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«V I*. C. GUIJKU. AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORXIXG, AUGUST 29, 1844. " rr ™ THE CONSTITUTIONALIST! OFFICE IN McINTOSif-STRRET, Third duor from the Sorth- M 'eft corner of Broad-nt. Sales of LAN I) by Adininmtraloni, Executors, or Guardians, are required, by law, to \*- held on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of ten in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the Court House in which the property is situate. Notice of these sales must be piven in a public Gazette sixty days previous to the day of sale. Sal es of NEGROES must l>e at public auction, on the first Tuesday of th** month, between the usual hours of sale, at the (dace of public sales in tbe County where the Letters Testamentary, or Ad ministration, or Guardianship, may have lieen granted, first giving SIXTY days’ notice thereof, in one of the public Gazettes of this Slate, and at th<* door of the Court House where such sales arc to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like-manner forty days previous to day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditor* of an Estate, roust Ik- published for forty days. Notice that application will le- made to the Court of Ordinary lor leave to sell LAND, must be pub lished for Foeß MONTHS. Notice for leave to sell NEGROES, must lie pub lished four months Ix-fore any order absolute esn h«- irivi-n hy the Court. WITHDRAWAL OF 31R. TYLER. TO MY FRIENDS THROUGHOUT THE UNION. The reasons which influenced me in ac cepting the nomination for the Presidency, made by a convention of my friends in May last, at Baltimore, have lost much of their original force. 1 had been not only most violently assailed by the Ultraists of both parlies, but had been threatened with impeachment for having negotiated a Trca ty proposing the annexation of Texas to the Union, as a portion of its territory, and for having adopted precautionary mea sures, clearly falling within the range of Executive discretion, to ward ofTany blow which might have been seriously aimed at the peace and safety of the country in the event of the ratification of the Treaty by the Senate. The opinion of a person once ranked among the distinguished jur ists of the country, found its way into the newspapers, apparently as the precursor of such proceeding. A report had also boon made at a previous session of Con gress, by a Committee of the House of Representatives, which proceeded from the pen of a man who filled no limited space in the eye of the world, in which— because of the exercise of the veto pow er in arrest of the unconstitutional and pernicious measures of a United States Bank, and a donation to the States of so much of the public revenue as was de rived from the public lands, at a moment of groat embarrassment to tbe Treasury, and when loans were necessary to sustain the Government—l was charged with the commission of crave offences in the above particulars, and with deserving all the pains and disgrace flowing from the high power of impeachment, a measure, as it was intimated, only not resorted toby tbe House because of a doubt entertained whether the proceeding would bo sustained by public sentiment. I had, it is true, protested against that report as originating in wrong, and dictated by party rancor and malevolence; but my Protest was re fused a place on the journals of the House, and thus, in future times, my name might have been tarnished hy the fact of a solemn declaration, highly implicating my char acter, rt maining uncontradicted and un reversed on the public journals. The party majority which had sanctioned a proceeding so unjust had. it is true, been swept out of existence by tbe elections which shortly afterwards followed; but at the time of my acceptance of the nomi nation, although a large and overwhelm ing majority of the opposite party had been brought into power by the People, as if for the express purpose of sustain ing me in what I had done, yet that very party had made no public movement in dicative of a friendly feeling, and a por tion of its members, who seemed to con trol the rest, exhibited the bitterest hos tility, and the most unrelenting spirit of opposition. Under those circumstances, there was but one course left to me consistent with honor, which was, to maintain my position unmoved by threats, and unintimidated by denunciations.— Those of my countrymen, who had come to my support, had done so in a self sacrificing spirit, without the indulgence of any other expectation than that my character should be vindicated, and that the policy of my Administration should be sustained; and I felt that it would better become me to abide the most signal defeat than to incur the disgrace of deprecating the action of a party, the chief object of whose loaders seemed to be to fasten upon me disgrace. I had also an indistinct ho|»e, that the great question of the annex ation of Texas might, in some degree, be controlled by the position I occupied.