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BY P. C. GUIEU. AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORMNG, AUGUST 24, 1844. VOL. XXII.— NO. 28.
THE CON ST IT I TIONALI ST.
OFFICE IN McINTOSH-STREET,
Hurd door from the .\orlh- West corner of Droad-st.
Sales of LAND by Administrators, Executors, or
Guardians, are required, Gy law, to be held on the
fir't Tuesday in the month, between the hours of
ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at
the Court House in which the property is situate.
Notice of these sales must lie given in a public
Gazette sixty nws previous to the day of sale.
Sales of NEGROES must l>e at public auction, on
the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual
hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the ]
county where the Letter* Testamentary, or Ad
ministration, or Guardianship, may have been ;
framed, first giving sixty days’ notice thereof,
tn one of tlie public Gazettes of this State, and at
the door of the Court House where such sales are
to be held.
Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be
given in like-manner forty days previous to day
of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate,
must be published for forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell LAND, must be pub- I
lished for four months.
Notice for leave to s<-ll NEGROES, must he pub
lished foi;r months before any order absolute
can be given by the Court.
TO THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION, APPOINTED BY
THE BALTIMORE CON VENTION,
In performance of the duly committed to it, request
the attention of every friend of
PO L K AN D DALLAS.
Tlii* Committee was created for the 1
purpose of directing the preparation and j
circulation of cheap Democratic Tracts, I
to counteract the prodigious efforts made
by the Whigs in flooding the country with '
their cheap publications. This Commit- j
tee being so constituted as to command j
the confidence of the Convention, the pub
lications to l)o issued under its auspices
were strongly recommended, by the un
animous vote of the Convention, to the
Democracy of the Union; every member
of which was invoked to lend his most ac- i
tive and liberal aid to the common duty ;
of furthering their widest possible circu- I
1 at ion.
On due deliberation the Committee has i
concluded to cause to be issued a cheap
weekly sheet, as a newspaper, for the
campaign, to be entitled
«* TII E (’ A M PAIGN .”
To be furnished foi only 12 c. a copy for the whole period.
Into which will he thrown what would
have entered into a series of tracts. This
method is adopted for the convenience of
distribution through the mail, as well as I
for popularity of form. The extremely
low terms on which it will be 'supplied, j
are stated below. It is hoped that all As- j
sociations and Committees will order as j
many copies as possible, for circulation in ;
their several localities, —that every De- 1
mocrat under whose c\’o this apeal shall I
fall, will lose no time in uniting with his i
. {
neighbors to take it,—and that as many as
may be able to afford to take a number of
copies for distribution among their Whig
neighbors, or persons of unsettled politics,
will be prompt and liberal in so doing.—
Properly applied, by a universal move
ment of the Democracy in this mode in all
parts of the Union, each individual acting
in his own locality, it is hoped and believ
ed that this will operate as one of the most i
effective and useful influences which can
be brought to bear on the approaching
contest.
There appears to be scarcely a village |
in the country, from which similar orders .
from Committees and individuals for the !
“Clay Tribune,” have not been set by
hundreds at a time. In some States we
are told that it is made to penetrate info
every house and cabin in the State. It is
earnestly hoped that every good and true
Democrat will be as zealous for a good, as j
our opponents are for an evil cause.
“The Campaign” will be furnished, i
when 100 copies are sent to one address, I
tor only 12 k cents for the whole period; and |
when a less number are ordered, at pro- I
portionately low rates.
“The Campaign” will be of a size |
larger than the usual one for cheap or tem
porary papers, and will be printed with |
new types upon good paper.
If proper exertions are made—and (it j
is believed to be a duly belonging to every
individual Democrat to make them) —there
surely is not a town or village in the Union
from which an order cannot be sent for
one ertwo hundred copies.
By order of the Committee of Pnblica- I
ton. J. L. O’SULLIVAN,
Chairman.
New York, July 26th, 1544.
[From the Democratic Gazette .]
