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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
BY GUIEU & THOMPSON.
PUBLISHERS OF THE LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES.
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accordingly.
CUPPostage must be paid on all Communications
Letters ofbusiness.
[From the N. V. Journal of Commerce. 1
FOUR DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE, i
By the s'eam-sbip Bntainma, at Boston, we :
have London papers to ffie evening of the 3rd mst- j
and Liverpool to Ihe4th.
The Britannia brought (as far as Halifax) thirty
two passengers, among whom was Lord Falkland,
the new Governor of Nova Scoria His Lordship i
was received with great ceremony at Halifax. !
The troops were all paraded, and ealuits were fir
ing when the Britannia left.
The state of the Eastern question had not ma- :
terially changed since the date of our previous ad- !
vices. There was a general hope of the continu
ance of peace, and a general apprehension of war.
Warlike preparations, or at lest, preparations tor
defence, were making in all the principal countries
of Europe.
The fleet of the quadruple alliance w ere prepar- |
ing for a visit to Alexandria, if not already on their |
way thither.
The steamship Great Western, which left New
York August 18th, at 3 o’clock I*. M., arrived at
Bristol on the 31st, at 10s P. M.
Prof. Muller, of Gottingen, died at Athens, Aug.
Bth,from an illness brought on by fatigue and ex
posure in copying inscriptions and making excava
tions at Delphi.
London, Sept. 3 — Two o'clock —ln the funds this
morning there is absolutely nolhingdoing, nor has
any particular alteration occurred in prices. The
settlement of the occount in Paris, which it w as sup
posed would lead to serious failures, and compro
mise some of the speculators in our own stock F.x- j
change, seems to have passed off wiih comparative I
ease and without the occm rence of any of the ap- i
prehended disasters, although the losses are known 1
to be seveie. Consols for immediate transfer
have realized 891 to and for time 90|, being !
about yesterday’s quotations. Money continuing (
rather scarce, the premium on axchequer Bills does 1
not rally, being still 17s. to 195., and India Bonds |
have dropped 3s. and ss. discount. Bank stock is
steady at 1694, and East India Stock rather heavy ;
at 249.
We have rather more business doing in shares, j
but to effect sales lower rates have been more j
currently accepted.
From the Paris Ministerial paper, the Journal des !
Debats. ;
The great question of peace or war occupies all
men’s minds. Some consider that the
Government is not preparing for war with sufficient
activity. Others, and the greater number, by a
sortof instinct rather than through judgment, be
lieve firmly that peace will be preserved. The
treaty of London is composed of two questions—
Eastern and the European question. The latter is
by fir most serious. From Syria it transports the
field of battle to the Rhine. From il quarrel be
tween the Sultan and the Pasha of Egypt it be
comes a war of principles between France and the
other civilized Powers, and through an incredible
perversion of affair, it is the Powers who have
every thing to lose by this war and nothing to gain
who will bear the consequences of it. Austria and
Prussia still more than France have an interest in
the integrity of the Ottoman empire. Prussia does
not want a road roTndia through Syria, and Aus
tria knows well that it is not she who will inherit
Constantinople, Aurtria and Prussia to England
and Russia in case of a European war, France would
carry her arms to their frontier. France does not
wish for war, but iflhe other Powers force her she
will declare it; but, if, on the contrary, the allied i
Powers, by their wisdom and moderation, succeed
in avoiding it, they will have obtained a great tri
umph for civilization over barbarism..
[From the Cleveland Advertiser.]
WHIGGERY, AROLITtON, AKRON AND
MEDINA CONVENTIONS—MORE TRiCK
ERY—FEDERAL MANOEUVRING.
No one who has observed the operations of the
federal party, can fail to perceive the entire alliance
and coalition of the Whigs and Abolitionists.
Late movements have so clearly demonstrated the
fact, that we need but to recount a few recent e- i
venta, to convince the whigs of the South, that
they are co-operating with a band of abolitionists,
who took care in the first place to secure a pledge
from Gen. Harrison that he would in no case use .
the veto power, and in the next place to obtain, in |
consideration of their support of the whig candi- |
date, all the interest and strengih, they could ob- j
tain from the whig party. The better to conceal j
the alliance from those who were interested in its
discovery, show of distinct organization must be
made on the part of the abolitionists. We now- i
ask our friends, and the friends of constitutional i
compromise every where, to read the facts we are
about to relate, and then say if they can longer
doubt the amalgamation of whiggery and abolition.
