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P BV P. GIIKI. AKiIXTA, <4A. SATURDAY OCTOBER 3. IS4O. VOL. XTUI.-XKW SERIES, XO. 61
k I - II il r - i ■-■■■■■■ ■■ -I Ml. - -■ _ -I ■ ■ II mm rr'TTIE - -
K TiilE COYST*TITIO'VALIST.
J -OFFICE IN MACINTOSH-STREET, third door from
I THE S. W. CORNER OF BROAD-STREET.
■S des of LAND !»v .A l.niui-trators, Executors, or Gnard
| mii>, are required, l»y law, to be held on t'le first Tues-
I day in the inoutli, between the hours of ien in the fore-
I noon and three in the afternoon, at the Court-House in
I which the property i- situate. Notice of these sales
V must be vi veil in a public Gazette sixty days previous
I Vo the day of sale.
fc ties of Vh iIIOKS must he at public auction, on the
fir-t Tuesday of the mouth, between the usual hours ol
sale, wt the place of public s il<-s in the county where
I he letters testament try, or aduiinist r ition, or guardian
ship, in vy have been grunted, first srivi .l sr sixty days’
•notice thereof, in one of the public G.iz -ties of this
St ite, and at tlje door of tile Court-House where such
sales are to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Prope-ty must be given in
like manner, forty days previous to day of sale.
Notice to the 1) -liters and Creditors of an instate, must be
published for forty days.
Notice that application will be in ide to the Court of Ordi
nary for leave to sell HAND, must be published for folk
months.
Notice for leave to 1 NEGROES, must he published
foe jl months before any order absolute can be given by
the Court.
P rid my iTlornlitg, Oct. v£, IN 40.
THIS SIGNS OF TilE I I MES.
One of tlie most ramarkahla signs of tlie tines is
I lie tl ••duration of Mr. Webster flint lie is a demo
crat; flint .Mr. Jefl’erson unfl Mr. Madison were great
and good men, eminent patriots, and deserving to be
remembered by the American people, for the ser
vices tbev have rendered to the country; and that
Jlie principles he entertains, icitk hix party , are the
principles entertained b\ the party in the S»uth op
posed to 1 lie present administration of the govern
-1 iiient. And what is still more remarkable, is to
Hud state rights papers adorning their columns with
the speeches of Mr. Webster, praising\i\» eloruicnce
his sentiments, and admiring the orthodd%u of
r his political principles. Mr. Webster, who wasHt\
■expounder ofthe consiilufion, in opposition to the
great champions of Nullification in Congress, and
who was then the principal object ofthe censure and
abuse of the very men who now hold him up as the
pvrettf. and most consistent of democrats. Can the
southern whigssucceed in their deceptions? Can
they succeed in blinding so intelligent a people as
the people ofthe South? We believe not. There
is not one impartial whig in the south, who, if he
was called cm, in the sincerity of his heart, to express
his opinion ofMr. Webster, who would not condemn
the leaders of his own party, for the attempt they
aire making to identify the northern whigs, with
Webster at their head, with the southern whigs.
And why would he condemn his southern whig
Headers? Because he recollects what Mr. Webster
has been and is at the present time, and because he
clearly perceives the position that this federal lead
er occupies in the present contest for the presidency.
What has been, and who is Mr, Webster? In a
speech delivered by him he used these memorable
words: y
ili W E UWK M\lSc \\ It.MAM JIhXIIV IIARR ISON
TDK BKAHKR OF OUR STAMiyro!’
■“Who are the\,nncl What standard? Where
have they ever been, and w.liere do they ever mean
lo be? /*\
“This is not the first tSot Mr. Webster has
officiated in the c"remyfiy of a li’f'.i-handed marriage
between the Frtler.iljft-’ of Muslim setts and the
Whigs of the l"ou jitand West. \
“ The 10th of .yAvhinher, 1837, Mr.\Julyt Bell of
Tennessee apuimred at a great in
Fanenil llalL&ostoii, and -tending bcsUc Daniel
\\ ebster, ™i presided at that meeting, Bell
exclaimed, ‘‘Tennessee is i.v frincjpi.Eifcvi th
Massacausktts.”
“ The same men who stood by Mr. Webster to rat
ify that alliance, the John Davises, the Benjamin
Kassels, the 1. C. Bateses, and iin> Sallonstalls are.
£ now hie vouchers fortiio pledge ut Alexandria. Who
f and where or- 4 they/
“Damfi, Webster was the author of the Rock
ingham Circular, adopted by a Convention of Fede
ralists mi New Hampshire, denouncing the war,
from which be was transferred to Congress. Pre
vious, to this, in 1806, lie delivered an oration, the
-4th of July, before ‘the Federal gent'emen' of Con
cord, N. 11., in which lie inveighed against Pre
sident Jefferson and denounced him for Ins love of
peace and regard to economy.
