians that
it should he done by the United Slates. Ihe
arrangement of 181 i, provides for the tulniment
of the wishes expressed in 1898, and the pro
mises of the Government of 1809. The wishes
of the lower towns was a removal beyond the
Mississippi; of the upper a contraction ot their
society within narrower limits. By ilio 3i and
4Ui articles, it was agreed that a census should
be taken of the population beyond tne Missis
sippi, and of those who chose to em Igrate I hithei;
and a census ot those who chose to remain in
their present location. The territory occupied
hv il\cm ou this .-fie of the Mississippi, was to
t.e divided according to 1 lie relative numbers of
inns ' who had migrated, and would migrate, to
. : , e ic oainccr; and that portion which fell to
;;;; mi* a ors. was lo bo received by the United
S ales, in place of the lands furnished to the
Ciieiok. e«, beyond the Mississippi. From this
,i an, I he extinguishment of the title ol the Che
rokee Indians was anticipated, ami would have
taken place, had i. been executed in its spirit by
the General Government. (See No. 3—extracts
from McMins’ letter.) It appears, however,
that the census was never taken, and that in
1819, a deputation of Cherokces was permitted
to come to Washington, to adjust finally the
difficulties arising out of the treaty, of 1817. —
The lower Cherokee towns in the limits <>f Geor
gia, did not remove from the upper towns, out
of the limits of Georgia. In place of the pro
portion of lands to be abandoned according to the
treaty of 1817, a fixed quantity was accepted,
a very small and worthless part of which was in
Georgia.”
“The treat}' is made, in consequence of the
earnest desire of a great part of the Cherokee
nation to remain on *his side of the Mississippi,
to commence the measures neecs ;ary to the civi
lization and preservation of the nation. The
committee are surprised that the occasion was
not taken to satisfy the Indians that their con
tinuance in Georgia was impossible, unless Geor
gia consented lo it, and still more so, that the
Indians should be encouraged, by this preamble
of a treaty, made at the scat of Government, un
der the eyes of the President, to entertain that
expectation. The treaty of 1817, and that of
1819, show a strange forgetfulness of the limited
extent of the power of the United States over
the land in question. 27ie Secretary of T7 r .-;r,
acting under the directions of the executive Ma
gistrate, and pursuing the example set in 1" 17,
seems to hate imagined that the United States
and the Indians could do, lawfully, whatever
suited their mutual convenience, without regard
io the State of Gcmgia? an error which had been
previously committed in treaties with the Creeks.
No difference was made, between Indian lands
within the limits of the State claiming the even
tual jurisdiction of soil, and the Indian lands,
w h ere the soil is the property ofthe United States.
Provisions are made in both treaties, for vesting
individuals with the lee simple titles of land, and
to convert them, by a short process, into citizens.
The right ofthe United Stales lo do cither is ab
solutely denied by the committee. The General
Government can take the property of individuals
for public use, hut the constitution withholds the
power even lo prejudice tiie claims of any Stale.
Congress can establish an uniform rule of na
turalization; the Executive Magistrate cannot
make, by an Indian treaty, special exceptions
lo the established rule. The effect of such acts
on the part of the General Government was to
be anticipated. The Indians were taught the
value of property, and the advantages to bo ob
tained by a continuance in their present posi
tion.”
Extract from a speech of Mr. Cobb, of Geor
gia, delivered in the House of Representatives of - 1
the United States, 17th March, 1820:
“ At present, I know of no other method, by
which this condition of the cession ou the part
of the United Stales, can be performed, but by
a removal of the Indians. That this measure,
uni cr any circumstances, would be o-nod policy,
Will not bo doubted. l !t isn ( the people of
Georgia were insf bed with “ hope ts'.st
would be speedily done, under a treaty eoiicmuc .
with the Chcrokees by Governor Me,Minn, an .
Generals Jackson ami Meriwether. Gy this, an
arrangement was made for the removal of a
laroe part of that nation to the territory o ti t
United Stated, west of the Mississippi. A part
of the nation have been removed. Tlic arrangc-
I merit substantially was an exchange of Terrtlo- j
! ry. A census was to be taken, and in ti.c pro
portion, of the numbers who migrate to t 10
west, lands on the cast of the Mississippi, shout i
bo ceded to the United States. Howevergreat
the hope of substantial benefit toe State of G. or -
! gin might sustain from this treaty, she has beau j
disappointed in the result. Although nil t.ie
Indians inhabiting the ‘lower towns,’ (and or
course principally in Georgia,) were desirous "i j
removing only twelve months he lore, it scent, |
by a subsequent treaty, concluded a I tins place,
in 1319, that ‘a greater part ot the Cherokee ,
| nation’ now desire to remain on the east cf too j
j Mississippi, ‘in order to commence these oiea- |
sines necissary for their civilization and 'n~
preservation of their nation.’ It is true, toat oy
j each of these cessions, more lands were yielded ;
by the Indians.' Bit, as usual, the valuable
1 fart of them is within other Stales, wtth wnom i
the United Slates hare 1.0 contract. Lnpro
dactive hills and mountains arc the portion of j
Georgia." . T !
i Citizens of Georgia, can yo i behove, toa. ?