On the 24th day of August the Whigs of the 15ih
Congressional district held a convention at Medina
and nominated Sherlock J. Andrews, an uncom
promising Abolitionist.
On the 27th day of August the Abolitionists of
the 15lh Congressional district held a convention at
Akron, “to take into consideration the expediency
of nominating a candidate for Congress for the
Xbth district." At that convention the expediency
of making a nomination was discussed, Air. An
drew's the whig nominee was declared to be a
whole-souled abolitionist. Mr. Pendirnan, editor
of the Agitator, a furious Abolition paper publish
ed in this city, stated to the convention that S. J.
Andrews, to his own personal knowledge was a
thorough abolitionist, and HAD within the last SIX
MONTHS contributed money to aid more than \
THREE HUNDRED negro slaves to escape from ;
Virginia and Kentucky into Canada. These facts j
and others were stated by those ardent in the cause
of Abolition as evidence of Mr. Andrews’ fealty to ,
their interests. Although these relations were per- 1
fectly satisfactory to the convention, the show of
distinct organization, or, in the cant phrase of the
sect,“separate action” must be kept up. First, to
aid the whigs of the North in drawing the w 00l over I
the eyes of the whigs of the South, and in the next ■
place to be prepared, if necessary, to force the whigs j
into the performance oftheir treaty stipulations. Ac
cordingly VVoolser Wells was nominated as a can- |
didate for Congress, un/ess S. J. Andsews should
answer satisfactorily such questions as should be
put to him by a committee of that convention appoint
purpose. This nomination of Woolsey
th* l n * ,st ' depended upon a contingency which
t , e - v * now would not happen, for every member of
•u ®®®vention knew Mr. Andrews would answer
in nnt!. eS V ons - sat * s,ac torilv when put to him. Rut,
the nhrUit -0 IVe c °l° r to the “separate action” of
the Deonlp M M ß t * le more thoroughly to deceive
put to him for a consider«h w qU6Stl T 3 Cai ? DOt , be
whiirnmipre nsiderable time, and to give the
papers an opportunity in the meantime to mih
hsh the nomination of WdoUV.- \v n ? 11 u
nisi, and thus hold out the show of U W . lth ° Ut th f.
* On. the 31 st of August, the
■K “ convention, and fulfilled their stipulations
with the abolitionists, by nominating two rank abo
htiomata for the legislature of Ohio, to wit; Leverett
Johnson and Justus H. Vincent— thus giving to
the abolitionists the entire State and National re
presentation of this district.
give the above statement of facts. Let ih»
people ponder well upon them. Let the South
look to these local matters at the North, for they
are the indices which point to onr future struggles,
and discover the real fr.t nd -of constitutional taitli
and compromise. It the South will not be true to
herself now, what claims will she have upon the
democracy of the North hereafter If she will
cast us upon the tender mercies of Federalism, how
can our arm be strong when she cries to us envel
oped as site most assuredly will be, in the horrors of
Abolitionism? Let the South look to it. Let the
friends of the Union look toil. I 1 ederalism once
j plotted the dissolution of the Union and she will
1 again.
Will the South say, these are local matters, w hat
have we do with them? She should recollec t the
j abolitionits dare not goto the South to labor in their
] vocation. What then so completely arms them for
I action as the possession of this local power at the j
| North, hacked up and sustained by the VV big part\ . j
1 and certain of encountering no obstacle or restraint ,
in the veto power ?
•?*********&*' T1
A’gJFsraff&a :
Thursday .Horning, Sept. 54, IS-10.
DEMOCK \T!C RE PUBLICAN TICKET.
FOR PRESIDENT.
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT.
JOHN FORSYTH.
ELECTORAL TICKET.
THOMAS WGOTTEN, of Wilkes.
B. W. WOFFORD, of Habersham.
W. B. BULLOCH, of’Chatham.
JOHN BATES, of Murray.
MILNER ECHOLS, ofWalton.
SAMUEL BEALL, of Wilkinson.
JOHN ROBINSON, of Jasper.
SA MUEL G ROVES, of Madison.
SEA BORN JONES, of M uscogee.
EDWARD HA RDEN, of Clark.
JAMES ANDERSON, of Burke.
COYGBESBBIOAAL TICKET.
ROBERT W. POOLER, of Chatham.