“ I’atrioti-m,” -aid i>e. “lias given place to the spirit of
economy Regard to national lum ris absorbed in a thiist
foi yam, and a desire to save. ”
“In his pamphlet against the Embargo, Mr. Web
ster said of Jefferson—
-4 When a man’s pretensions are utter’y inconsistent
with his actions, his p eteusioiis must lie false. The in >-
live assigned tor laying the • m! tirgo, was never the true
in live. When we 1 ave aHr tisli \va , we of course
|shain hav a Frnich alliance, and snrr ndcr i.ur liberties
and i 'dependence t ■ tlie protection of Bonaparte ”
“In 1812, at a Federal Convention held at Brent
wood, Mr. Webster reported resolutions justifying
the public enemy, and condemning his own Govern
ment.
“While in Congress, he opposed the war at every
step. Among volumes of speeches denouncing the
war and the Administration, he said —
“ ‘Utter y astonished at the declaration of war, 1 have
been surprised at nothing since. I saw how it would be
prose ruled when 1 saw how it was begun. There is an
unchangeable lela.ion between rush councils aad feeble
execution
44 They (the Federalists) know the limit of Constitution- ■
as opposition. I'p lo tiiat limit they will walk, and walk
fearlessly ’’
“He thus exulted at thr defeat of our arms and
the murderous inroads of the savages —
4 ’This is not the eutertainmi ut t » which we were inci
ted. We are to d that these dis qtpointiueii s are owing
t 1 the opposition to w hich the war'encounters. This is
no new strain It is the constant tune of every weak or
wicked Administration:”
“Let the recorded votes of Mr. Webster in Con
gress show w here he was and ever has been.
[fjr’On the Ist July, 1813, Mr. Webster, then a
representative from Massachusetts, voted against a
bill for the assessment and collection of direct taxes
and internal duties.
On the 9th, he voted against the bill laying duties
on refined sugars.
On the same day, he voted against the bill laying
duties on sales at auction. _ S
On the 10th, against the bill laying duties onjfr-
J
• On the 7th January, 1314, one of the darker peri
ods of the war, and after our gallant little navy had
covered itself w ith glory, he voted against an appro
priation for defraying the expenses ofthe navy.
1 On the 10th, he voted against a proposition more
effectually to detect and punish traitors and spies.
On the 14th, he voted against a bill making pro
vision to fill the ranks ofthe army.
On the 22d he voted, in a minority ofseven.against
a bill authorizing the enlistment of troops for live
years or during the war.
* On the 25th, be voted against a bill for enforcing
the non-importation laws.
On the Bth February, against the bill to raise live
regiments of riflemen.
On ihe ?sth March, Ire voted agiinst the hid to
1 call torth the militia, to execute the laws of the
J Union, and renel invasion.
On the Ist December, only a few days before
the sitting of the Hartford Convention, he voted
against a hill to provide additional revenue for de-
r ravmgthe expenses of the Government ami matn
i toining the public credit.
On ihe Kith, he voted to postpone, indefinitely, a
hill authorising the President of the United States,
to call upon the several States for their respective
quotas of militia to defend the frontiers against in
vasion.
On the 13th, he voted against the s tme hill. lie
also voted against a hill lo provide additional reve
nue for the support of government, and maintain the
puhl c credit, amt also against an appropriation for
rebuilding the capital and pnhhc offices which had
been destroyed by the enemy.
44 Thus has Daniel Webster burned upon fits own
brow, ihe indelible brand of 1 And the Fede
ral sis—one ami all—throw up their ha’s and rend
the air with their lusty huzzas, as he announces that
“We have made, William Henry Harrison
THE HEARER OF OUR STANDARD !”
MAINE.
The Pennsylvanian of the 28th inst. savs—“We
1
subjoin all the news from Maine, received since
our last. It will he seen that Fairfield is more than
one hundred ahead, am! that there is much reason to
suppose th <t helms been elected. The Harrison
ites, according to their usual custom, have been
a great deal too hasty iu their rejoicings about Maine,
and a day or two may shew that their firings and
shunts and jubilations for the election of Kent, have
all been thrown away:
The Boston Morning Post of .Saturday, reiterates
the opinion, expressed the day before by the Bay
State Democrat, that Fairfield leads hi* opponent by
more than two hundred votes, and that the towns to
he heard from, are undoubtedly democratic. “Ifwe
have erred at all, says the Post, we think it is in
S adopting statements too favorable to the whigs.—
U’heelections for representatives, held on Moudav
last, have resulted favorably to the democrats. If
our friends had done as well throughout the State
the week before, as they now have done in these
towns, we would not he under the necessity of claim
ing a hare majority for Fairfield. The democrats
feel their disgrace, and they are anxious for Novem
ber to come that they may wipe it out forever.”