— These motives induced my acceptance of the nomination made by my triends. Be fore the close of the session of Congress, however, developments were so clearly and distinctly made as to the threatened impeachment, that no trace of such mea sure was left. Mr. J. Q. Adams’ report, implicating by motives and conduct in my Vetoes of the Bank and other bills, was de prived of all of its force and furtive effect, by a Report made by a Committee, of which Mr. Ellis, of New York, was Chair man, accompanied by resolutions, which passed the House of Representatives some few days before the close of the session by a large and commanding majority, not only rescuing my motives from all impu tation, but justifying and upholding my policy. The voice of the people in the elections of 1P42 was thus directly res- I ponded to by that of their Representatives, i j and but little remained for me personally j i either to expect or desire. Since the ad- j . journment of Congress, the language of i many of the leading presses of the coun try, and resolutions adopted by large as semblages of the people in their primary j meetings, have still further endorsed the ; proceedings of the House in the approba tion of the acts of the administration. I could not, however, look exclusively to my own wishes, which would have led me immediately to retire from a contest which seemed no longer to be possessed of an object worthy of much attention. — ! But 1 was not at liberty to do so without 1 fir.it consulting with such of my most pro | minent and steadfast friends as I could ; most readily confer with; men who had 1 shared with me in much of the abuse : which I had encountered, and would par tially have participated in all the obloquy, if any, which might, in the future, attach to me. So far as 1 have been able to con sult them, they have yielded their assent to the course which my own judgment suggests as proper; and I now announce to them and the country, tity withdrawal from the Presidential canvass. 1 cannot omit to accompany this public annunciation with a few remarks, ad Ires sed to the Republican portion of what was culled the Whig party of 1840. 1 make no appeal to that other portion, which was formerly known during the early period of our political history, as Federalists, at a later day as National Republicans, and now pass under the general appellation of Whigs. Such an appeal would be whol ly out of place, since their political prin ciples are entirely at war with those I have advocated through life. I mean no imputation on their motives or their patri otism. I doubt not that the old Federal party, in the lead of which stood the elder Adams, were as deeply and sincerely con vinced of the necessity of the Alien and Sedition laws, as the present is of that of a Bank of the United States, with other measures equally latitudiuous, along with the abolition of the Veto power, whereby to convert the Government into a mere majority machine—to make it the govern ment of a single nation, instead of what it is, a political compact between free, sove reign and independent States, by which so much power, and no more, has been granted to a common Agent of all the Slates, as they esteemed to be necessary for the promotion of their mutual happi ness. No; to them 1 have nothing to say. If I have received their support at any time, it has been, not from attachment to me or my political principles, but from some supposed influence which I might bring to bear, as a secondary agent, in advancing their purposes. All the obli gations which I have received for such reasons, have been more than counterbal anced by the untiring opposition which I have encountered at their hands since I attained my present station, and the con stant and unmitigated abuse which their leaders have poured out in a torrent upon my head, designed, as I verily believe in the first instance, to drive me from the Government; and in the last to overwhelm me with obloquy and reproach. But 1 have a right to address myself to those, who, like myself, co-operatcd with them in the contest of 1840—who were, and al ways had been, the advocates of the prin ciples of the old Republican party —whose strenuous efforts have always been direc ted to preserving the compact of Union, unbroken and inviolate—who have sus tained at all times the principles of the Republican party 0f1798-’9 —who have participated, from time to time, in all Re publican triumphs—whose fathers were victorious over the elder Adams in tbe election of Mr. Jefferson, as they them selves were over the younger