The whigs finding the candidate of the
Democratic party covered with an impe
netrable shield of honesty, and unassail
able at all points, have been seeking to
wound him by foul slanders upon the me
mory of his ancestors. —They have as
serted that his grandfather was a tory,
und out of such a charge they have
thought to make political capital. This
base lie is, at length, nailed to the coun
ter, in away that will prevent its ever
being revived. In the last Franklin De- j
mocrat, we find the following letter refu- j
ting this story. The writer of the letter,
say the editors of the Democrat, is a wor
thy minister of the Cumberland Presby- j
terian church in Tuscumbia. Such a
denial must stop the mouths of those base
slanderers who have circulated this base
falsehood.
Tuscumbia, Ala. July 24, 1544.
To the Editors rs the Franklin Democrat:
Gentlemen—Whereas, there is a tale
going the rounds of the whig papers, as
serting that the grandfather of the Hon.
James K. Pclk was a tcy; now this is to
certify, that I was intimately acquainted
with Ezekiel Polk, the grandfather of Jas.
K. Polk, during the revolutionary war,
and that neither he nor any of his relations
ever had a drop oftory blood in their veins;
but on the contrary, Ezekiel Polk was ap
pointed to and held the office of Colonel of
the Miltia, vacated by the promotion of
Thomas Polk to the office of Brigadier
General. Any one who says or publishes
that Ezekiel Polk was a tory, says or
publishes that which is utterly false.
SOLOMON REESE.
TO THE VOTERS OF THE SEVENTH
CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT.
Fellow-Citizens: Having accepted the
nomination, as a candidate, to represent
the 7th District, in the Congress of the
United States; custom and inclination,
' suggest the propriety of my intruding upon
you, a brief exposition of my political prin
ciples. Personal considerations would
. have prompted me to decline the honor so
unexpectedly tendered me; but when the
! madness of party, drives men to the aban
donment of principle, the interests of the
country can be preserved only by that
class of men, who know no power suffi
ciently strong, to force them into error.—
| Professing to belong to tin's class, if I can
I be the humble instrument in rallying them
f to stand firm to their long cherished prin
j cipies, whatever may be the result, 1 shall
I feel more than compensated, for any per
! sonal sacrifice, which I may be called to
i make. Being of that school of politics,
| who hold as sound, the Jeffersonian doc
trines of 98 and 99, I shall continue to
adhere to them, as the palladium of our
liberty, I shall still struggle for their
maintenance against the encroachments
of Federalism under any garb which it
| may assume.
As a Southern man, I am opposed to
ti e present policy of the Whig party. —
Innovations upon settled principles, and
measures, are always dangerous, and
should never be made without the strong
est circumstances of Justification. The
hasty legislation and sudden change of
policy, which characterized the “celebra
ted extra session” of Congress in 1841,
merited and received the decided condem
nation of tiie people.—Nevertheless they
still persevere to carry out the same sys
tem of policy. They still advocate the
establishment of a National Bank—the
distribution of the proceeds of the public
lands—a protective tariff’—and to make
certain, the accomplishment of their feder
al measures, they seek to change the
Constitution, by a virtual abrogation of the
Executive veto; and last, though not least,
they array themselves with the Northern
fanatics, in opposition to the institutions of
the South, by their decided and unequivo
cal rejection of the annexation of Texas
to the Union,
i Now, that industry and economy have
regulated the wheels of Government, des
pite of bad legislation, I sec less cause
than ever, for changing my opinions in
reference to these measures. Parties
struggle to do too much. The curse of
| the country is over-legislation—not so
| much for the good of the country, as the
I triumph of party. So long as our rulers
I are not content to leave a prosperous state
I of tilings alone, but to seek to make good
better, for party effect, we may expect
the same reverses of fortune, which the
people have heretofore suffered. Under
this view, irrespective of my settled hos
tility to a National Bank, I am opposed
to any experiments upon the currency by
| the General Government. The derange
| ment of exchanges, which furnished an
; argument for a national Bank, is now re
i medied. As the paper of the local banks
j is now convertible into specie, and as the
I premium of exchange, is now reduced to
' the price of freight and insurance on spe-
I cie, or in other words, is at par, there can
be no possible pretext for a national Bank,
I to control the one, or regulate the other.