The Bay State Democrat of Saturday afternoon,
says:—
We have this morning the vote of Byron in Ox
ford County, which gives Fairfield 37, Kent 9; and
Howard’s Gore, 13 to 15; also Clinton Gore in Ken
nebec, II for Fairfield, Ofor Kent; and No. 1 in Han
cock, 20 to 5; Plantation in Somerset, 18 to 1. Ad- !
ding these to our previous footings, it makes the to- 1
tal
For Fairfield, 45,20(5
For Kent, 45,162
Plurality for Fairfield, 104
There are some plantations which did not vote in
1833, yet to hear from, they will add to Fairfield’s plu
rality.
[FOR THE CONSTITUTIONALIST ]
Messrs. Editors: The Federal Whigs are ma
king much talk about the one term candidate, as
if they would imply a cemttre of all two term
Candidates. Who are the two term Candidates?
Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson
and Van Huron. Who are the one term Candi
dates ? The two Adams’ ami Gen. Harrison —and
why, because they will not show their hand or a- j
vow their principles till they get seated in the Pie- j
sidential chair—and then the people hurl them from
office at the next election, as all imposters should I
be. G.
CHARLO ITESVILLE CONVENTION.
ADDRESS TO THR I’EOPLE OF VIRGINIA.
(Unammuusly adopted by the Convent ien, Sept. 11,1340. )
[concluded.]
Let it* now, in turn, examine rapidly the princi- ,
pies of the opposition, and contemplate its candid- ;
ate ! But we are stopped at the threshold by the ;
fact that no declaration of principles or policy Ims |
been mad’. The convention, which nominated Gen
eral Harrison, deemed it impolitic to issue an ad- j
dress to the people—a fair inference from which is,*;
that it contained materials too heterogeneous to re- !
coucile, and opinions too obnoxious to proclaim.— !
Following this example, the candidate himselt has
refused to make any declarations fur the public eye,
although hi< private communications have been mi- \
inerous, and have been appealed to for very oppo
site purposes, in different regions of the country. —
We ask you, f.’llow-eitizens, if this is a fair and hon
orable course towards the people? If the commu
nications of a candidate can be used privately for
electioneering purposes, why should he hesitate to |
publish his sentiments to the world in an authentic
and unquestionable shape? This would put an end
to all doubt and cavil. We should he spared the de- j
grading spectacle which we behold when gentle-j
men at the South read letters from General H ni
son lo prove that he lias nothing in common with
the Abolitionists; and members ofCongress and oth- '
ers at the North write letters to be shown to the j
Abolitionists, declaring that they have seen, from
his own hand, sentiments not unfavorable to these
dangerous fanatics.
Since, then, neither General Harrison, nor the
, committee w ho answers for him, will make a public j
authentic declaration of his present principles, we j
are compelled to resort to other means to obtain a I
knowledge of them. It has been proved from the,
record that he spoke in favor ofthe standing army j
of the elder Adams, which was an object of peculiar
dread and aversion with the early Republicans. He
received his first appointment from the high toned j
Federal ruler, as his last was bestowed by the son, ;
kindred in principle as well as in blood. When
charged with Federalism, on the floor of the Senate,
by John Randolph, who asserted it boldly, 011 his
own authority, he admitted the allegation in part,
and but faintly denied the rest; although a garbled
account of this debate, which gives him a decided
triumph over the orator of Roanoke, has been pub
lished amongst the political documents put forth by !
his friends, which he has. we would fain impe, inad- 1
vertantlv sanctioned. He is certainly pledged to
the most obnoxious doctrines of that Federal school.
His devotion to internal improvements, in every va
rietv of form, and a protective tariff, was so ardent
as to induce him to recommend a suspension ol the
payment of the. public debt, for the purpose of ac
cumulating a surplus, to be applied to their encour- !
agement. So ardent was his support ol the latter, j
as to make him declare, that he would witness the !
extremes! evils predicted from it, before he would
consent toils abandonment. He proposed, more
over. that, w ith the consent of the Southern States,
the national revenue should be appropriated to the
unconstitutional object of emancipating their slaves,
and thus prov ing his loose and erroneous views of
the compact which hinds these soverignties together.