in the elec tion of General Jackson. To this portion of the Whig party of 1840, I feel that I have a full right to address myself; and 1 now seriously put it to them to say, whether any expectation of good to the country which they had formed in the 1 election of General Harrison and myself ! to the Presidency and Vice Presidency i has been disappointed? Many of us had j been thrown into opposition to Gen. Jack son during his last term, having voted for him upon his first and second election, be cause of certain doctrines put forth in bis Proclamation, and because of certain measures which followed that celebrated State paper. Our opposition proceeded from no spirit of faction, but from what we esteemed it to be, a sacred regard to the high and essential principles of the Republican party —and regarding his successor as in a great degree identified with what we esteemed as errors in Gen eral Jackson’s administration, our opposi tion was continued to him. The state and condition of the country also seemed to require change in the general adminis tration. Have you been disappointed in the reform which you promised yourselves by going into thatcontest? You demand ed a rigid economy to be observed in the public expenditures. Have you in this been disappointed? \ou required accoun tability on the part of all public agents? Has it not been fulfilled? Let the fact that a defaulter has become almost un known for the last three years answer the question. You asked that a coarse of pol j icy should be adopted which should puri -Ify and reform the currency. Was the 1 currency of the country ever in a better condition? Let the rate of the Exchangee i between all parts of the country answer , j the inquiry. Has the day ever been, when the currency was sounder or the j rates of Exchange lower? You sought once more to put the mechanical arts in : j active ojieration, and to relieve commerce ' j from the blight which had fallen upon it. I j The first has revived, and the last has un- j furled its sails, which now’ whiten almost j every sea. The paralysis which had ; ; fallen on public credit, to an extent so I great that the poor sum of §">.000.000 of ; | Government stock was offered to Europe- | | an and American capitalists without our j being able to find for it a purchaser, has j passed away, and a well suppliedExche j quer gives evidence not only of the expan. 1 sion of trade, but of the stable basis on | which rests the public credit. The very i ■ stock for which no bidders could at one j | time be found, now readily commands in ( the market an advance of fifteen or twen- j ty dollars in the hundred. In the mean \ time I submit it to you to say, whether j the principles of the Republican party • j have not been closely observed in all that has been done. Did those principles re- j quire that we should recommence a new 1 cycle of twenty years, the predecessor of which a Bank of the United States had fulfilled in 1836? Beginning by increas * 11 ° c* » mg the derangementsof business for years, attended in its mid career with compara tive prosperity, then resorting to efforts by | all its large means to force a recharter, and ending its existence amid the curses and denunciations f f she many it had ruined. Most of you had, like myself, through all time, pronounced the Bank to be uncon stitutional. Had your opinions on this j subject undergone a change in 1840, and | did you contemplate that General Harri- | son and myself—who during the whole contest avowed our opinions to be un changed in that respect, in numerous ad dresses to the public,—would be deserv ing of denunciation if either of us should refuse to perjure ourselves by sanctioning a Bank charter, which, believing it to be unconstitutional, our sulemnoath of office required us to vote against or veto? Tell me, moreover, brother Republicans of 1840, bad you then brought yourselves to the conclusion that, even admitting a possible abuse of tbe Veto power, it was proper to erase from the Consti tution that great barrier and check to un c nstitutional and highly inexpedient le gislation, thereby making the will ofCon gress supreme and in.-talling tbe majori ty of that body in the full possession of I all the powers of Government? Or did you, or do you now still cling to the opin ion in which the qualified Veto originat ed, that a Governmet t without checks and balances is the worst form of Oligarchy, | —and that too many guards, in order to I secure public liberty, cannot be thrown j over its different departments?