I). C. CAMPBELL, of Bibb.
ALFRED IVERSON, ofMuscogee.
JUNIUS HILLYER, of Clark.
J. S. PATTERSON, of Early.
J. H. LUMPKIN, of Floyd.
W. T COLQUITT, ofMuscogee.
MARK A. COOPER, of Hall.
EDWARD J. BLACK, ofScriven.
FOR STATE SENATE.
GEORGE SCHLEY.
FOR REPRESENTATIVES,
• KEN. THOMAS GLASCOCK,
WARKINCSTON HAOIE,
GAREY F. PARISH.
90" We request our friends, and postmasters in all i
the counties of the state to forward to us, hy mail,
the returns of the election as soon as possible,
as well oftheir respective counties others
that may reach them.
DCP We would earnestly call the attention of our
southern readers to an article in thisday’s paper,from
the Cleveland, Ohio, Advertiser, on Abolitionism.
We will observe that Gen. Harrison gave a pledge
that he would veto no bill, &c.
KIP The communication of Mr. A. H. Stephens,
shall appear in to-morrow’s paper, and in the South
erner, as requested.
MAINE ELECTION.
I The Boston Post of the loth iust. contains returns
from 255 towns, which we publish in the tables be
low.
“In these towns,” says the Post, “Fairfield has
37,079, Kent, 37,672; Kent’s majority 683—in 1838,
Fairfield 39,022, Kent 36,961; showing a gain for
Kent of 2,744. In 1828, Fairfield’s majority over
Kent,in the whole stale, was 3,319; and his majority
in the towns to be heard from was 1258; so that if we
allow that Kent has gained in these towns in the
same ratio that he has in the rest of the state, he
! still leaves with Fairfield a majority of 200. The
vote is a close one; but the statements made by the
whigs that Kent is elected, is altogether premature,
; and unwarranted by the returns. We are of the
I opinion that Fairfield is elected.”
1840. 1838.
Fairfield. Kent. Fairfield. Kent.
Cumberland, (27 towns) <isoß t>6 9 6516 6412
I York, (25 towns) 53U3 4406 5578 4588
I Waldo, (25 towns) 4583 2419 4756 2216
I Kennebeck,(2stowns) 3158 6428 3954 6715
j Lincoln, (31 towns) 4940 6169 4808 5734
Penobscot, 43 towns - 4158 4005 4657 3833
Oxford, 25 towns 3816 2273 3808 2140
Somerset, 13 towns 1820 2696 1780 2517
Hancock, 6 towns 788 763 825 739
Franklin, 7 towns 1055 984 1046 958
Piscataquis 23 towns 950 949 1300 1108
255 towns 37 079 37,762 39,022 36,961
The Bay State Democrat of same date says:
“The secret operations of the federalists seem to
have worked wonderfully. The federal prints claim
the House, the Senate and tiie Governor. Well, we
shall see w hat we shall see. Our democratic friends
in Maine, have been taken by surprise, and they may
have been beaten at this eleclion. It should howev
er, be remembered, that this is not the first time Kent
has been elected Governor. If it is as bad as the
federal prints represent, the democrats ofMaine will
see the importance of making a strong move in No
vember for Martin Van Boren. However that elec
tion may result, we consider the re-election of our i
! excell«nt President certain. When the smoke of the i
present contest has passed away, we will give th*
| result.”
VERMONT AND MAINE.
The result of the election in Vermont should
have been sufficient to convince thepeople of the
I South, of the power and influence of the Aboli
tionists in the North, if the result of the election* |
1 in Maine was not proof positive of the control pos- :
sessed by those fanatics over the ballot box. In !
Vermont the Abolitionists in mass voted the Har
rison ticket. In Maine it was by the same process ;
that the Harrison tickets have succeeded. In Ver
mont the Whig Governor and Lieutenant Governor
are abolitionists. In Maine Edward Kent is an
abolitionist. In both those States the abolitionists ;
voted for the Harrison tickets. We hope the peo
ple of Georgia will duly appreciate the firmness of |
our friends m those two States, who, determined
to stand or fail in (he cause of their country, will
nobly contend in November next, against the whigs
and A bolitionists combined, for the preservation of
the Union and the rights of the States. Our friends
at the North require encouragement from us; Geor
gia will not disappoint their expectations in Oc
tober next.