The distribution of the proceeds of the
1 public lands, is another paramount mea
sure of whig policy. That any party
should abstract from a Treasury, which
they themselves aver to he “worse than
empty,” the sum of THREE MILLIONS
OF DOLLARS, annually, for distribu
tion among the States, is a gross absurdi
ty, not to say a gross insult to the common
sense of the people. Such a measure
could only find countenance among those
ot the Hamiltonian school of politicians,
which leaches that the people are “cor
rupt, turbulent and changing ,” and that
their affections for the government can be
secured only by bribery and corruption.
It by a system of excessive taxation, a sur
| plus should accumulate in the Treasury,
I confess that distribution would be better
than the extravagance and prodigality
which would be engendered by its remain
ing in the coffers of the government; but
that the government should raise funds
from the people to give back to them, and
j that too, at the expense of commissions,
for receiving and disbursing, is a loosing
business not to be borne by a calculating
community. The more oppressive the
government, the more dependent the peo
ple, and the more readily do they receive
j bounties. Aristocracy and a stronggovern
ment, are best maintained by high taxes
—upon a subservient people. It is sup
i posed that but for the national debt of
i England, the interest of which, grinds her
j subjects to abject servitude, the govern
ment would fall to pieces. And hence,
there are not wanting those, in this Re-
public, who maintain that a “national
debt is a national blessing.” In the ab
i sence of a great national debt, it seems now
now to be a favorite policy oppress the peo
-1 pie by an enormous and unjust Tariff, and
to bribe them into slavish submission, it
is proposed to give back what the worst of
profligacy could find no means of expend
ing, That the vacuum produced in the
public revenue by distribution must be
| supplied by a resort to higher taxation,
i must be obvious to every candid mind.—
Its inexpediency is therefore palpable.
And it never could have been the inten- j
tion of the framer of our government, to !
vest Congress with the power to raise rno
noy by taxation, for purposes of distribu- j
lion among the States. It is, therefore, j
clearly a violation of the constitution of )
the United States. And it is corrupting !
in its tendency, because it renders the
people forgetful of their own supremacy, ;
and leads them to look to the government j
for “relief,” rather than to the energies of j
their own industry and enterprise. Any j
; measure is frandulent, whose object is to j
raise a pretext for the adoption of others, j
I wrong in themselves.
The protective Tariff has ever been
; shaped so as to cheat and deceive the pco
| nlc, as to the extent to which they are tax
| ed; and so long as the money thus raised
; can be disposed of, either by extravagant
I appropriations, or paying State debts, or
in bounties to the States, this system of
i fraud and plunder upon the South, will be
! kept up under the guise of “a Tariff for
! revenue/ 5
| That the e should be found a party in
j Georgia who advocate the Tariff bill of
j 1842, is strange. It is more strange, that
1 it should be advocated by the whig party, j
whose delegation iu Congress voted against !
C 5 O O
I the bill, and denounced it as oppressive j
and unjust. It is the strangest of all j
i tilings, that it should be advocated by the I
: whig party, who, under the name of the j
State Rights party in 1832 and 1833, j
were ready to take up arms to resist the I
protective system, and proclaim every j
I where, “ millions for defence, but not one
| cent for tribute.*' The limits of this ad
■ dress will not justify a detailed exposition
j of the injustice and oppressiveness of the
actot 1842. One or two illustrations must |
j suffice. Take for example the article of i
i sugar.
“There are, perhaps, six hundred per- ;
j sons in the United States whose capital is i
| employed in raising sugar cane and man- I
ufacturing sugar. The price of brown j
; sugar in New Orleans, without any tariff’, j
j would not exceed three and a half cents i
| per pound, and the price of imported su- ;
j gar of the same quality in all the princi- :
pal cities, would be about the same. Our !