1 liave done great injustice” to the lion. John G.
Calhoun, in any thing slated in my speech in
relation to the treaty of 18.9 ? Auer you snail
have read the speech and compared wi h the rote
| foregoing report of the Select vouimitiee in Con
gross, and the speech of that able and distin
. guished man, the late Thomas W.Cobb- whose
j name has been so ofien associated with the in
lerc.it, the honor, and councils ot the Stale, atm
’ of the United Stales; and whose mind touched
no subject, without shedding light on it. U hen
I lie said the treaty of 1819 did injustice to Gcor
gia, in a speech in the Congress ot the United
j States, why did not the Senator then detenu,
1 and show, that the assserrtion was “destitute oi
i foundation.”
If I have cone “injustice” to Inc Senator, m
any thing I have said against the treaty ol 181 J,
so has the Legislature of Georgia, Gov. C.atk,
| Gov. Lumpkin, Gov. Gilmer, tlie whole or tne
j Georgia members to Congress, in 1821, the re
! port of the Select Committee in Congress, in
1 1823, and the , lion Thomas W. Cobb in his
speech, in 1820. I again ask, why at thm laic
day has it become necessary to detenu I he.treaty
of 1319, which has been so repeatedly denoun
ced since the day of its ratification by the Sen
ate of the United Slates ? Can it be that, the
Senator is correct, and all others who have ex
pressed contrary opinions on the subject, incor
rect? Ail the authorities of Georgia, without
regard to party, have been consistent in their
opposition to the treaty of 1819 ; the treaty has
been discussed and denounced in the Stale, for
years. I repeat, I am unconscious of having
done, or intending, in any thing I have said, to
’ have done any injustice to the Senator: it wha-
I di 1 say is injurious to him, it is not my iault —
what assertions 1 have made arc true, and have
1 been made by many others.
Having, I trust, shown that no injustice has
been done by me to the Senator, :n what I have
siid, it now remains for me to defend myself lor
what the Senator says “I have omitted to say.”
11c says, “common justice required (to say noth
ing of our former (shall I say) political rela
tions) that while he was arraigning my alleged
political demerits against Georgia, he ought not
to have forgot my merits. ’ I have not arraign
■ j ed “his political demerits" nor had I forgot “his
1 merits.” I discussed neither —nor was it my
. ; object to do so. I was commenting on the acts
of tbc Government, and not on Mr. Calhoun’s
i “merits,” or “demerits.” He says, “I ought not
, | to have omitted to inform the House, and my
constituents, as an offset at least, that he whom
; I was holding up in so censurable a light to them,
. j for the treaty of 1819, was the author of the
■ plan for removing tho Cherokees, and all tiie
i Southern tribes of Indians to the west of the
! Mississippi, which has added so many millions
of fertile acres to lee States of Georgia, Ala
; bama, Mississippi, Tennessee and North Caroli
! na; and will, in a short time, remove the last
remains of tlic aboriginal race beyond theirlim
, its.” The Senator must pardon me for that
‘ “omission,” I did not know the fact before I saw
it in Jiis communication. I had heard the plan
attributed toothers. I now state to my constit
uents, bv way of supplying that “omission,”
that the Sena.or says, “he was the author of the
plan.”
The Senator says, “ I seemed to forget that
the Goverraent has never, and probably will
never realize one cent from the ceded bands in
North Carolina and Tennessee.” No sir I
did not forget, for in no part of my speech have
I said any thing of the sales of the lands in
North Carolina, by (he General Government.
1 spoke of the fertile lands obtained elsewhere;
I said “to disencumber the Government of her
debt, taxes had been increased by the Tariff of
1810 ; lands were obtained for tlic purpose of
! sale, so that the proceeds might go into the
Treasury of the Union. The treaty of 1817, ob
tained lands for Georgia, for which the General
| Government had to expend, not receive.; lienee
the modification of the trea’y of 1817, by the
. one made at Washington city, in 1819, by
, j which Georgia lost her rights and the rich and
fertile lands of Alabama and Tennessee were
obtained, sold, and tire proceeds applied in pay
ment of the public and other debts of this Go
vernment; <o all this Georgia, in 1819, remon
strated and submitted —injustice increasing, as
it always does, by submission to it.”
I will say to tlic Senator, there are many
things which I shall ‘omit to say’ at this time,
connected with the treasury for the benefit of
Georgia; and tlic appointment of Commission
' ers; and the ratification of a treaty by the
Senate of the United Slates. These things I
“omitted to say,” for I had no desire to injure
any one, even justly.
In the conclusion of the Senator’s commnni
i cation, he says, “as to the motive of the lion
. ; orable member, I have nothing to say. I never
■ 1 have given him any cause or provocation for
’ the uncalled for attack : unless indeed the mis
fortune of differing from him, on the great
question of the day, may be regarded as such.”