V\ e all know how obnoxious was the famous
Proclamation ot Gen. Jackson to the Republicans
ot the South, and many of them were driven by it
aa—bb—a—a—l * ***»
'. from the ranks of the Administration, in >}>ite ol
the explanation of the Prescient, which in a ereai
, decree (jiialified and mitigated its obnoxious -cuti
ments. General Harrison, on tiie contrary, loaded
this act of General Jackson, ns doing him more
honor than the victory of New Orleans and adopted
its principles, as expounded and exposed hy Dani i
Webster, as the most “eloquent ami sntisiactory ex
positions’" of the principles oftiie Government. He
I voted, indeed, against, the prohibition of slavery in
Missouri, yet in the same session of Congress pro
posed a measure of restriction; mid afterwards, in
the Legislatature of Ohio, voted for a resolution to
instruct its .Senators and Representatives to oppose
the admission of Territuris into the Union without
| this prohibition. He was a decided opponent o!
| the election of Gen. Jackson, and an equally dcci-
I ded supporter of that of John ti. Adams, from
I whom he received the mission to Columbia, as lu
had received his first honor from the Federal father.
Rot supposing his own opinions to he orthodox.
• which they are not, let us inquire into the senti
ments of those who support him. The lead'r ol
.Massachusetts Federalism is his right arm. and the
father of the miscalled American system is his left,
The advocates of a Bank of the United states an,
without an exception, his partisans, and look to his
election as involving he certainty of the re-estab
lishment of their “great regulator.” All those who
are devoted to every principle and measure which
V irginia has ever abhorred, are strenuous in advo
cating the (lection of the nominee of the Harrisburg
Convention. And who are those who, in that con
vention, coerced the reluctant delegates from the
South into the adoption of Gen. Harrison ! Aboli
tionists, or those who w ere under the influence of
that traitorous faction, which lias proclaimed the
defeat ofthe rejected candidate as u signal proof
that noslavehold r should ever again occupy the
Presidential chair! Do we not know, is it not un
disputed history, that the choice was acquiesced in
with the greatest reluctance hy those who have
since affected an enthusiasm which is as insincere
as it is sudden ? If, then, Gen. Harrison owes his
selection to opinions and to men adverse to the.
South, and to southern interests, will he not. if elect
ed, be under the control of those who prevailed a
gainst the reluctantly yielded wishes of the South
ern delegation ?
We have already touched upon the fearful sub
ject of Abolition. Wherever there is an Abolition
ist wiio is at the same time a politician, lie is a de
cided supporter ofthe Whig candidate. The great*
est pains have been taken to persuade the Abolition
ists, that General Harrison is not unfavorable to
their views; at least, not as much so as his distin
guished opponent. Fur this purpose we have had
open declarations; and worse still, secret communi
cations from politicians of influence, oven in the Na
tional Legislature. Wherever the Whig party pre
vails, there Abolition flourishes; wherever the Re
j publicans have tlie sway, it i? discouraged and de
pressed. Need we point, as proof of tiie former as
sertion, to Vermont, Connecticut, New Vork, &c.?
In the last mentioned State, an avowed Abolition
ist is Lieutenant Governor, and laws have been late
j ly passed there, hy a compact Whig majority, which
| render it impossible for a Southern man to recover
his fugitive slaves, nay, expose him to the peniten
tiary. should he venture to appeal to the laws ofthe
United States for the protection of his property.
On tiie contrary, in New Hampshire, Maine, Penn
sylvania, Ohio, &,c. tlie Democracy have proved
| true to the South, even at the liazzard of much of
| their popularity. In the Keystone State particu
larly, nut a Democrat can lie found who is in the
slightest degree tainted with Abolition, or who does
not regard it with the same detestation that is felt in
the South.
Ifwe look within the walls of Congress, the same
state of things will lie found to exist. Every con
spicuous Abolitionist there is an equally conspi
cuous supporter of General Harrison, including
Messrs. Adams, Slade, Giddings, Gates, Clark,
Smith, Saltonstall, Ogle, etc. Several ofthese, most
distinguished for their devotion alike to Harrison
and Abolition are members of the Central Whig
Committee, whose duty it is to enlighten the Union,
| including the Southern States, with political infor
j mation! Think yon, fellow-citizens, that the elec
; tion of a candidate who receives such zealous snp
i port from men so notorious tor their devotion to
| Abolition, w ill not encourage and strengthen that
! pestilential heresy, which boasts of coercing the Op
position into the adoption of its candidate? 'Phis
is too serious u matter to he made the sport of fac
tion. It involves all that is dear to us in life; peace,
prosperity, happiness, nay, existence itself, and will
give these for the sake of a mere party triumph, and
that, too, at the sacrifice of all your cherished prin
ciples. and expose your highest and lasting interests
to the most imminent peril.