—lf, in- j deed, you are advocates of a change so 1 vital as that proposed, then may not only | the Garrisons and Tappans of our own j country rejoice, but a shout should ascend i from the Abolition Convent on “of the | whole world,” at the fact that our Feder I al system had given way before the pow j er of a consolidated government, whose j will, uttered forth by sectional majorities, | was absolute, adm tting of no check or 1 resistance from any quarter whatever. If, indeed, these be your opinions, then have 1 most grievously disappointed the hopes in which you indulged in connec tion with my election and toy Administra ton. I must, nevertheless, most solemn- ! ly aver that had I been aware that such | would have been expected and required : of rne—if' I could have believed that you, j i whose candidate I was peculiarly consi- j dered, and to conciliate whom I was no- j minalcd for the Vice Presidency, w'ould j have required of me in the contingency which unhappily occurred, that I should commence my Administration with an act 1 j of perjury, and sanctioned measures all- i j horrent to every principle of my past life i and at war with the prosperity of the ! country and the continuance of liberty, I i would not have suffered my name, hum ! ble as it was, to have been breathed in the I canvass. No, I claim the proud privilege i of an American citizen to think for my self on all subjects, and to act in pursu ance of my owii convictions—and it would require a total change of my nature in order to convert me into a mere instru ; ment of party, or party dictation. I I would appeal not only to yourselves but to all my countrymen to say, w’helber j in the matters appertaining to our foreign ; affairs, they anticipated more success in ; the adjustment of difficulties and in the formation of highly important Treaties than it has been my province to cause to be negotiated. Long standing difficulties have been adjusted—difficulties which threatened mo t serious y the peace of j the country. Nor has any opportunity been lost for enlarging the commerce of the country, and giving new markets to j our agricultural and manufactured pro i ducts. If the country has not reaped full fruition or benefit from ali the Treaties thus negotiated, it surely has not been the fault of the Administration. The loss of i two of those Treaties through the action ! of the Senate, cannot but be deplored by j !me as great public calami ies. By the I I Treaty with the German States, we had : opened the way to a more extended com- I | merce with 27,000,000 of people, in our j j cotton, tobacco, rice and lard, at duties 1 j on tobacco, rice and lard greatly reduced, j and with a stipulation for the free admis sion of cotton; while we had agreed to re ceive at somewhat reduced duties articles from those States which entered into the mo t limited competition, if at all, witn a few similar articles of American product. The treaty was particularly interesting from the fact, that for the first lime, after repec ed struggles on the part of my pre decessors, to accomplish a reduction of duty on tobacco, the Government bad suc ceeded in doing so. It was negociated ! under resolutions originating w th the to bacco States, and with the presumed sanc tion of Congress, who had raised, as it is believed, the mission to Vienna, from a second to a first rate mission, with direct reference to the tobacco interest, and had also appropriated a sum of money some years Q( >, to enable the Executive to em ploy ai(“gent in Germany to acquire in forma' vfi as to the tobacco trade, the ser vices of which agent had only ceased a short time prior to the negotiation of the Treaty. My hope still however is, that the benefits of tbe Treaty and the Treaty itself may not be lost to tbe country. I think it proper to add that there was no design to deprive the House of Represen tatives of any rightful and constitutional action over the subject which it might pro perly exercise. It was on the contrary my intention to have submitted the Trea ty, and all papers calculated to elucidate I it, to the House of Representatives, if it had been ratified by the Senate for such action as they might have deemed it pro per to adopt—a course pursued in all ca ses in which the action of the House is required to vote supplies of money, or ful j fil any other object falling within the scope I of their power. In negotiating the Treaty for tbe annex ation of Texas, which was rejected by the Senate, motive . have been ascribed to tbe Administration which had no place in its mind or heart. One gentleman, occu py ing a prominent place in the Democra tic parry, whether for good or evil it does nut become me to say, lias assigned in an address recently delivered i t Missouri, two prom nent motives for its negotiation: Ist. Personal ambition, and, 2dly, a pur pose to dissolve the Union. Mr. Clay al so, in a recent letter written to the editor of a newspaper in Alabama, has called the Treaty infamous , and ascribed to it, in its origin, sinister objects. I repel both