Why this conclusion ? What is this “uncall
; ed for attack on the treaty of ISI9, which hap
pend to be ncgociated by the Senator; not at
I all involving the “political merits or demerits”
j of the Senator, “ unless indeed" ha considered
himself, tire treaty, and the Government . the
same thing; and knows of no excuse I had for
this “uncalled for attack,” “unless indeed," it he
the misfortune of differing from mo, on tlic
: great question of the day.
I assure the Senator, tiiat if lie has adop'cd
the rule, that a difference of opinion, on even
I the great question of trie day, as lie is pleased
to call it, among political friends, is to be
“cause or provocation” sufficient “tor an un- ;
called for attack.” not to apply the rule to me,
for I trust I shall never abandon a political ;
friend, for the “mere difference of opinion,
upon a question of expediency.” Was the
Senator abandoned or proscribe;! by the Nulii
fiprs, in 1831, for defending the Lank of the
United States, an i proposing to re-charter it for
twelve years ? Was he proscribed by his friends
iti Georgia, for his difference of opinion upon a
question of great interest to the State, in the
Senate of the United Stales, in 183fj 1 lias
Gov. McDuffie, Gen. Hayno, Gen. Hamilton,
and others, been abandoned : -y your pomon or |
the State Rights party, for differing with yon on I
t he Sub-Treasury, and particularly the “.-pecie j
feature ?” My sf«eoch was not Rotated by sr.-fn •
a feu Sing. My reply U&s been v. ;i:u n, I trust,
u.jJti - ino;c composure titan your communica
tion seems to have ocen. i “■- u J' • 1 1 5 ir
communication I think I aniicrs-.auJ. n>e
from hum ■ and other causes, have delayed ims
l.ubl'calion- , Vl| c. DAWSON,
[From the Globe.]
THE NORTH AND THE SOUTH.
However widely the interests, habits, and pur
suits, of the planters of the Smith and the D -
I m jeraev of the North ;n*y seem to bo separatee,
a closer examination will show that there ex sis
I ihe like communion between Incse that we have
i heretofore pointed out in their leading political
I principles. ’ The most fula! enemy of both is an
I Irredeemable currency, subject of necessity, to ,
! perpetual fluctuations in quantity and value, and
I for which the farmers and planters arc obliged
to exchange the land and i s pro Incts, wnile tnc
i mechanics and ail other working classes must |
receive it in return for their ingenuity and toil. |
| The evil consequences r.f this stale of the j
| currency must, and will always, fall eventually ;
on these classes of the community, which, being |
i necessarily employed in other occupations, are j
not like merchants, bankers, an ! money-dealers, i
perpetually on the watch to cai-oSi the first indi
! cations of danger to the great paper system, in
I which they live.and move and have their being.
! L on{ , after the credit of a bank becomes tainted
I among the chc'c of the knowing ones, its paper
: continues to circulate wilt the fanaeis and la.
i boring classes ; and, for the most part, they know
1 nothing of its depreciation till its falls dead o;i
! their hands. Almost all the failures of banks
; operate exclusively to the injury of the landed
1 and laboring interests, for there it is the wortlt
less paper centres at last and finds its grave.
Hence, amid all tie apparently increasing
1 prosperity of the country since the paper system
i grew up and overshadowed every other interests,
i ft is a melancholy fact that neither the farmers,
, j the planters, nor the mechanics and othy in
j dustrious classes, have enjoyed that calm, an.
i interrupted, and gradually increasing prosperity,
i which marked the preceding times. Strangers,
i indeed, who visit those dies which have either
sprung up nr doubled their population during
the course of a few years, in the hot-bed of the
credit system, are delighted with all they see.—
I But outward splendors are sorry substitutes for
! widely diffused competency, and the growth of
a lew palaces can make no adequate amends to -
' the decay and disappearance of thousands of
comfortable tenements. One of the most cer
j tain tests of a prosperous country is a compari
-1 son between the number of-houses and the mi.n
-iof families, ff these are nearly equal, vve may
| be sure that, competency, or at least comfort, is
I the lot of all. But if. on the contrary, the fa
■ milies far outnumber the houses, the conclusion
is irreri.uiblc that many are either without a
home, or that they herd together many families
in one house, ami that fihh and poverty are the
natural consequences.
Hot us apply this test to our g oat cities, which
present to the eye the most splendid miracles of
the paper credit system. The mania, or rather
let us call it the wilful delusion, of speculation,
| has enhanced the price ot city lots to such a de
. i gree that no man can now afford to build a small
j house on them. He must erect a splendid edi
i fine, adorned within and without with all the at-
I tributes to tempt the vanity of those who have
! grown suddenly rich—in imagination. A fvvo-
I story house will not rent fur the interest of the
i pusciiase money of his lot, and hence the no.
. i cessitv of building one which will bring fifteen
’j or two thousand dollars a year. Os consequence,
, I nearly all the cheap tenements —those that were
! I within the means of the meebnh s and laborers
ji n better limes —have been swept from the face
\; of the earth to make room for palaces. Tee
| outskirts of those cites, whore, “in the days
of hard money and barbarism,” these classes
| found refuge, iiave shared, nay, exceeded, this
factitious accession of value, and they have been
, forced to seek refuge elsewhere.