It was the declaration of Mr. Jefferson that the
“Northern Democracy is the natural ally of the
South,” and the present aspect of parties is a strik
ing confiimafion of that prophetic sentiment. Vet
there are many among us who are so intent upon
the transitory objects of party or faction, that they
spurn from us this natural ally at a most critical
juncture of affairs, nay, treat it as an enemy, and
strengthen the hands of its, and,consequently, their
deadly enemy. They would strike down the man
who has solemnly pledged himself to veto any hill
which may be passed, and they would substitute
an aspirant, who not only refuses to give any pledge,
but who indicates a purpose to sign any bill which
Congress may pass. They would strike down the
man, who, from his local position, at the point of
danger, is able and willing to bring ns friends; and
they prefer the candidate whose mo.-t decided friends
are the least willing to serve us. Ifwe repudiate
.Martin Van Buren,we paralvze his and our friends,
and we commit our dearest interests to the hands of
William Henry Harrison’s friends, who have hither
to betrayed us. Ifwe elect Mr. Van Buren, the
door is still closed to their claim of petition and de
bate. The country is saved from agitation, and tins
Union from the danger of dissolution. But the
election of his competitor throws open the door to
petitions and debates upon the District ofColumbia,
and it is to this point of the fortress that the artillery
ofthe Abolitionists has been hitherto directed, and
will continue to he pointed. Break that rampart
down, and the Union is gone. The very agitation of
such a question, ifeontinued from session to session,
weakens the bond which unites ns. Vet it is this
very question which Gen. Harrison has in his last
Carthage address evaded. We connot admire the
firmness or the candor of that man who pretends to
go before the public, to meet every question, and
yet disingenuously slurs over the on! v one which has
been, and will continue to be the source of difficul
ty and of danger. Touch the slaves in the District
of Columbia, without the consent of their masters,
without the consent of all the slaveholding Stages,
without engrafting the power on the Constitution —
nay,open the door to petition,to debate and to agita
tion. and this Union may be shaken to the centre.
But Gen. Harrison seems willing to encounter these
consequences.
In his Carthage speech he expatiates upon the I
right of petition, but subsequently seems willing :
to modify it so far as relates to slavery in the States; I
hut he says not one syllable about the District of!
Columbia. His silence is most expressive. Hisi
omission to modify the right of petition in this res- ,
pect, either shows him willing to open the door to
such petitions, which the South has hitherto suc
ceeded in putting to sleep, or it shows bis ’ear of
offending the Abolitionists by speaking the truth.
And in this case “cowardice betrays !im? treason”
—and in either alternative, Gen. Hanson shows
himself unworthy of the confidence of the South.
But wo have not lime to dwell upon ibis painful
>l t ipic. L. the space to w hich rve are .ibhged to con
it ' fine ourselves, it is impossi hl e even to notice all
i- ihe topics of discussion.
d There is no fea’ttre, however, in the present con
e i test, to which we think il our imperative duty to
d | direct your serious atteutif >n. It is the attempt, no
i the part of the Opposition, to degrade the people.
> for the purpose of affecting its party etuis. The
e appeals which are add essed to the enlightened
11 freemen of America, would he insulting to the most
1- ignorant and depraved portion of the human race,
n 1 instead of reason, facts, principles, our adversaries
o j show their inveterate contempt for the popular iu
e | lelligetice, by Iho lowest appeals 10 the lowest
it i passions and prejudices. Should such a course
• i j prove successful,, how oraimous for these instuu
i- ; lions, whose success depends upon the general
11 j diffusion of intelligence, and an elevated popular spi
c j rit! In all age-, the degradation of the people has
been the certain forerunner of the destruction of
t, 1 their liberties. When rn. n cease to respect them
i- selves, they will have hut lirtle regard f>r ihe dg
>i i nified privileges and duties of self-government. Do
e you not, fellow citizens, set-1 a hln.-h kin Ding your
t. ! checks, when you witness these revolting practi
, ; ces. which disgrace our country and ttuulf our
s people? Would you be willing to exhibit such a
>■ ; spi ctacle lo the enemies of popular institutions.
0 who already exult bar under the freest Govern
-1 meni upon earth, the favorofthe people is sought
s by means w hich would humiliate the most ignorant
i ! and depraved populace of Europe? Have we gone
back, instead of advancing in civilization? Ai«
? yon indeed willing to become the instruments of
your own degradation? And what ren lers these i
I practices still more criminal and revolting, is the ;
j fact, that those who resort lothern, privately admit
I that they are engaged in an unworthy occupation,
e yet justify themselves by the pretence that 'he
- people,to be pleased and pur.-uaded. must be eiijol
-1 ed like children or besotted like savages. And
1 who, let us ask, are they, who suddenly nfleet
- such an attachment to popular feelings and liabiis?