their assaults upon the Treaty and its ne gotiators. What object of mere personal ambition in any way connected with office i could have influenced the Administration in negotiating the Treaty? The public arelti' :s furnished tbe strongest reasons to believe that the Treaty would have met the unqualified approval of both Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Curen. While the i one was Secretary of S’.ate to Mr. Ad t ams, and the other to Gen. Jackson, each 1 in his turn attempted to obtain the annexa ■ tion of Texas. Mr. Clay's negotiation was carried on with Mexico in the third year of her Revolutionary struggle, while Spain regarded her as a revolted Province, and her armies were in possession of many of the strongholds of the country. What reason then, could I have had for suppos ing for an instant that a Treaty with Tex- I as, after eight years of actual independ -1 ence, with no Mexican soldier within her territory, and subject only to occasional border interruptions, could or would have met with opposition from him or his friends? and meeting with no such opposition on the part either ot Mr. Van Buren or Mr. ! Clay, and their friends, it would puzzle a | sounder casuist than I profess to be, to : conceive in what possible way it could ! have interrupted the relations of those two i gentlemen, who stood at the moment at j the head of their respective parties, and i were looked upon by all as competitors for the Presidency. It is well known that, when the negotiation for the acquisition of ' Texas was commenced, and up to a pe j riod succeeding the signingof the Treaty, it was my confident conviction, expressed to many, that it would, from the circum stances I have stated, receive the support both of Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren, so that neither would be affected by its ne gotiation. If it had been charged that the Admin istration prompted by the ambition of se curing the greatest boon to the country, and the whole country, in the acquisition of a territory so important in itself and so inseparably connected with the interests of every State in the Union, and every in terest of the Union, I would have pleaded guilty, without a moment of hesitation. 1 confess I felt ambitious to add another brio-ht star to the American constellation. It would have been a source of pride to me, if that measure had been carried, to h .ve witnessed from the retirement that awaits me, the annual expansion of our | coastwise and foreign trade, and the in creased prosperity of our agriculture and manufactures, through the rapid growth of Texas, which would have furnished me an unfailing source of gratification to the end of my life. I should have seen also the Union of the Slates becoming stronger and stronger through their reciprocal affec | tion —local jealousies suppressed, and fa- I natical schemes and schemers alike pros ! trate. I should have witnessed the bles j sed results of our Federative system as it embraced the finest country in the world, I and brought under its influence devoted j like ourselves to the maintenance and pre ! servation of free government. This was j the kind of ambition which prompted the negotiation of the Treaty. Its ratifica tion was the sole honor which I coveted, and all that I now desire. What sinis ter motives could have originated the ne gotiation at this time, that did not exist in 1827? What was there note to have ren dered a Treaty infamous which did not exist then? If it be said that we had a Treaty of Limits with Mexico, I ask if, in 1827, we had not also a Treaty of Limits with Spain? We had not recognised j ; the independence of Mexico, and, there- j fore, virtually claimed that we had a per- ! feet right to treat with her fur the annex- j ation of Texas, and in fact, if we had so i pleased, for Mexico entire. Eight years ago we recognised Texas as independent, and surely our right to negotiate with her, implied no worse faith than in 1827 to ne gotiate with Mexico for her. The idea that because of the existence of a Treaty | ofLimits with any nation, we must for- j ever thereafter deny to all parts of the ter- j ritory of such nation the right of revolu- j lion or change, can only excite with an j American citizen, a smile. Was it deem- ! necessary, in 1827, to consult the House j of Representatives, or the People? Was it considered necessary to obtain the as sent of every State, as would seetn now to be proposed, before forming a Treaty of Annexation? If the assent of every State is necessary, then may we bid adieu to the prospoctof annexation now or here after. The Constitution devolves the treaty-making power on two-thirds of the ' States, through their Senators, and it is i altogether a new doctrine that a Treaty | should not be negotiated