. And where have they found it? In cellars
under ground, reeking wiih unwholsome damps
and pestilential vapors, where they have been
taunted with the ignominious epithet of “Trog
lodytes.” Or jf you find them not in these dun
geons, seek elsewhere, and they will be found
■ herding together, half a dozen f amilies in an old
i ricketty tenement, and very often two families
in a single room- Here they mingle together,
i forgetting from necessity the respects of com
, mon decency; the habits ofdomestic life, which
are the great conservators of human virtue; and
destitute alike of common comforts, as of the
ordinary means of preserving themselves from
tiie contamination of indiscriminate intercourse.
The able bodied industrious journeyman nie
! ebanic, who, in the better days of tiie Republic,
i could, when lie took a wife, afford to have a
. house to himself, must now be content with a
; single room, or part of a room, in a tenement
• occupied by perhaps some half a dozen families,
f brought together from the four quarters of the
f globe. Here, when he goes forth to his daily
; labors, he must leave his wife without the safe
- I guard of a home —■without that privacy which is
1 I one of the great barriers against the contagion
: of evil example; and above all, without the re
: source of domestic occupations to ward otf the
tedium and the temptations of idleness. Here
i he lives a month, or perhaps a week, and then re
! moves to some other part of the town to cheaper
■ or more convenient lodgings, or to get his wife
■ out of bad company; or perhaps because she has
• become tired of having nothing to do but look
i nut of the same window, or the same house, and
longs to go elsewhere in search of variety. In
short, he is without a home, a fireside, or ancho
rage ground; without domestic habits and asso
ciations to shield him from temptations without,
and destitute of old accustomed neighbors around
him, whose censure he fears, or whose good will
lie is anxious to preserve.
If, then, the morals and social habits of the
j laboring classes have, as has often been asset'-
| ted, changed for the worse, the change may bo,
: in a great degree, traced to so large a portion of
i them having now no permanent homes. Their
, having no permanent homes arises from the
j sudden inflation which city property has nnder
| gone; and that inflation is solely the consequence
I of the superabundance of an irredeemable cur
| rency, which, while it doubled, trebled and quad-
I ruplcd tiie price of city lots and houses, left tiie
| wages of labor to take care of themselves. Ii
; is this system which has turned them out of
; doors, and left them no refuge but cellars ami
I hospitals.
CHARLESTON, Sept. 20. —From S'. An.
gustine. —By the schooner Phoebe & Marjrarct
arrived yesterday, from St. Augustine, wc learn
that on the night of the 17th inst. a party of Li.
dians approached within a short distance of St,
Augustine, and captured between 50 and 75
horses. Lieut. May, in going from St. Augus
tine to Fort King, on the next morning, rc-cap
tured all the horses, but was unable to capture
i a s ; ngla Indian, they having taken to-tlio woods.
—Courier.
M e arc informed, from flic most authentic
source, that Gen. James Hamilton, the agent of
the Louisville, Cincinnati ami Charleston Rail
Road Company, has made an advantageous nc- j
gocia!ion for a Loan of two millions of dollars 1
for this Company, with the highly respectable |
house of John Horsley Palmer, late Governor of!
the-Bank of England. This gratifying intcili- (
gence places beyond contingency the noble en
terprise for the execution of which this Company i
was funned.— io.
~AUGUSTA, ("A.
g.ViT sTuaY MOtlM-NO, SITTEMI-LR -d, l ; -3S.
UNION TICKET I*oll CONGRESS.
.1. W. BURN EV, of Jasper.
]>. C. CAM BUELL, of Bibb.
i; \UZILLAI GRAVES, of Newton.
JUNIUS iIILLVEI’, of Clark.
A LFsl ED IV ERSt >N, of .Muscogee.
J. G. McWHORTER, of Richmond.
C. II- NELSON, of Cherokee.
J S. PATTE’RSON, of Early,
U. W. POOLER, of Chatham.
_ 25-The following ticket, containing the names cf
candidates for the State Legislature, at the ap
; preaching election, is respectfully presented to the
voters of Richmond County for their suffrages, by
the Union Party.
For, sit NATE.
VALENTINE WALKER.
roa IlOtrSF. OF REP RESENT AT IVES.
ABSALOM KUO! ES,
GEORGE bLIILhV,
RICHARD F. BUSH.
( 25-SEE FIRST PA< ; E.
VE IMONT ELECTION.
The whigs of the north, and even of the south,
expressed great joy at the result of the election in
Vermont. We, sontherninen, have cause to re
j.jice aho. The northern and southern whigs exult
at tlie ro-cloc!ion of a "hig and abolitionist for
Governor, and at the re-election of three wings and
abolitionists, as members of Congress, namely,
Messrs. Slade, Everett, and Hall. We, soulhern
| men, rejoice at iite re-election of Mr. Fletcher arid
l the election of Mr. Smith, instead cf the present
member, Mr. Allen, the whig and abolitionist,
'idle whigs of the north and -south regret the e!cc
' lion of Fletcher and Smith ; we rejoice at this rc
, stdt, because Fletcher and Smith are friends to the
sou’.!'., and decidedly opposed to the plans and
machinations of the abolitionists, while the other
members of Congress re-elected, are against us,
and against onr southern institutions. The soulh
| ern whigs are regretting the election of Fletcher
. and Smith. Southern readers, we beg you to read
the following, and then decide between the south
■ ern whigs and ourselves, who entertain the true
southern feelings, they, in regretting the election
‘ of Fletcher and Smith, or we, in rejoicing at the
success of those two gentlemen
[ From the New York Journal of Commerce.]