I present tariff’ imposes a duty on the im- j
! ported sugar of two and a half cenls per |
| pound, which at once raises its cost to six i
| cents. Fortunately, we have data in the |
i Treasury Reports and Census, to ill us- i
| trate, with an approach to accuracy, the I
! extent of this tax upon the people,
i The amount of sugar imported into the
i United States in 1840, and not re-export
i ed, was 101,108,633 pounds, and the
| amount produced by our own Sugar plant- i
ers was 155,110,909 lbs., making in all 1
j 250,219,542 lbs., for the consumption of
; our people. The sugar planters are one
i branch of the partnership with the govern- j
! ment in taxing the people; and let us now j
! see what is about their share of the pro- {
| ceeds under the present tariff. On every
| pound they make they get two and a half
| cents by this tax, that being an increase
of price in consequence of the government i
tax on the imported article.
I 155,110,909 produced at home at 21
i cents tax, gives §3,877.770 22 |
101,108,633 imported at 2 i cts. gives 2,527,715 82 .
§6,405,486 04 |
Thus, of near six and a half millions of
| dollars exacted from the people, near four
millions go to the sugar planters and about :
two and a half millions to the government. |
i The planters’share, divided among them, I
gives over six thousand dollars to each.
We have another apt illustration in I
! the article of salt. In 1840, we import- j
ed 8,183,203 bushels and manufactured ■
6,169,174. Our tariff tax is eight cents |
on the bushel of 56 pounds, the cost of
- abroad does not average over eight
cents. In public documents the price is
stated somewhat higher; but the foreign i
bushel is 80 pound-, instead of our tariff
I bushel of 56,
In this case, the partners (consisting
i of the government and the saltmakers,) :
j divide between them $1,148,990, of which
i §354,656 goes to the government and i
' §494,333 to the saltmakers.
Salt is an article of prime necessity,
entering into the consumption of the poor !
equally with the rich, constituting an in
gredient in the food of beast as well as a
man, and being the indispensable preser
vative of all meats as well for market as
j for consumption. What reason is there i
I in making our farmers pay 100 per cent,
tax on this article, merely to enrich or sus
i tain a few hundred manufacturers?”
s How it has come about that, “home in
: dustry ’ n this country, means manufac- j
I lures, is hard to tell, and it is still more
| difficult to explain how the farmers who j
are the “bone and sinew” of the country,
who produce all, and pay all, have been
brought to look upon these establishments
as the only interests, which require the
i care of the Government. Seeing that !
I there are four persons engaged in agricul
ture to one in manufactures, an J *that sf
the number engaged in manufactures,
not more than one in forty are concerned
except as hirelings, it is passing sirange
I that the farmers should be required not
only to defray the expense of the govern
ment, but to pay large bounties to dicse
manufacturers, to take them and the gov
ernment intospec ai keeping. The manu
facturers are not required to pay taxes
upon their millions of capital. The raw
material is brought to them at a nominal
duty, while the sugar, salt, iron, bagging,
shoes, hats, blankets, &c., which the far
mer is compelled to buy, are taxed enor
: mously for trie purpose ot protect ng these
same manufacturers, under the pretence
of raising revenue for the support of gov
i ernment. That it i- the tendency of this
I system, to make the “ rich richer and the j
poor poorer ,” there can be no question.—
Princely fortunes are accumulated by
the few, at the expense of the many, as
I the legitimate resultofsuch Legislation,—
I In proportion as these fortunes increase
and multiply the laboring classes become
poorer, and more dependent. The advo
j cates and representatives of these monopo- I
lies declare in Congress, that but for pro- j
tection they must go down, and in the lan- ;
guageofSenator Choate of Massachusetts, |
( 'ihat there is not a farm in New England
worth receiving as agftf the plain English i
j ot which is, that all the wealth and luxu- i
i ries of the manufacturing Statesare drawn |
| directly from the planters. These estab
lishments are realizing from 80 to 40 and ;
even 75 per cent profit on their investments, <
j while the farmer with the utmost economy
I and industry makes from three to six per I
I cent. When in view of these startling *