To show r by what means the result of the elec
tions was produced, we call attention to the follow
ing letter from a citizen of distinction in Vermont!
to the Editors, dated “Montpelier, September 10 x
1840.” '
“Before you will receive this, you will get the '
returns of our annual State election, and will see ,
that the Democracy of the Mountain State are j j
whipped beyond expectation. j (
“Although the Democratic party have polled a : j
larger vote than ever before they have, still they I
are beaten about ten thousand in a vote of 52,000. ,
Here, as every where else, we have been obliged j
to battle not only with all the old Hartford Con- !
vfntion Federalists, disappointed speculators, hut i
we have had the entire money power arrayed a- *
gainst us. Every hank and every corporation in
! 'l' 6 State, has exerted all the influence it possessed, 1
j which is by means nosm all,in favor of the Federal- (
; and against the Democracy. But this npposi
; tton could not have run over us “ rough shod" un- ■
; less it had been attained by that miserable of misc- |
i rabte exciV meats and parties, the Abolitionists.
j It is notorious beyond dispute, and cannot be con- ,
tradicted, that the Federalists in Vermont would
| have been defeated at the late election, had they
I not, by bargain and arrangement, received the en
j tire abolition vote of the Slate! The Abolition
! Societies in the different counties in Vermont, are
almost unanimously controlled by the Federalists.
| The “Vermont «State) Ami-Slavery Society,” has ■
jat its head for President a Federalist. All its other j
j officers are Fe'eralits. Among its Vice Presidents
; you will find men who have done nil in their pow
| er to advance the interest of the Federal parly, in j
j the election which has just passed. Silas H. Jeni-
I son, the, Federal Governor elect, and David M. :
i Camp, the Lieutenant Governor elect, have been, j
I (if they are not now,) both Vice Presidents of the j
Vermont, Anti-Slavery Society. Seven eighths j
of the officers, who are elected by the Federal
Legislature, are avowed and crawling abolitionists.
The Secretary of the State Chancery, Chauncey i
L. Knapp, who conducts the “Voice of Freedom.” j
nn abolition paper, is a Federalist, and has done
more in favor of John Mattox, the F’ederal member ;
of Congress elect from ibis district, than any other
man. And to cap the climax, of the efforts which
j were made by the Abollionists, to secure the elec- |
! lion of Harrison, so far as this State is concerned,
| none was more bare-faced than to see the salaried
| travelling agent of the “Vermont Anti-Slavery
i Society,” travelling all over the State, electionerr
j ing for the Federalists! and this too when he was
I drawing pay from the State Society as the agent to
advance the interests of political abolitionism. Go
j whore you will in this Sate, and you will find the
I Abolitionists, all Federal Harrison men !
“To make my statements true, 1 send you some
extracts from the “Voice of Freedom, ’edited as I
| said before by a federal Harrison office holder
j The first is from that paper dated February 22,
! 1840, signed by his Honor David 31. Camp, Lieut,
i Governor of the state, and just re-elected. No
wonder that this gentleman ran so well with the
abolitionists. Here is the letter, and you will see
that Mr. Van Buren is not very popular with the
northern abolitionists, or, at any rate, not with the
Harrison Lieut. Governor of Vermont. The next
article I will quote, is from the same paper, August
22,1840, in relation to the congrrssional election
which was then pending. John Mattox, the gen
tleman named in the extract was the federal Har-
I risen candidate, and was elected through the exer
j lions of Knapp, Lieut. Governor Camp, and Joab
I Seely, the agent of the State Society. Do you
j think it strange,that the democracy of Vermont was
defeated.”
O’From a long and well written essay on “The
Price of Labour and Price of Produce,” in the
Globe, we copy the following extract:
HEAVY (TAXES OPPRESSIVE TO LABOR.
But the refinements of modern times have discov
| ered a more sure and effectual mode of “muzzling
j the ox that treadeth out the corn.” »f robbing labor
I of its just reward, by indirect legislation, affecting
j the distribution of wealth, which is the proceeds of
| labor. One species of the indirect legislation injuri
ous to labor is taxation, in all its forms of direct
! tixes, land taxes, excises, or duties upon the pro
| ducts of industry at home, and imposts, or duties on
1 the manufactures and products imported from other
! countries.