Abolition aid in Elections. —We have a slight
specimen of the value of abolition aid in elections,
in the fifth Congressional district of Vermont. A-
S greeahly to < r lers from head quarters, the officers
( of an abolition society, in said district, took mea
sures to catechise the candidates in relation to the
ab ; litinn of slavery in the District of Columbia, t' e
| admission of Texas into the Union, the acknowl
edgment of the Independence of llayti, &c. The
answer of Mr. Fletcher appear.-, to have been ttn
| .satisfactory, while thatof his opponent, Mr.Upham,
. , was just the thing. The Liberator says—
“if Mr. Fletcher had been questioned on the sub
' ject of banks and the currency, we should doubt
less have been furnished with an elaborate* ssay, in
| stead ol a few dry monosyllables,uttered with about
as little heartfelt sympathy for the cause of human
rights, as is implied in tlie Indian’s l umph. r
“ 'lr. Upbuilds answer does honor to his head and
heart, it is decidi dly the most frank and enthttsi
j nstic expression of the sentiments of a candidate
j tor Congress on the subject of slavery that we re
| member to have seen.”
Well, what was the result? Why, that Mr-
Fletcher was elected by a majority considerably
I larger than in 183(3. The fact is political abolition
iis a minus quantity. It makes a oea! of noise, but
I when i: comes to the test of numbers, it. cuts a very
i sorry figure. We would advise any party who
i wish to succeed at an election, to keep clear of
j the Abolitionists.
35” With a public spirit which does infinite hon
: or to the union party of Bibb county, they placed
: on their ticket for the state legislature Col. Henry
G. Lamar. This gentleman has accepted the nomi
| nation in a manner most honorable to himself and
! to the party which selected him as one of their can
didates. The following is the reply of Col. Lamar.
Macon, Sept. 17, 1833.
To Col. 11. G. Lamar The? electors of Bibb
; county in favor of a divorce between bank and state,
having convened fur the purpose of appointing
candidates to represent them in the ensuing legis
lature, vve, the undersigned, were selected to ad
vise you of your nomination for election at the ap
proaching canvass.
M. A. FRANKLIN, ) r .
A. CLOP LON. | Com.
Macon, Sept. 17, 1838.
Gentlemen—l received this morning your favor
apprising me that the Union party of Bibb had de
termined io run me with their candidate for the re
presentative branch of the Legislature ia the ap
proaching election.
Frior to the nomination of the Union party, I had
received and accepted the one tendered to mo by
the Slate Rights party. This acceptance necessa
rily implied ray adherence toil. And as might be
expected, i feel for it that attachment which long
identity with its principles, friendly feelings for,
and social interconse with, its members are calcu
lated to inspire. Nevertheless as the suffrage of
the party yon represent, is tendered to me with the
knowledge of these facts, and as I have explicitly
understood, was not intended or expected to inllu
ence or to affect my political relations with the
State Right party, i accept the support so gener
ously proffered.
From enquiry, I have understood that it is ac
corded to me on the following grounds:—Because
it is believed that I will faithfully represent the local
arid commercial interest of the city and county;
my views in relation to internal improvement; my ,
opposition to the re chartering of the U. S. Bank;
and my favoring tlie principles of divorcing the
government from all banks as fiscal agents in col
lecting and disbursing the public revenue.
In this view of the subject there can be no jn-
I corapability with the relations I now occupy, and
expect to maintain towards the State Right party
as their candidate, in receiving the tendered sup
port, as my sentiments in relation to these financial
questions were known and acquiesced in by my
political friends prior to my nomination and its ac
, ceptance.
For this manifestation of confidence, you will he
pleased to communicate to those you represent,
my unfeigned acknowledgments.
Your ob't. serv't.
HENRY G. LAMAR.
Doctors Franklin and Clopton.
55" At the late annual meeting of the Agricultu
ral Society of Richmond County, we saw a fine
. specimen cf Potato Oats, raised on the farm of Dr
McWhorter. It was part of a struck bushel, which
weighed 45 lbs. it is believed, when the season
has been favorable to the growth and perfection of
tlie crop, which the last has not been in this neigh
borhood, that a bushel well cleaned will weigh, as
reported, 5G lbs. A good specimen of the common
Oats was exhibited at the same time in comparison
and contrast; the difference was very striking. A
bushel, from which this specimen was taken, iias
been since weighed, and found to weigh only
lbs. An immense difference!