facts, we hear no outburst of indignation, ;
at such insolence—such injustice and in- i
| iquity, have we not reason to fear that a
slavish subserviency is gaining upon the
j people, and that this system will be per
| petuated. Were I satisfied that the peo- ;
pie understood and were content with the j
present oppressive Tariif, I should give
up all as lost, but such is not the fact. If
! the people understood it, they would not
bear it. There is hope yet, that the pre
valent, spirit of enquiry which now exists,
will detect the fraudulent means by which
the hard earnings of the people are pilfer
ed from them. Can it be otherwise than
i fraudulent, when the rates of duties pub
| lished is false in fact. When the tax is
; three or four times as great as the tables
I of politicians and their public speeches re
present. Do they not state the tax upon
| calicos to be about 80 pr. ct, w hich if true j
I would not I admit on the ad valorem prin- i
: ci-plrs he extravagant, considering the ne- :
j cessitiesofthegovernment? Butthetruth
| concealed under the “ minimum princi
-1 pie. ' Instead of 30 per cent upon calico
i by the Tariff of 1842, as would appear on j
; the face ofthe act, the duty is really from I
i 50 to 150 per To explain the truth
i of this statement, it will be observed by
I reference to the proviso of the bill, that a
! yard of calico which costs only six cents
“is taken and deemed to be worth 30
cents,” then 30 per cent on this estimated
value is the Tariff levied, which is 9 cents
for the yard, or 150 per cent upon the
real cost of the article. If the object of
I the supporters of this measure be not to
deceive the people, why have the mini
| mum rates and the specific principle been
: adopted to the abandonment of the ad va
! lorem principle in violation of the com
promise act of 1833 ? To some extent,
I have thus unmasked the odious features
ofthe act of ’42. So that those who have
other pursuits than living by their w r its,
may know* the nature and extent of their
taxes. Under the operation of such a
system, the people are “hewers of wood, ;
and drawers of water,” for the support of
' a few- nabob manufacturers at the North.
Let it be perpetuated; let a bank be cre
| ated to supply its cravings, let distribu
tion become a fixed principle ot the go
vernment and the presidential veto be ab- j
i rogated, and the glorious fabric of our i
: liberties will be left at the mercy of ava
| ricious monopolists and the miserable hire- ;
1 lings of federalism,
I can but regard the proposition to mo- j
dify the veto power, as an expedient by
; which to get rid of constitutional barriers i
; against the most high handed measures, ;
all tending to concentrate power in the
hands of an irresponsible heartless ma- i
jority, and therefore I oppose any change j
of the Constitution. The lights of the j
| majority need no protection. They are j
! able to protect themselves. Governments !
| are established for the protection of the
minority. The Presidential veto, is the j
only safeguard for the South. Destroy :
that and let the Government fall into the |
hands of a legislative majority, and the
j last hope of the South against the en- |
croachments of federal power, is blasted, i
The annexation of Texas, should ex
ert a controlling influence upon the South, j
, Many of the Southern Whigs, claim to
ibe for annexation li at a proper time.” i
That “proper time” is to be fixed by a
party, which would abolish the vetopow- |
: er, to give the majority undisturbed sway.
The Northern Whigs, have declared in j
advance that Texas never shall be an
: nexed—that annexation is equivalent to
I dissolution of the Union. If their prin
ciples prevail, those of the South will be
merged in them and that “proper time,”
deferred till a party change is effected. |
That such will be the effects of their
| course, is evident from their support of
Mr. Clay, who says in no unequivocal lan
-1 guaze, that annexation cannot take place
——T«——IMII I ■■CM IHLL 4.n»JMJ
over the heads of “a large and respecta
ble portion of the people of the confede
racy”—that Texas should remain an in
dependent republic. His expressed opin
ions, clearly show, that with his consent,
it can never bo annexed to this confedera
cy. In supporting him, therefore, the
whigs, whatever may be their professions,
prove that they are opposed now and for
ever, to this great measure, which is iden
tified with the glory of the nation, and the
prosperity and security of the South.