The burdens of taxation in all countries, let the
taxesbe levied as they may,fall mainly on the labor
ing class, as the annual income ofevery country is
only the product of its whole industry; and conse
quently all taxes must he paid, directly or indirect
j ly, from the earnings of labor. Thus, if an excise
j was imposed in England of two pennies on a yard
j of cotton cloth, the manufacturer would have to pay
I this tax in the first instance, and as he could neither
deduct it from the price of his raw cotton, nor add
it to the price of his goods, as they would both be
regulated by the markets ofthe world, the manufac
turer would deduct this tax from the wages he paid
for his labor, as he would not continue his business
without his usual profits. In each case, however,
the burden may be, and perhaps commonly is, divid
ed between the laborer who produces the article,
and the consumer ofir. But indirect taxes imposed
on the necessaries of life, fall almost entirely on the
laboring portion of the people, as they have to pav
directly the duty on the articles they consume; ami
indirectly, a portion, at least, the tax paid on the
consumption ofthe non-producers.
; We are told by Bulwer, in his work on England,
! that the taxes in that country amount to just about
' one-third of the earnings of labor. A skilful me
j chanic, who earns £6O sterling a year, or neariy
! S3OO, piys to the Government .£2O, or nearly SIOO.
; The English nation is in debt £800.000,000, or near
| ly four thousand tnillionsof dollars of our currency,
j This debt consists, mainly, in three per cent.stocks
called consols, which are usually worth in market
about 90 per cent, so that ten per cent is deducted
j from the nominal amount of their national debt,
| making the actual debt £720,000,000. But Mr. Ca
| ley, now or lately a member of Parliament, says:
j “This £800,000,000 was borrowed at the average
i rate of £6O to the £IOO. ’I he sum of £480,090,000
is all the money which the Government really re
i ceived for it. But this £480,000,000 was advanc
ed to the Government in paper money, worth only
j one half ofthe current money of the country; or
| of that which is now being inflicted on the country,
or ground out of the bones and vitals of the coun
try. The sum actually advanced to the Gov
l eminent, was therefore oniy £240,000.000, of
our present money. The se'iing price of consols
|is at present 87. [lt is now 90 or 91.] The sum
which the found holders are no w receiving from the
Government is about £696,000,000 in solid gold,
i (now 720,0)0,000,) instead of the £240,00cto0o!
i which they ready advanced. Here then is a’ net
pro fit of £456,0u0,000 sterling, literally given to the
i fundholders, without any equivalent whatever, is
j not this prosperity enough ?”
[Caley's Commercial Economy, page 128.]
According to thejreport of Mr. Rice in ,839; then
Chancellor of the Exchequer, the whole taxes rais
ed, amounted to a little short of £50,000.000, or
nearly 250,000,000 dollars, and three-fifths of this
sum, or nearly 150,00 ’,OOO of dollars, was required
to pay the interest of the national debt. This fund
ing system of England is the most stupendous i
scheme of fraud and oppression which was ever I
imposed on any people. The whole operation is to i
lake, in the form of taxes, 150,000,000 dollars anna
ally from the earning of the laboring and productive i
classes, or. as Mr. Caley says, to grind it outof their i
very bones and vitals, and distribute it among the
wealthy and non-producing classes. Sripped of t
the forms of a national debt, this is the substance 1
and effect of the system. It is the most wonderful t
contrivance, “to make the rich richer, ami the poor I
prorer” Nearly £500,000,000 of this pretended 1
debt is a direct fraud, nothing having been received
font. But if the whole sum had been received, i
the present operation of the system would have *
been the same.
C 3“ We have waited so long to notice the charge
alleged against us by a writer in the Chronicle and
Sentinel, some time ago, of a deficient memory, be
cause we could not lay our hands on the letter ot
General Harrison immediately alter the com
munication appeared in that paper. As stated by
us, we quoted that letter from memory. We have
found the letter in Niles Register, vol. 49, page L<>
which we give below in full. Ihe reader "ill find
that our mernorv was not treacherous, and that the
oulv word which we misquoted is, the word ‘ family ,
used bv General Harrison, instead ot the word j
“kinsfolk ” quoted by us. So much for our short \
memory. Now one word about anti-masonry. We
take this opportunity to lay before the reader, not on- i
ly the letter quoted by us, but another from Gen.
Harrison on the same subject.