We understand the Doctor can supply with any
quantity, such of his farming friends as are dispo
sed to ascertain for themselves the difference be
tween the two kinds. The Potato Oats grows near
ly a third taller than the other, and is thought
therefore, to be well adapted to thin lands, as it will
always grow tall enough to be cut by lae cratue.
A specimen is left at onr office tor the convetnence
of persons wishing to see it. —Peoples Press of
yesterday.
STEAM COMMUNICATION RESUMED.
The steam packets South Carolina and Georgi i
are again to resume their trips between Norfolk and j
Charleston. The former will leave Charleston on
Thursday, tho 27ih instant, the Georgia following,
and leaving on the 4th proximo.
Extract of a letter, dated
“ ST. JOHNS, (near Monk's Corner.)
About four weeks ago I had tho prettiest crop
of Cotton, that i ever seen on my lands—full of
forms, blossoms and pods. Since then it has grown
very much, and the forms and blossoms and pods
have disappeared, and the crop has disappeared
with them.”
[COM MUX I CAT ED ]
Messrs. Pdifors; — The hanks of the States re
quire, according to Mr. Habersham, a great Regu
lator—a great Governor with a longhead and no
Peart —to keep them within the hounds of honesty I
If a Bank of the United Statesis not created to fur
nish the country a currency equally good every
where, and keep the worthless issues of the State
Ranks within proper limit?, the country cannot
prosper, and will he deluged with the paper rags of
the local institutions, who have neither sense, hon
esty,-nor public spirit enough to consult and secure
the' benefit of the communities that formed them !
S Not satisfied, that the Government has already dis
charged its constitutional obligation and furnished
the country the best currenc y in the world—one
; which the world recognizes ns the basis of all hou
' est dealing—the only one contemplated by the
framers of the constitution, then smarting under a
depreciated paper money, Mr. Habersham would
establish a mamoth national institution to funnsli a
■ currency, regulate llie Slate Dames, curtail tne.r
issues, and lints make room for its own bills, which
1 mieht nearly supersede all others. The proposed
bank is to have a capital of at least fifty millions—
say 50 millions; with the usual privilege of issuing
three limes the amount ofits capital, that is, 150ratl
hons, it would furnish three-fourths of the currency
of (lie country. Wha’ is the hank capital of the
United States? Two hundred millions. The State
Ranks, then, of a!! the States, would bo allowed to
issue only 50 millions, to answer the public de
mand for bank credit. Will the States submit to
such a monopoly?—that, too, by a great heartless
despot, that, according to the testimony ol ore ofits
presidents, could have crushed the soundest of the
local institu ions, when ever its interest, or the vin
dictive character ol its officers, should direct.
The State Banks have been led by the enemies
of the Sub-Treasury, to believe the Union party
inimical to them. Docs this look much like it? We
wish to free them from the heel of ihe oppressor—
restore them to a sound c million, and give them
that healthy action in the affairs of the country,
which a sound specie-paying condition can alone
maintain. Before tho suspension of specie pay
ments, how were the exchanges? At very mode
rale rates; yet the Bank of the United States was
dead. How are exchanges now, in prospect only
of the resumption of specie payments? Two and
a half to 3 per cent, on points that but recently
commanded double, nay, triple that premium.—
They are now nearly as low as when they were
managed by the State Banks before the suspension.
And how were they managed then—what was the
arrangement? Just what it will be again in a few
! months—nay, in a few weeks. Most persons seem
to think, they would have nothing to pay for ex
change, if there was a United States Bank. How
grossly they are mistaken, I appeal to every mer
chant. If you had gone to the Mother Bank her
self in Chestnut-street, Philadelphia, and wanted
exchange on New Orleans, do you imagine, that
you would have got it for nothing? If you do, yon
are egregiously mistaken. Weil, what was the
State Bank arrangement before the suspem ion,and
hkely to be in operation again? It was something
. like this; The State Banks, those in Savannah for
instance, had their correspondents in the principal
commercial cities, with whom an arrangement was
made for mutual drafts and checks. This was often
a business transaction, founded jm the deposit of
funds; in other cases an arrangement of mere cour
tesy by banks of superior credit and character If
I am not mistaken, the Bank of Ar-gusta had an ar
rangement in New York, by which she was allow
ed at any time to overdraw -3100,000. You go to a
Savannah Bank with its own hills in your hand,
and state, yon want funds on New York. Well,
says the Bank, what will you have? Here is spe
cie for your bills, or, if you wish not. to incur the
risk, or undergo the inconvenience of Inuging on
the gold and silver, you can have a check on the
Manhattan Bank, paying us only the costs of trans
portation and insurance—these, you will have to
pay to others, if you take the specie, and you might
as well give it to us and put the check in your pock
et. It is less trouble, less risk, and the same ex
pense. Something like this was the arrangement,
and something like it will be the arrangement again,
when all the hanks resume specie payments. It
has worked well —exchange was low, barely trans
cending costs and charges of specie transportation
and insurance. Was exchange lower, when the
Bank of the United Slates had it in its power to re
gulate it as it pleased? Where, then, the necessity
of a National Bank to control the exchanges, regu
late the currency and keep the State Banks in vas
salage? Who ought to be considered the friends
of the State Banks—those who are heartily opposed
to a United States Batik, as their despotic ruler, or
those who are openly, or from the force of public
opinion, secretly its friends and abettors? Let the
people answer.