Can they excuse themselves, by saying
they object to hasty action ? Let them
remember, how we acquired Louisiana,
and the Floridas. Do they talk of treaty
stipulations ? Let them show, if they
can, any difference between our treaty
stipulations with Mexico and Texas. Let
them show, that either is based upon the
ground, that one belongs to the other.
Let them show, that we had no treaty st : -
pulations with Spain, whilst Mr. Clay was
negotiating with Mexico for Texas, * Let ;
them show that Mr. Clay then thought
there were any treaty stipulations, which 1
rendered it dishonorable for us to acquire
Texas. Mr. Clay’s own speeches in be
half of the Spanish provinces of South
America, furnish ample arguments to sus
tain the friends of immediate annexation.
He then advocated the annexation of a
Spanish province, over the head of all
treaty stipulations. Was he right then ?
If right then, shall we abandon the prin
ciple, because the abolition party demand
it, and Mr. Clay is pleased to yield it in
older to secure the Presidency. This j
Texas question in one of its bearings,
must be regarded us the abolition ques
tion now put upon its trial.—ln an ad
dress to the free States, John Quincy Ad- j
ams, and twelve other abolitionists in
Congress, dated 3d of March, 1843, bas
ed their opposition to annexation, solely
upon the ground of slavery, and declare j
that the people of the free States, would
never submit to it. If Texas be kept out
of the Union, this will be the controlling
influence. Abolition started the opposi
tion, and will claim the victory. Will
not Southern whigs, who profess to hold
different views, be as likely to be swamp
ed here as they have been on other impor
tant questions.
The Southern portion of the great whig
party have not the power to bring back
the government to first principles. Mr.
Clay has always acted and sympathised
with the North and West. Therefore in ,
elevating him to the Presidency, we have
all to lose and nothing to gain. The
choice is now left us either to go with the
modern whig party in the support of Mr. j
Clay, in violation of all our established
principles, or to vole for Mr Polk, who
stands committed upon the State Rights
side of every important question. In the
absence of any other ruling principle his j
warm advocacy of annexation, would de- j
termine rny course; and I take it in full :
view of the reproach that will be cast up
on me—in full view of the charge of
changing and of being a traitor to my
party. The vials of wrath which have
already been poured out upon Mr. Chap- j
pell, whose course I approve, notify me of
what lam to expect. I have no regard
for names, but I ask the thinking men of
the country to scrutinize rny course, and
determine for themselves what cardinal
principle I have violated. If found up
on the same positions I have ever occu
pied, let them acknowledge the rectitude I
of my course. And if lam found act- j
ing with those to whom I formerly stood t
opposed, let it be remembered that most j
of the great questions which now divide :
us, are those on which there has hereto
fore boon no division of opinion. The
questions heretofore, were not who was
against a United States Bank, for all were
against it—not who were against a Pro
tective Tariff, but who would go farthest
to put it down ?
Fellow-citizens, I have done. My place
and positions are willingly left at your
disposal. I have thought it best to sub
mit my views to you in this way, being a
planter and relying on the earth and its 1
productions for my suoport. If lam not
by trade a public debater—if I have no
near way to fortune, but follow the slow
way by the plough; I trust I may not be
the less worthy of confidence, in the es- :
forts it would be my duty to make to re
move the burthens by which we are now
borne down.
Respectfully,
ABSALOM JANES. |
Penfield, Greene County, Ga., Aug. 1, 1544.