' Are they not those whose hearts hn\e never beat !
’• with a “pulse of popular sympathy,” wh-j regard,
• the laboring poor as no better than tbe slaves of I
- the plantations, who declare that the “huge paws” j
of the farmer were never made to grasp the statute 1
book? We see men who have never darkened ihe !
- door» of the real cottage, exhibiting themselves at I
- political meetings gathered in caricature imitations I
• ot tbe poor man’s dwelling, and pretending to ta.-te j
bis homely beverage out of cups formed by the
• i band of Nature, with lips yet inoi-t wuh the costly
> wines oi France and Spain, sj akmg in ibe cry-tal
- goblet. But no, fellow-citizens, yon are net tbe ■
I dupes implied by such miserable aits ami eonioinp- !
ible expedients; and we trust, that your verdict
- upon these disgraceful and degrading practices will
- j be so signal as lo prevent their repetition hereafter.
■ i Let thoso who deg ade themselves and insult
• ; you by stu b exhibitions, by their log cabins,
; ; by their affected pota ions of hard cider, by
gourds and by coon skins, by slue ting proees
-1 sions of huzza hoys; let those who first stultify ibe
■ j peop’e in order to seduce them; let those who pro
-1 ; pagale every variety of humbugs, and reiitse to
i appeal to their understandings by manly argument
and enlightened principles, reap tnetr appropriate
! reward in the just indignation id their country Lei
• tlio>e who thus insult you, “sloop” if they wtil. but
; not“to conquer ”
I Finally, let us appeal once more to you, as Re
-1 ; publicans, conscious of your high calling and i-x
--1 ailed privileges, to weigh well the consequences m
• velvet) in the present contest. V\e entreat you,
; ! prove faithful to your ancient principles, and to
1 ; those who have been faithful to you, and to them.
Heed not the calumnies which ass.il your ears.
■ | They are the same which were employed in the
■ 1 time of Jefferson and Madison, whose doctrines
■ 1 and policy, it. was asserted, with like pertinacity ,
and perverseness, were hostile to order, property, j
, i morals, and religion. This is the common cry of I ]
those who are averse to free principles, and resem- I
• b!es that of the “throne and altar,” which, beyond 1 ’
j the ocean, serves as a rally against the friends of I
, I l.beny. The Republican party has ever been com
p sed chiefly of the plain farmers, and honest yeo- 1
1 manry of the country. Are they less attached to .
j order, property, religion, and morals, than the .
1 cl s.-es which are habitually arrayed against them? i
i What party 100, let us ask, has stigmatized itself, 1
by the gross frauds upon popular rights, which -
j sought to vitiate the elections in Pennsylvania, ! 1
New Jersey, and other places—frauds, which poi- j 1
son the very fountain of liberty itseli ? It ill be- : 1
comes such adversaries to read to the honest Demo- i
cracy lessons of integrity and piety, much less 10 ! 1
blacken it with such offensive aspersions. On this i \
j subject vveeXj ress ourselves with warmth, because : 1
we feel the just indignation which such practices ■ \
are calculated to inspire. j i
You are told, also, that our principles are hostile (
to credit, which is the life blood of enterprise.— ■ t
: This accusation is iqually unfounded. The credit { .
which is supported by a judicLus confidence, and ! 1
is based upon intelligence and industry, will always : I
exist, especially in a free countrv of unshackled (
resources. It is of spontaneous and irrepressible t
grow th. With a feniie soil—vast and navigable s
rivers—an almost boundless coast —various produc J
lions—inexhaustible resources, and, above all, in- 1
dustry, energy, and liberty, our career to opulence j t
a d greatness can never be long obstructed. How '
ab.-urd, how irrational,h >w blind to the real causes
of national prosperity, to ascribe our unparalleled d
progress to a spurious system of monopoly, and !
flimsy, factitious credit, which crumbles tinder us
when we most need its support; which first stima
lates, and then exhausts ; w hich cheats us with a
false show of wealth, and beggars us in character
as well as fortune; which, as has been aptly re
marked. is like intoxication—strength to day, and
weakness to-morrow. No; we are not opposed to
the principles of true credit, which has a substan
tial and enduring basts, because it is sustained by
integrity, prudence, foresight, and enterprise. But I
that to which we are opposed, is as fatal to legiti
mate credit a 4l it is to solid prosperity. We are in
deed hostile to that delusive system of credit, or
rather discredit whic h decoys hut to betray; which
cruelly spurrs with character, fortune, and the re
wards of labor; which places inafew selfish bands
the power of raising and depressing the prices of
all things at p easure; which exposes us to a ruin- i
ous alternation of contractions and expansions of !