If any measure of the day, or even of days gone
by, is more entitled than any other, more plainly
and indubitably entitled to the character of a true
“State Rights” measure, it is the Sub-Treasury.
Every feature ofits aspect shows its paternity and
bespeaks its true lineage. Yet, how little favor
does it appear to meet from those, who claim, by
name, to be the true Simon Pares —the genuine,
only State Rights men ! They regard it as son e
ill-begotten brat—look at it askance, with frowning
brows, and blush with shame or indignation, if any
one hints its consanguinity, instead of following out
their principles and carrying this legitimate offspring
of their creed on the approving shoulders of a shout
ing people, and crowning it with greater honors
than encircled the head of Queen Victoria. “State
Rights” men not for a purely State Rights mea
sure!! Do they deserve t He title?
RICHMOND.
Rebecca Lamar. —An affecting incident rela
tive to this lady, who it will be remembered was
one of the female smvivors of the ili-stared pas
sengers on board the Pulaski, has just corno to
our knowledge. Miss Lamar, says a gentleman
from Charleston, whose life was saved on the
same portion of the wreck, was our guardian
angel, cheering live desponding, alleviating the
sorrows of those who had seen the waves of the
ocean close over their nearest and dearest rela
tives, and administering hope and consolation
even to the veteran sailor, t-T whom scenes of ter
ror and dismay had been familiar. So great, in
fine, was tne confidence sue inspired in t;;c heart
of every member of our unfortunate band, that
those whose fate it was n ver to reach the shore
alive, when they {bit their hour approaching, re
quested as a favor that they might ho allowed to
rest their heads upon her lap, and breathe out
their dying moments with ail the consolation
she was capable of affording. And thus all those
who were unable to survive the horrors of the
awful hour, with their last looks turned towards
her who hud never quailed or blanched beneath
the terrors of the scene, although the stoutest j
hearts had failed, and the boldest trembled m j
anticipation of their fate.
Hew t’o the glories of a Catharine, a Setna
rin.is, or a Margaret cic Valdeiaar, \ ale before
the virtues t f such a woman! Let those who
boar the name of a Lamar, henceforth cherish
it more proudly, than if it conferred wealth, or
power, or nobility upon the possessor. —llosion
Times.
[From {lie Neid York Ctizeitc, Sept. 17.]
'i'iie intelligence from England of the pros,
pcet of a failure in the Wheat crop, and the
speculations in drain upon the Continent, caus
| ed an extraordinary degree of activity and a
largo advance in prices in this market. Some
largo lots of Flour wore taken on Saturday for
foreign accoun-.at $9 per barrel, and the mar.
Uct closed very firm at this rate.
Ail the foreign wheat in market, the most, of
which was musty and not fit for flouring, was
taken up at prices which was not made public.
Mackerel by the cargo arc lower, sales of No. 1
at $lO5O a $lO 75, and No. 2 at $8 75. For
Rvc, $1 0G has been refused. Whiskey in birds.
30 cents. A large lot of African Hides changed
hands on Friday at 1 i cents.
THE NOBILITY OF LABOR.
BY ORVILLE DEWEY.
j So material do I deem this policy—the true
nobility of labor, I mean—that 1 would dwell
on it a moment longer, and in a larger view.
; Why, then, in tire great scale of things is labor
ordained for ns? Easily. Itad it so pleased the
Great Ordaincr, might it have been dispensed
with. The world itself might have been a mighty
machinery for production ofall that man wants.
The motion of the giobe upon its axis might
have been going forward without man’s aid,
houses might have risen like an exhalation
“ With the sound
Os dulcet symphonies and voices sweet,
Built like a temple,”
gorgeous furniture might have been placed in
them, and soft couches and luxurious banquets
spread, by ham.is unseen ; ami man clothed with
fabrics of nature’s weaving, rather than imperial
purple, might have been sent to disport himself
in those ISlysian palaces. “ Fair, scene !” I
imagine you are saying: “Fortunate for ns
had it been the scene ordained for human life !”
But where, then, ti ll me, had been human ener
gy, perseverance, patience, virtue, heroism ?
Cut off with o.e blow from the world; and
mankind had sunk to a crowd of Asiatic volup
tuaries. No, it had not been fortunate. Belter
that the earth be given to man as a dark
mass, whereupon to labor. Better that rude and
unsightly materials be provided in the ore-bed
and in the forest for him to fashion to splendor
and beauty. Bolter, I say, not because of that
splendor and beauty, but because the act crcat
jng them is better than the things themselves ;
became exertion is nobler than enjoyment; be
cause the laborer is greater and more worthy
of honor than the idler.
I call upon those whom I address to stand up
for the nobility of labor, it is Heaven’s great, j
ordinance for human improvement. Let not
that, great ordinance be broken down.