In a recent speech ofGen. B. C. Howard, of Bal
timore, to the people of Ann Arundel County, anti
masonry is thus alluded to:
“Political anti-masonry lias not yet found its way
into Maryland. From some cause or other, it has
never been able to cross Mason & Dixon’s line. —
We have heard its noise as that of a wave beating
against a rocky barrier without being able to destroy
or surmount it, although occasionally it splashes
over. But if lam able to form a correct opinion of
politicalanti-masoury,General Harrison has not on
ly given in his adhesion to this, “Branch,” hut has
done so in a manner highly disreputable to bischa
| rat:ter; and lias twice been nominated as the anli
| masonic candidate tor the Presidency, once at a for- i
1 mcr election, and again at this. Anti-masonry rests
: upon two bases—au alleged fact, and a political prin- 1
| ciple. The former is untrue, and the latter unsound, j
j The fact alleged is, that masons assume the per
i formance of duties to each other, which are para
j mount to, and inconsistent with their duties to socie- !
j tv; and the principle is, that the. remedy is their ex- 1
j elusion from all offices, either of election by the j
people, or appointment by the Executive. The
| evidence of men who differ from each other in reli- 1
I gion, politics, taste, temper, and associations, but
concur in asserting that the doctrines of masonry
are sound and wholesome, ought to he sati-l'actorv
as to the charge brought against it as well as other
similar associations; but if all the allegations were
true, the proposed mode of removing the evil would
not lie less dangerous or unconstitutional. The re
medy does not reach the case, either; because, when
the entire legislative power was placed in the hands
ofthe anti-masons, as it was in Vermont, and per
haps in Pennsylvania, it was soon discovered that
no law could he passed puuishiugmiii for their opin
ions. If it was right to appeal to the ballot box as
a cure for masonry, then the power which emanated
from the ballot box, of course, ought to have been
effectual. But no attempt was made to send a man
to the Penitentiary in Vermont (ii they have one)
for being a Mason; and tiie result proved that, it was
a mistaken course to ask for Legislative power to
cure an evil, which that power when obtained, was
utterly insufficient to reach. So also, the exclusion
from office is not the remedy; because that permits
what is alleged to he a grievous evil to remain un
disturbed, provided the sinners are more attached
to tfie sin than they are to office. But the creed
ot political Anti-Masonry is, that all Masons are
culpable because they consider their obligations to
each other as paramount to the laws ol the land, and
that they ought to he punished by exclusion from
office. Let us see what General Harrison has said
on these points.”
Then Gen. Howard quotes some, passages ofthe
letter of Gen. Harrison, which we ourselves quoted
from memory, but which we give in full, as publish
ed in Niles Register of November 14, 1835 :
CjEN. HARRISON AND THE AMT-MASONS.
“The chairman and secretary of the state com
mittee ofthe anti-masonic party in Pennsylvania,
recently addressed a letter to Gen. Harrison, inter
rogating him relative to his opinion of that party.
“Before we determine the line of conduct proper to
be pursued, (they say,) vve beg leave to be assured
of the fact, whetheryou are, or are not, in principle
an anti-mason, as known and recognised bv the anti
masonic party ofPeunsylvania.”
“The reply of Gen. Harrison is distinguished at
once by the correctness of its sentiments and by the
frankness with which they are avowed. He says:
“As I am not informed of the principles which
govern the anti-ma Sonic party of Pennsylvania,other
wise than that they are opposed to masonry, I must
leave you to judge of my principles and opinions in
relation to that order, from the fact, that neither mv- i
self nor any of my family have ever been members,
and from thatol'my having been in situations where
the strongest inducements existed to become a
member, arising from the example of my intimate
friends and associates, and that too at a time when
the society had never been impeached either in re
lation to its general tendency or to the conduct of
any of its members.
“You will readily conclude, gentlemen, from this I
statement that I have never been partial to the ma
sonic order. But I should feel that 1 had been de
ficient in candor and disappoint your expectations!
ofthe‘explicit reply’ which you request, if I were
not to add, that should it ever he my fortune tube
elevatedto that high office to which I have been
designated by the partiality of some of my fellow
citizens, I could on no account suffer my opinions of
masonry to influence my conduct to the prejudice of
those who differ, and among whom, however they
may err in relation to masonry, are to be found a full
proportion of the talent and the public and private
virtues of the nation.
“Ifmasonry is an evil, it must be corrected by I
public opinion, by the people themselves, and not
by their agents, and least of all those who adminis
ter the government of the United States. By them
no qualifications of a citizen could be admitted
which is not declared by the constitution itself, no
participation withheld in the advantages which it
is its great object equally to secure to every descrip
tion of citizens.”