ihe currency; which seduces our people from the
rnaniy and honorable pursuits of industry, into the
doubtful and dangerous paths of speculation; w hich j
makes our Treasury overflow to-day, to-morrow i
leaves it exhausted and dry; w hich makes our cor
porations, and, worse yet, sovereign States, bumble
suppliants for loans at all the counters of all the
kingdoms of Europe, which seeks by a general as
j sumption to visit the consequences of its exploded
follies and abortive projects upon every laborer and
cottage of the country, taxing the want, and com
forts of the industrious poor throughout our land,
j that the brokers of London and Amsterdam may
j packet a premium of millions upon loans purchased
1 at a usurious discount, thus creating a dire neces
sity for that very direct tax which it pretends to
I abhor. We are, we repeat it, hostile to that spu
rious system of false credtt w hich would mortaago
the whole property and resources of a great nation;
which will prove the inevitable pirent, as it is the
creature of a vicious oppressive funding svs’em,
and which if persisted in, must end in a public 1
debt, the rival of that of England: a debt w hich has
bound the freest and most powerful monarchy
upon earth with golden or raiher paper chains’;
which has filled her borders with pauperism and
trime; which has burdened her pe »pl« with charg-
“*Vt e annual amount of hundreds of millions;
w h:ch has made it necessary to lax every object of
hfe and death, from the cradle 10 the coffin, which
ias armed three millions of her subjects with the
weapons of rebellion, while her fairest domain is
perpetually on the brink of insurrection; from w hich
mere can he no redemption, until it shall be sweet
away by the besom of revolution ?
i l °' vc,tizen * : have t bus endeavored, calra
- 811(1 to portray to you the character of the
contest which at present is agitating, we might say,
a.mos: convulsing, our country to its remotest hint
j nml to hold up to your view the mighty issues
j t l , 1 ™ ntesi '"Volves Your just appreciation of
i ihsc issues we cannot for a moment question; for
they are obviously the preservation of our beami
!,,l Bys, r™ nt confederated Republics, the pride of
every philanthropist and the hope of the oppressed
ot every region; the renoun, the prosperity of our
he loved Commonwealth, the happiness, the qui.|,
j p e vor >’ existence of thus.* scenes in which all the
lughe.st virtues have their source, and where all our
fondest feelings cluster. Rut, ui h every proper
confi 1.-nce in you-sagacity to estimate, and your
firmness to rn iint; in the blessings of which our free
institutions have been hitherto fruitful, we cannot
100 atixinu ly warn you of the dangers that must
ensue from a long enjoyment of those blessings, and
irom confidence, the offspring of your own unsus
picious rec itude of purpose. ’Tis true, there is a
principle m man, which inclines him to sympathize
with his fellow man; yet it is equally Irue.that
} avarice, ambition.or fanaticism, can stifle the strong
est instincts and yearnings of nature within him,
: and impel him lo riot and to triumph in ihe mischiefs
| :l,| d misery he has accomplished The history of
the word is nfv with the examples of this melati
! «huly truth, and the events oftnirown short exist
j ence as a nation, furnish illustrations which cat not
be too strongly pressed on your attention. Tha
j Federal Government hud scarcely been brought
j into operation, before the spirit of encroachment
commenced iis machinations against the rights of
the tstafes, ami against that freedom and perfect
| v quality of right amongst the people, which ensure
their mtel ecmil and moral elevation, as well as
i I heir political and social happiness. Under the
, auspices of the elder Adams, these usurpations ad
vanced with an audacity which drove our people
io ihe very verge of revolution. At this point of
' endurance, the iiiMilmd Democracy of the country.
marshaled by Jefferson, Madison, and other wor
j t!lies i aroused themselves to t lie vindication of their
rights, and prostrated Federalism in the dust. Tha
| trophies of its defeat were the integrity oftheCon
i ablution, the restoration of the right- oftho Stales
and of ihe people, so far as the injuries inflated
upon these by the assaults of federalism, could be
repaired.
t Federalism, although thus signally over
thrown and driven from the field, has failed not,
upon any hope of advantage, however delusive, to’
renew its attacks, and its horning desire for power
rend red more intense by delay and disaster, now’
impels it to the conflict with a ferocity of feeling and
manner, heretofore unexampled— to the same
conflict in interest and object, fellow-citizens, w hich
was waged against the Democracy during the A.d
-mini.-tiatßm of Jefferson, .Madison, and Jackson;
hut to one far more formidable in its array, because*
of the unholy alliance contracted by the enemy,
and of the foul defections which have occurred m
the Southern camp. The enemies of Democracy
have not scrupled to call to their aid the fanaticism
of Abolition; and what would seem to startle the
belief, and should arouse the indignation of everv
man who loves his country or his home, have asso
ciated with those who preach a crusade ugainstthe
ngiits and the safety of the? Southern people, citi
zensjuf Southern, slaveholding States. Against a
comimiation, then, thus hostile to everv principle
consecrated in our affections—hostile to our very ex
istence as a people, we now present to vou our ear
nest and solemn appeal. With such a combination,
we believe there can be no truce—no compromise.