——■”i , nr-T r wmmmammmmaaaammmmmmmmrnzxmmmaßmmmmm
’’“^’OTIC’E. —All persons indebted to the estate
i. » of Thomas Coley, deceased, late of Scriven
county, are requested to make immediate payment
to the administrator ; also, all persons holding de
mands against the estate of said deceased, are re
quested to tender them in to the administrator, law
fully attested, within the time prescribed by law.
June 9 ALEXANDER KEMP, Adra’r.
OTICE. —All persons indebted to the estate
of RICHARD PHILLIPS, late of Scriven
county, deceased, are requested to make immedi
ate payment to the subscriber; and all persons hold
ing demands against said estate, are requested to j
render them in. lawfully attested, within the time
prescribed by law, to
ALEXANDER KEMP. Adra’r.
jy9 8 with the will annexed.
I'^'OTICE. —All persons indebted to the estate
J. xb of W. B. Luke, deceased, late of Columbia
county, Georgia, are requested to make immediate
payment, and those having demands against said
estate to present them legally attested within the j
time prescribed by law.
TURNER CLANTON,? r
JAMES LUKE. \ Executorß
jnne 27 3
|1 RON I IBO’IZ—6O Tons Sweeds IRON, from
JLlt to 10 inches wsd* For sale lew by die soc
Nov 30 T 5 METCALF
ts •—p RENT.■ My brick Dwelling on
If-all Broad-street, below the market, as pleasant
ti== L=E l aud as agreeable a residence as any in th%
city. }
Also, a small Dwelling next above.
1 A. PICQUET.
a TO RENT, from the first of October
next, a Store in the new building on the
jcorncr of Broad and Washington-streets;
it is an excellent stand for a Dry Goods Store, and
if rented before the middle of August, will be fin*
ished to suit the tenant.
Also, a Dwelling in the same building containing
eight rooms to be neatly finished, with every con
venience fora family.
Also, four rooms with fire places, suitable for of
fices or bed-rooms, to he rented separately or to
gether, entrance from Washington-street.
Also, two tenements on Campbell-street, and on*
on Washington-street near the Medical College.
Apply at the store of Moore & Davis to
July id JOHN MOORE.
& TO RENT, from the first of October
Ipljii nejct • —The Dwelling House, on Ellia
.. UCagHLstreet. adjoining the old Post Office, and
the second door above McCoy’s stables, formerly
the residence of \\ . J. Bunco.—the house is in good
order, with a good stable. Apply to
J. B. GUIEU, ) ~ .
W. W. HOLT, < re -
July 13 t£ ]Q
WHITE SULPHUR SPRINGS,/-*
-b-< SL MORGAN COUNTY, ALABAMA.
1 his delightful watering place will be open for
the reception of visiters on the first day of June
next.
Phe medical properties of the waters (consisting
of \\ bite and Black Sulphur and Chalybeate) are
well known; and as regards the accommodations,
ample satisfaction has heretofore and will still be
given.
NEW .mail arrangement.
The great southern line from Rome, Georgia, via
White Sulphur Springs, Decatur, Courtland and
Fuscumbia, passes this place three times a week,
each way.
CHARGES.
Board, per month, $25 00
Board, per week, 8 00
Children and servants half price.
Horse, per month, 10 00
Horse, per week, 3 50
A satisfactory reduction of the above prices will
be made to families.
A tri-weekly stage runs regularly between tho
Springs and Huntsville. P. T. MANNING.
June 29 sC 4
•a ,3 RAN A WAY from the subscri
ber, about the 10th of July last, my negro
man SQUIRE, he is about five feet eight
--«»» or nine inches high, dark complected, stout
built fellow, between twenty-five and thirty years
of age. He had on when he went away a suit of
new white homespun clothes, without hat or shoes.
He has several times runaway, and always denies
his true owner, and place of residence, and also
goes by different names. Any person taking up
said fellow and delivering him to me, or lodging
him in any safe Jail so that 1 get him again, shall
have all reasonable expenses paid.
Direct to Duntonsville, Edgefield District, S. C.