But “these sentiments,” says Gen. Howard, “cor
rect and honorable as they are, did not suit the taste
of the anti-masonic party; and the most objectiona
ble act of Gen. Harrison’s life is the precipitancy !
with which he reverses his opinion, when informed
by Mr. William A3 res that ‘it was believed he had
been misunderstood.’ It is impossible to read Gen. '
Harrison’s answer, without lamenting the infirmity
of human nature. Wholly regardless of his form- j
er opinion, he rashes headlong into the arms of the
party whose leading maxim he not only condemned,
but shown to be inconsistent with the spirit of our
constitution, in the succinct paragraph just quoted.
A few days afterwards, on the 20th November he
replies thus.” Gen. Howard here quotes a passage '
only from the second letter of Gen. Harrison, which
we give in full, from Niles Register, \ 01. 49, page
245, together with the letter of Mr. Avres.
CORRESPONDENCE,
OF WILLIAM AYRES WITH GEN. HARRISON.
Harrisburg, Aop. 11,1835.
Dear Sir:—l have been requested by some of 1
your anti-masonic friends, to address you in relation
to your letter to Messrs. \V allace and Bhoch, mem
hers of the state anti-masonic committee. It is be- '
lieved that you have been misunderstood, bv some
in reference to the latter part of vour letter, and it is '
believed that this misunderstanding arises from a (
misconception of the objects of the anti-masonic ,
partv on your part and a misapplication of the
meaning of two or three passages of vour letter on '
the part of the anti-masons. . . j
Bv some, your letter has been construed to mean, ‘
that it is unconstitutional for the people to use the
ballot box for the suppression of what they deem
dangerous to equal rights. That it likewise denies
the right of people to instruct their agents to per
form what thev themselves have a right to do.
1 have been requested to say, that although anti
masons consider masonry, Irom th# nature of tho
obligations imposed upon its members, as exhibited
by judicial testimony, at variance with equal rights,
yet their party is not based, as has been sometimes
alleged, upon the principles of indiscriminate pro-
scription. It is not a war against masons, but the
existence of the association. Those only are deem
ed unworthy of being put into public trusts, by the
people or executive appointment, vs bo consider lliei-r
obligations to masonry as paramount to the l#ws of
the country, and what every citizen owes to civil
society.
It is not expected or desired by anti-masons ire
this section of tho country, that the powers of tin*
general government, or any of its departments,,
should he exorcised to suppress masonry. The ap
pointing power is the only one, in the hands of the
executive, for the correction of evils which attach
themselves to tho qualifications of applicants for'
office. 1 should lie happy to receive your views in
relation to the foregoing. Yours, with great respect.-
WILLIAM AYRES.
Gen. William 11. Harrison.
REPLY.
Cincinnati. Nor. 1335.
Mv Bear Sir: I received last evening your letter
of the 11th instant. lama: a loss to conceive upon
what fair principle of construction my letter u> tho
president and secretary of the central
committee, con Id ha considered as a denunciation of
the anti-masonic party. If any language will bear
that meaning, it is certainly the very reverse of what
I intended to convey hy it. To deny tlie right of
the people to form,associations to correct any ex
isting ABUSES not immediately cognizable by
lair, would deny them one of the most essentia/ rights
which in the grant of power to their agents, they
have rest reed to themselves. It is equally itnpos
| sible, that 1 could have intended to say, that the peo
pie had no right to instruct theiragents, considering
that during mv whole political life, I have been the
open and decided advocated that right. 1 not only
i believe that the representative is bound by the de
clared will of Ids constituents. bat to conform his
i acts ns far as possible to what he believes tube
, their wishes, although not co nuiunicated by any j
express instructions. For my sentiments on this
subject, contained in an address to tlie electors of
; tiie Ist congressional district of Ohio, some years
ago, I was most severely criticised by many of the
j federal editors of that period and by non ; more so
than my friend C. Hammond. You may have seen
| in one of his late papejs, when defending me against
j the charge of federalism, he asserts that 1 always
; maintained “ the right of instruction,and other follies
j of the Jeffersonian school.”