J na> its predominance,or any connection with it must
be fatal to the Union; fatal to liberty,fatal to peace.
We conjure you,then,that with aii unanimity which
no wile or stratagem shall divide, with an energy
which neither threats nor violence shall paralvze
yon will come foiwurdto the rescue ofthe Constitu
tion, to me preservation of the Union, with all the
blessings it has wrought and is calculated to ensure
—to the protection of our families and our homes.
We would encourage you in this noble work bv the
assurance that the tidings we receive from our De
mocratic brethren in other States is ofthe most cheer
ing nature, they call upon us to he onward in our
march, and say to us as brethren that they will ad
vance with an equal pace—and to these our hreth
uri we would echo hack our resolution and our
well-grounded belief of success in the Democratic
watch words, U'NIUN, LIBERTY AND THE
CONST I 1 UTION ! In fine, fellow-citizens, from
this spot, almost at the verv grave of the illustrious
Jeftersou, the author of the immortal Declaration of
his country s independence, and the father of the
Democracy, we would solemnly pledge ourselves
(and entreat you to unite in the sacred obligation)
to every effort which patriotism and duty, can in
spire, to shield our beloved Virginia from the op
probrium of surrendering those principles which
have given lustre to her name, and enshrined her in
the love and veneration of everv friend of free Go
vernment.
Fellow-citizens! we bare spoken—it is for you to
decide!
C1 EOJU4IA-I.V THE SUPERIOR COURT OF
i RICHMOND COUNT V, AT JUNE TERM, 1340
On ilia petition ot \V iliium W. Gordon, trustee of John
Gordon Howard, praying the foreclosure of the £nuity of
Redemption of Charles L. Hull, in and to all that lot or
parcel of Land, situate, lying and being iu the City of Au
gu>ta, in tile State aforesaid, and County of Richmond, on
Broad-street, known in the plan of the upper part of the
town of Augusta aforesaid, as lot number thirty-six, (36,)
fronting Broad-street, and running parrallel with said
Broad-street thirty-three feet, more or less, Iwunded east
by the lot on the corner of Broad and Mclntosh-streets, and
the l"t on the corner of Mclntosh and Ellis-streets, lately
the property of the estate of Thomas Camming; on the
south by Ellis-street.andon the west by a lot the property
ot the Honorable John P. King. Which said lot or parcel
of Land, was by the said Charles L. Hail, on the sixth day
ot October, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-four,
n» trtgaged to Elizabeth Gordon to secure the payment of a
B >nd or Obligation, made and executed on the day a*d
year last aforesaid, by the said Charles L. Hall to the ssad
Elizabeth Gordon, on or before the sixth day of October,
in oue thousand eitrht hundred anil
with interest payable annually from the dale thereof—
which said mortgage and bond were on the day aud vear
aforesaid, tran-ferred and assigned by the said Elizabeth
Gordon to the said William W. Gordon, as trustee as afore
said, and shewing that there is due and unpaid, upon the
said mortgage and bond, four thousand dollars as the prin
cipal sum, and interest thereon from the sixth day of Octo
ber, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and thirty
motion of plaintiff’* counsel, ordered that
the said Charles L. Hall, the mortgager, do pav into Court
the principal and interest due upon said mo’rtgaee on er
before the first day of the next term of this CourJ together
with the cost of this proceedings, be had in conformity w ith
the provisions of the Act of the General Assembly, in *
case made and provided; and it is further ordered that »
CODV Os this rule be published once a month fil fourmomhs
lhe°sa, J ClaHe * C Stute - or bp «‘”ed on
tlie said Charles L. Hail, or his specialazent at lea-athree
rime^mo'n* 0 ** 8 first da > of the next Term', the
tune tie money is directed to he paid.
dav f T" tbe minutes of said Court, this 4th
da> ol September, 1840. JAMES McLAWS, Clerk.
m4 39
OF TIIE COURT OF E SG
„ ■*- RAND, during the reign of the Stuarts, by John
Mengeea Jesse. For sale by
■DU 11 THOMAS RICHARDS.