withoutthe assent ! of all. Danger to the Union through the J exercise of the power of a constitutional 1 majority in the making of a Treaty, is a j doctrine for the first time advanced, and 1 having no foundation in point of fact. I I regard the preservation of the Union as : the first great American interest. I , equally disapprove of all threats of its dis solution, whether they proceed from the North or South. The glory of my coun try, its safety and its prosperity alike de pend on Union, and he who would con tern- j plate its destruction, even for a moment, i and form plans to accomplish it, deserves i the deepest anathemas of the human race. I believe, that tbe annexation of Texas would add to its strength, and serve to per petuate it for ages yet to come; and my i best efforts, while I remain in office, will | be directed to securing its acquisition, | either now or at a future day. Whether ; any efforts will avail to secure this object, ■ since the rejection of the Treaty, remains * still to be seen. I abandon all hope upon the ; subject, if it shall be esteemed necessary j to obtain for it the approval of every Slate, i The case rarely occurs that any Treaty receives the unanimous approval of the ; Senate. I have been called upon, in justice to j myself, to make these remarks in with- | drawing from the position in which my j friends had placed me. I might present other inquiries growing out of the course of the Administration, both in regard to our domestic and foreign relations, as to width principles have been maintained, which may arrest the attention of future and even remote Administrations—but let what 1 have said suffice. All that I ask of my countrymen is a candid review of I my acts, and an impartial comparison of ' the condition of the country now with what it was three years ago. I appeal from the vituperation of the present day to the pen of impartial history, in the full j confidence that neither my motives nor my acts will bear tbe interpretation which has, i for sinister purposes , been placed upon 1 them JOHN TYLER. Washington, Aug. 20,1844. i [Frotn the Pensacola Gazette.] Mr. Editor, — I have but little more to j say on the subject of the Tariff, for my i object is notso much to discuss this impor- j taut topic as to present it in two or three I startling points ofview, with a hope of ex citing attention and inducing inquiry. It is a subject of vital importance to all; of much more importance indeed than we are generally aware, and all that the advc cates of free trade desire is that the people should enquire—of that enquiry we do not fear the issue. I propose in this number to show in part to what an extent we are interested in this subject, by selecting two articles of con sumption of universal necessity, and I will i prove that on those two articles alone, the ; consumer, pays a tax, (the most of which ; goes into the pockets of the northern man- | ufaturer) far exceeding the whole amount : of our national revenue. I have seen it estimated in some essays on this subject that the consumption of cot- ' ton and woollen cloths in this country ison | an average at the rate of §lO a head; but as I desire to be certainly within bounds, I will estimate it at only half that amount. Our population may be estimated in round numbers at 20,000,000, so that the con sumption ofcotton and woollen cloths at i §5, amounts annually to a hundred mil lions of dollars. I have shown that the duties on those two articles vary from 30 to more than 100 per cent, but I will not here insist thatthe price is raised to the full extent of the duly, it being sufficient for my purpose to adopta calculation publish ed in the New York Journal of Commerce I of the 20th July, from which it appears j that the average rise of price on these ar • tides under the operation of Mr. Clay’s I Tariff has been 27$ per cent. ! This gives us at once, Mr, Editor, an * additional tax ot millions a year on cotton and woollen goods. But the tale is not all told—th ree fourths of the consumers paying this heavy tax are agriculturists, eg the last census shows, and in my last num ber I proved that agricultural produce had fallen under the operations of this tariff at least 20 per cent. As farmers must buy cotton and woollen cloth from the manufac turers, and merchants by givingtheir pro ducts in exchange, of course this 20 mil lions less must be added to the 27£ mil lions advance on the goods, thus making 47£ millions of Tax paid by consumers on these two articles alone, (more than under the compromise act;) of which perhaps the odd 7£ millions goes to the Government and the other forty into the pockets of our task-masters. Again—the last census show us that the capital employed in tiie manufacture of woollen and cotton cloth amonts to 66,- 