i Lest 1 should be misunderstood also in another
I particular, I must take leave to say, that whilst 1
1 denv the right of the general government, or any of
i its departments, to interfere with the concerns of
j the people, in relation to their [ arty principles, or
; partv movements in all cases where the laws of the
union are not violated, I cannot be supposed to mean
that it is not the duty of the appointing power,
I STRICTLY TO INQUIRE INTO THE
! PRINCIPES OF THOSE WHO ARE CAM
, D1 DATES FOR OFFICE. For my own part,
| I hesitate not to say, that I would as soon think of
j appointing loan office under this republic, one of
i the English nobility—a scion from the pure tory
1 stock of the house of Eldon, or Luwther. or Jenkin
\ son, or Wellesley, as an American citizen who
would assert bis right to enter into any ENGAGE
MEN ror COMBINATION , which would re
-1 tease him from his paramount obligations of duty
to the CONSTITUTION and LA WS of his
country. I am, dear sir, with great regard, your
humble servant, W. H. HARRISON.
William Ayres, Esy.
We copy also from Niles Register, same volume
page 283, the nomination of Gen. Harrison by the
anti-masons:
PRES IBENTIA L NO MI NATIONS.
IKS NS Y I VANIA.
The Harrisburg intelligencer says—
The democratic anti-masonic convention went in
to a nomination of candidates lor pn sideut and vice
president of the United States. The following was
j the vole, eacli member voting as his name was call-
I ed.
For President.
William H. Harrison, of Ohio, 89 votes.
Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, 29 votes.
Francis Oran gee, of New York, 3 votes.
For Vice President.
j Francis Granger, of Now York, 102 votes.
Hugh L. White, of Tennessee, 5 votes.
William Slade, of Vermont, 5 voles.
William A. Palmer, of Vermont, 7 votes.
The convention then passed a resolution w ithout
a dissenting voice, to support William Henry liar
' rison, of Ohio, tor president, and Francis Granger ,
! of New York, for vice president; and to use all fair
! and honorable means to secure their el clion.
We must at the same time place before onr read-
I era, the creed of the anti-masons, to which Gen.
Harrison subscribed, and for which he will receive
their votes at tire approaching election as lie did in
1836.
At an anti-masonic convention held at Le Roy»
N. Y. The following resolution, among many oth
ers, was unanimously adopted :
Resolved, That an institution whose rites are im
pious—whose obligations are blasphemous—and, if
observed in the spirit of their horrid import, must
necessarily lead to perjury and murder—an institu
tion in one instance, at least stained with the blood of
one es its members, by a crime w hich has in an un
equivocal manner received the sanction of the order,
is unworthy to exist in a free government; and that
we pledge ourselves to each other and to the world,
that wo will use all lawful and constitutional means
to banish entirely from our country that bloodv relic
of barbarism.”
At an anti-masonic state convention, held at Uti
tica, N. Y. the following resolutions wereadofed:
“Resolved, That it is ihe right and the doty of
the citizens of these United States to use all lawful
means to annihilate an institution which has shown
itselt capable of contriving, effecting, and in a great
degree concealing the crimes of kidnapping and
murder.
“ Resolved , That we will not give our suffrages to
any me mber of the Masonic fraternity who adheres
to the institution, or acknowledges the binding force
of their wicked and blasphemous obligations; nor
in any manner directly or indirectly promote their
election to any office or place of public trust.”
In an address to the people of New York by' the
anti-masonic Convention held at Albany, N. Y, is to
be found this passage :
BV e must unite, as a parrv, at the polls. W©
must select for all elective offices, the best men op
u hf 6 V l ° r6e Masoni T’ whether they are those
"*° ™ ve enounced it, or otherwise; and we must
cttliemoeroM.se they are opposed to it. And
iese men w e must support, uniformly, constantly,
a ously always, till Free Masonry, with all its
fantastical pageantry, its false pretensions, its un
allowed means, its alarming power, and its mon
strous crimes, shall be numbered with the past
misfortunes of our country.” F f
DEMOCRATIC AND WHIG CONVENTIONS.
In the State of New York, two mass conventions
have very recently been held; one by the democratic
party at Poughkeepsie, and the other by the wings *
at Syracuse. Both were numerously attended.—
But who presided at those two conventions? At tho
whig convention, the notorious abolitionist Francis
Granger presided, and at the democratic convention,
the venerable Gen. Morgan Lewis, who has been go
vernor of the state, and is still one of the main pil
lars of the republican party, presided.
A