What do I sa}' ? It is broken down ; and it
lias been broken down—for ages. Let it then
be. built up again ; hero if any where, on these
shores of a new world —of a now civilization.—•
Bat how, I may bo asked, is it broken down ?
Do not in f ii toil, it may be said ? They uo in
deed toil, I;lit they too generally do it because
they must.
Many -submit to it, a*- - , in some sort, a degra
ding necessity; and they desire no: liing so nii.ch
on earth as to escape from it. They fulfil the
great law of labor in the letter, but break it by
spirit. To some field of labor, mental or manu
al, every idler should hasten, as a chosen coveted
field of improvement.
But so he isoot impelled to do under the teach
ings of our imported civilization. On the con
trary he sits down, fid is his hands, and blesses
himself in idleness. This way of thinking is the
heritage of the absurd and unjust feudal system,
under which serf: labored, and gentlemen spent
1 their lives in fighting and feasting. It is time
that this opprobrium of toil were done away.
Ashamed to toil art thou? Ashamc of thy
dingy workshop and dusty labor-field ; of thy
! hard hand, scarred with service more honorable
than that of war, of thy soiled and weather
stained garments, on which mother nature has
embroidered, mist, sun and rain, mist, fire and
stream her own heraldic honors? Ashamed of
those tokens and titles, and envious of I lie flaun
ting robes of imbecile idleness and vanity? It
is treason to nature, il is impiety to Heaven ; it
is breaking heaven’s great ordinance. Toil, I
repeat, toil, cither of the brain, or of the heart
(r of the hand, is the only true manhood, the
only true nqbiliy !
South Carolina Bail Load.
3cs"Consignees per Rail Road, September 20. —
T Dawson, Moore & Da vis, J S Hutchinson, Clark,
Racket! & Co. Rankin, Boggs &; Co. W E .1 II
Jackson, J R O Ford, R C Baldwin, & Co. J & S
Bones, A Frederick, Ifaviland. Risley & Co. F H
Cooke, R Barber, W W Knight, L T Cooke, W &
J Nelson, Stovall & Tlamlen, Kerrs &; Hope, G T
Dori c, T S Davis, Clarke, McTeir & Co. T J Par
n?e!ee, II C Bryson & Co. D Grimes & Co.
Simmons & Co. S Knr eland &, Co. J F Benson, J
Hubbard, G Parrott, H L Jeffers, Wright, Bull &
Co. J J Byrd, C Hoffman, P Golly, A Goodrich, T
Richards, Huntington & Son, A Camming, W J
Wightrnan, I Purse, E Snyder, II W Sullivan, Ker
naghan & Rooney, P Carrie, C F Payne, and Sib
ley & Crapon.
C OJOI EII cIA L.
LATEST DATES FROM LI VKUPOOL,::::::::: AUGUST 11
LATEST DATES FROM HAVRE.AUGCJST 9
HAVRE, AEG. 9—There was but a moderate
demand for Cotton yesterday, after the large trans
action, on Tuesday ; the sales however, reached
1,109 hales, without variation in prices.
Letters from Alexandria, under the dale of 17ih
July, state that the Pacha, is now disposed to run
off a portion of his Cotton, and that a public sale of
(i,OOO bales will shortly take place The prices at
present asked, are Si-1 for old, and S!5 for new
crop.
HAVRE, AUG. 7. — Cotton. —During last week,
there was a fair business done, the sales amounting
jto !,000 bales per diem, and the demand was well
supported ; but the principal holder, in whose 1 ands
are 40,000 bales Cotton for American account, and
who bad hitherto kept out of the market, having
come forward with a large lot, several importers of
ordinary description took alarm, and evinced an
eagerness to sell, which caused some fluctuant n
in prices. Buyers, seizing the opportunity, effect
ed a few extensive purchases ; but when it was af
i certained that the holder alluded to, far from intend
ing lo operate at a decline, was disposed rather to
rise his pretensions, and showed no anxiety to re
alize, the chnractcrof the market changed, and the
ordinary anti inferior sorts, which had given way,
recovered themseires. i pon the who!e,the market
closed at the quotations of the preceding week, and
even at stiff r prices for superior lots. 'I he preva
lent opinion was, that there would he no material
variation in rate.-;, as the wants are proportionate to
the stock ; and if, in some instances, the pretensions
of holders should damp the demand, buyers would
no doubt readily he found, when die former are
disposed to sell on moderate terras. Yesterday,
however, a much better feeling manifested itself,
and the buying was on a very large scale, G,3OU
bales of United States having changed hands, at a
decided advance of If a 2f. ihe sales were chief
ly in ordinary and middling qualities, and many
considerable lots of New Orleans and Mobile were
run off at 79fa jaf, hut the most important was the
whole cargo of the Tarquin, say 2,157 bales Up
land, lately arrived from Charleston, at 92f. The
appearance of the cotton trade is altoget her satisfac
tory, and though the spinners have not yet succeed
ed in obtaining more favorable prices for yarns,they
have a prospect of doing so ere long, as manufac
tured goods now meet a ready sale. Sales—s,34s