863,000 the increased profit on which be ing forty millions is at the rate of 60 per cent. And again from the same source w« learn that the persons engaged in these manufactures amount to 93,000 in num ber, and by the same rule in arithmetic, it appears their increased profits amount to §430 a head annually, and as a great majority are laborers the increased pro fits of the capitalists must be enormous. In reading an account of one of the mass • meetings at the North in a whig paper, i (for I read papers of every political com ■ plexion) I noticed that one of the gorgeous ; banners in the procession bore this in | scriptiou; “Log Cabins,” “Hard Cider,” “Coons,” , “the mottoes to arouse a sleeping nation.” I perfectly agree with this banner, Mr. j Editorl and almost wonder that they havd | not aroused from the grave the honored ; dust of our revolutionary sires who shed I their blood so freely to’establish these ro i publican principles. Yet I humbly con | ceive that the facts I have presented in I these numbers deserve some slight consid- I eralion—also do we not hear of the rapid ly surviving prosperity of the north where all the manufactures are, and do we not know and feel that in the South the times j are yet sadly out of joint—are there no j reasons for this ? Are there no means of j accounting for the fact that in a land like j this, where every element of happiness : and prosperity seems to have been given i us, we yet languish in poverty? If the 1 people will think and examine they will i flnd that tiiis eiicct like every other has its cause—they will find that they are the deluded victims of wrong and outrage al most without a parallel. Forty millions extorted annually from the consumer to be added to the swollen hordes of ninety-three thousand men en gaged in the manufacture of two articles !of indispensable use ! Is it any wonder | that in South Carolina where facts like these were proven to the people by the es- I forts which were there made to inform them—is it any wonder that inheritors as they were of the principles of ; 76, they refused to submit to sucli oppression and raised the standard of resistance—and even if we are not prepared to admit that I they were right as to all the circumsfan | ces of time and mode, might we not, to use the language of Edmund Burke, “pardon something to the spirit of Lib erty ?” PUBLIUS. A...--.- 1 TO KENT.—My brick Dwelling on pp | Broad-street, below the market, as plea; ant jhsLand as agreeable a residence as any in the i city. Also, a small Dwelling next above. ang 1 th 4 A. PICQUET. MTO RENT, from the first of October next, a Store in the new building on the corner of Broad ami Washington-streets; | it is an excellent stand for a Dry Goods Store, and | if rented before the middle of August, will be fin j ished to suit the tenant. Also, a Dwelling in the same building containing | eight rooms to be neatly finished, with every con- I venience fora family. Also, four rooms with fire places, suitable for of i fices or bed-rooms, to be rented separately or to gether, entrance from Washington-sireet. Also, two tenements on Camphell-street, and on* | on Washington-street near the Medical College. 1 Apply al the store of Moore & Davis to I July 18 JOHN xMOORE. M TO RENT, from the first of October next. —The Dwelling House, on Ellis- adjoining the old Post Office, and the second door above .McCoy’s stables, formerly the residence ofW. J. Bunce, —the house is in good, order, with a good stable. Apply to J. B. GUIEU. > ~ . W. W. HOLT, $ ”• j July 13 ts 10 R ANA WAY from the subscri- ber, about the 10th of July last, my negro man SQUIRE, he is about five feet eight -4j» m or nine inches high, dark complected, stout built fellow, between twenty-five and thirty yean j of age. He had on when lie went aw ay a suit of j new white homespun clothes, without hat or shoes. J He has several times ranaway. and always denies 1 his true owner, and place of residence, and also j goes by different names. Any person taking up said fellow and delivering him to me, or lodging him in any safe Jail so that I get him again, shall have all reasonable expenses paid. Direct to Duntonsvillc. Edgefield District, S. C. WILLIAM STROM, Senior, august 20 3 26 , STOLEN —From my premises on Sa turday night, the 3d inst., a bay HORSE, i about fifteen hands high, one hind foot | r ~ M * r— * white, walks very fast, weak eyes in ! consequence of the hooks being recently taken out. I will give a reward of five dollars for the delivery ! of said horse to me. Any information thankfully I received. A. N. VERDERY. Bell Air, August 13, 1844 th 3 aug 15 OFFICE S. C. C. & R. R. COMPANY, \ HAMBURG, Jan. 24,1844. ) OTlCE.—Freight on Cotton to Charleston by Rail Road is reduced to 75 cent* a bale. Jan 25 A B. STTTJGES. Agewr