WILLIAM STROM, Senior.
august 20 3 26
STOLEN—F rom my premises on Sa-
H night, the 3d inst., a bay HORSE,
\ about fifteen hands high, one hind foot
r-t-j rw. white, walks very fast, weak eyes in
| consequence of the hooks being recently taken out.
I will give a reward of five dollars for the delivery
of said horse to me. Any information thankfully
received. A. N. VERDERY.
Bell Air, August 13, 18-14 th 3 aug 13
PIANO FORTES,
AT MANUFACTURERS’ PRICES.
At#©* if'hi
H PARSONS has just received two of
• NUNNS & CLARKS’ SUPERIOR PI
ANO FORTES, with all the late improvements,
| which render them equal to any ever opened in this
| market. Also, two from GILBERT, of Boston,
j with the improved patent action, which are pro
j pounced hy judges to be equal to any manufactured
in tlie country. Persons wishing to examine Pia
nos, are invited to call and look at them. They
will be sold at lowest manufacturers’ prices.
Also, on hand, a well selected stock of sheet mu
sic, instruction books, &c., together with Guitars,
Violins, Flutes, Accordions, and most of the small
articles usually kept in a music store. april 30
¥JIA,\Q FORTES.—The subscribers have
just received two of Nunns, Clarke & Co.’s
superior Piano Fortes, with all the late improve
ments, which render them equal to any ever open
ed in this market. They will be sold at the manu
j facturers lowest prices. Persons wishing to examine
the Pianos, are requested to call and look at them.
jvll CHAS. E. GRENVILLE & Co.
Georgia rail ROAD.-TheP*#»a»-
ger Train , carrying the Great Southern Mail
j between New York and New Orleans, leaves Au
gusta daily at 7 o’clock, p. yi., arriving at Madison
: at 4 o’clock, a. m. Returning, leaves Madison at
6 o’clock, p. m.. and arrives at Augusta at 3 o’clock,
A. M.
The cars for Athens connect with this train at
■ Union Point daily (Sundays excepted.)
j Stages run in connection with this train, as fol
lows:
Daily. —The Express Mail Line from Madison to
New Orleans, passing through Monticello, Barnes
ville, Columbus to Franklin, thence by Rail Road
to Montgomery. Also, the Pilot daily, passing
through Covington, McDonough, Griffin, West
Point, Cusseta to Franklin, thence by Rail Road to
1 Montgomery.
Tri- Weekly. —Leaving Madison on Mondays,
Wednesdays, and Fridays, (on the arrival of the
cars.) for Memphis, Tenn., passing through Coving
ton, Decatur, Marietta, Cassville, and Rome, Ga.,
Warrenton, Summerville, Decatur, and Tuscum
j bia, Ala., and Holly Springs. At Cassville, this
line connects with stages to Nashville, Tenn , via
| Spring Place, Chattanooga, Jasper, <kc. Also, to
Knoxville, via Athens, Tenn.
From .Madison, every Monday, Wednesday, and
Friday, via Eaton ton and Clinton to Macon and via
Eatonlon to Milledgeville.
From Athens, via Gainesville to Cassville, Mon
days, Wednesdays and Fridays. Also, bv Gaines
ville to Dahlonega.
From Double Wells, Mondays, Wednesdays and
Fridays, for Washington, Wilkes county, and Ab
beville, S. C.
From Warrenton to Milledgeville and Macon, via
Sparta daily.
Serai- Weekly. —From Athens, Ga., every Monday
and 1 hursday. to Madisonville, Tenn., viaDaniels
ville, t arnesville, and Clarksville, Ga., Nacoochee
and Murray, C. H., N. C. Also, from Madison,
Ga., via Fair Play and Monroe, to Lawrenccvilie,
on Wednesdays and Saturdays.
Passenger? to connect with the tri-weekly stages.
; will leave Augusta, on Sundays, Tuesdays and
Thursdays
t Office Ga R R B’king. Co , July 95, 1543.
»e?» 2 32