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TflE CONSTITUTIONALIST. iiii ED M P. c. GUIEU «v R. M. (.■' M >DM VN. 93r TE TRI- WEEU.Y PAPER, $5 , r annum in\ orUtbly in advance, and if not punctual ly paid m advance $0 —WEEKIA , (contaming twenty-eight column*,) £2,50 per annum, and if not punctually paid in advance §3. fgj- A DVfcRTISE.iI EM'S inserted at the follow ing rales, viz: Tri*Week!y advertisements, llrvt in sertion. per square, 73 cent*; each insertion after wards, 43$ cent*. Weekly advertisements, 73 cents for each square. Monthly advertisements. §lper square. SO 'All advertisements not marked u ill be inserted until forbid, and charged at rordinghj. Postage inu*t be |>aid on all Comm mutations ami Letters of business. flCrTlie follow ing terms will hereafter be rigidly enforced ; E The uam'*s of subscribers ow ing for more than j two years, shall he struck out of our list, if the ar rears are not paid within three months after this date, (January 20, 1844.) 2. Subscriptions not paid in advance, nor within three months after subscribing , si ill be i urged $6 for the tri-weekly, and $3 for the weekly. 3. Advertisers whose accounts stand unpaid for one year, shall be hereafter excluded from the col umns of this paper, until such accounts are settled. KrWc have received an additional supply of Job Types, w Inch, with the assortment \ve had on hand, w ill enable as to execute all kinds of Jobs as here tofore, with this exception, that for such work the ; cash will be required before delivery. ■—■——W—at■3Mß* I »1 I m>amwaa^ DEMOCRACY OF GEORGIA. Ticket* for Members of Congress and Electors of President and Vice President completed. * V CANDIDATES FOR CONGRESS. (Election on the first Monday in October.) Ist District —CHARLES SPALDING, 2d “ SEABORN JONES, 3d “ A. 11. CHAPPELL, 4th “ H. A. HARALSON, 3th “ JOHN 11. LI MPKIN, 6th “ HOW ELL COBB, 7th “ ABSALOM JANES, Bth “ E. J- BLACK. FOU ELECTORS. (Election on the first Monday in November, by gen eral ticket.) for president, JAMES K. POLK, of Tennessee. VICE PRESIDENT, GEORGE M. DALLAS, of Pennsylvania. CHARLES J. McDonald, of ( obi), ALFRED IVERSON, of Muscogee, ROBERT M. CHARLTON, of Chatham, BARZILLAI GRAVES, of Randolph, GEORGE W r . TOWNS, of Talbot, W. F. SAMFORD, of Meriwether, C IIARI.ES MUR PI IV, of ( ass, \V. B. WOFFORD, of Habersham, 11. V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin, ELI 11. BAXTER, of Hancock. AUGUSTA, GEO, s iTURDiY MORNING, Al (.1 ST 31. 1844. [O’Much interesting mutter, selected tor this day’s paper, deferred, to make room for the effusions of our correspondents. Wc shall publish in our next paper several of the letters of distinguished citizens invited to the Macon meeting, but who could not attend. (CT On our first page will be found the able and interesting letter of George Bancroft, the distinguished American historian, accepting the nomination made of him by the democratic convention of Massachusetts, as a candidate for the office of Governor at the approaching election. We request our friends to read it with attention. On our first page will be found also a circu lar from the democratic association of Wash ington City. Also, an article from the New Orleans Bulletin, on the designs of England respecting Texas. BTWe have before us the September num ber the Southern Agriculturist. It is rich in interesting and useful matter, especially those articles which relate to Cotton, Corn stalk sugar, sugar beet, and marl. We again recommend the work to our farmers and plan ters. (LT A democratic meeting was held at .Mon roe, Walton County, on the 17th instant. It was resolved to attend by an overwhelming delegation, the mass meeting to be held at Gainesville on the 13th of September. Gen. Echols introduced to the meeting Air. Luther J. Glenn, of the county of Henry, who, in a clear, forcible, and effective speech, explained the reasons which had impelled him to separ ate from his former political friends, and avowed his determination thenceforth to do battle in the great democratic army. The lion. Howell Cobb then addressed the meeting for upwards of two hours, on the po litics of the day. HontiiAXA. A most extraordinary step has been taken by the convention which lately assembled at Jackson, Louisiana, to revise and alter the constitution. A resolution has passed to ad journ and meet at New Orleans in January next. The grounds for such a procedure have not as yet appeared in the papers. [From the Richmond Enauirer.] MARK THE DIFFERENCE. A few of the impulsive spirits of South Carolina, driven on by the wrongs of the south, the violation of Mr. Clay's own pledge, and of the principles of the Compromise Act, and by the rejection of the Texas Treaty, talk of a Southern Convention, and hint at Nullifi cation, or some other form of resistance. The Democrats of Virginia protest against this course. The Club House Coons attempt to make political capital out of these partial movements in South Carolina—implicate the whole “Polk Party” in the alleged plot—with out one tittle of evidence to support it—and for the purpose of scattering a panic through the land, threaten to chase the members of the Southern Convention from this city, and taking the laws into their own hands, assume a ground which would deny the right of the people, who complain of the act of the Gov ernment, the right of peaceably assembling in Richmond and remonstrating against their grievances. Their supple Clay Clubs in the country repeat their language, and re-echo their denunciations against the movement in South Carolina—the Democrats cordially pro testing against any measure which is calcu lated to strike at the Union. So much tor the Democrats—and now for the Coons. They know, that the most dan gerous enemies of the Union are the Abo litionists, and their allies Adams, Seward, Slade, Giddings, &c., &c. They know, for j they have seen the letters of Adams and Reid, the speeches of Seward, and D. Webster,and others, that the Clay parly of the North are openly courting a coalition with the Aboli tionists, and insisting upon it. that they should abandon their own candidate, Birney, and support 11. Clay, because Clay will carry out their opposition to Texas and Slavery. The Democrats, of course, protest against this shameless coalition —as they did against an anti-Union, Southern Convention. But what say the Coons ? In the meetings of all their Clubs, we hear not one whisper raised against the coalition between the Clay Parly and the Abolitionists. This silence is ominous. It shows that they are willing to affiliate with the Abolitionists to elect Mr. Clay—that they are willing to give up Texas to purchase their votes —that they are willing to propitiate the 1 support of the most dangerous disunionists in \ the country, because the "very soul of their enterprise” consists in a direct attack upon one of the essential and delicate compromises of the Constitution, without which the Union itself cannot continue. Such then, is the dif i ference between the two parties! W e pro test against any movement which may, in the j slightest degree, affect the Union. But they j i see their Northern allies seeking a direct al i nance with the must dangerous disunionists, ; and so willing are they to profit by their trea ' son, that they do not breathe one whisper of i complaint against the alliance of Webster, Seward, &.c., <Vc., with the Abolitionists. [communicated.] “THAT VILE LIBEL.” COONKILLER’S respects to Mr. Jones of the Chronicle, and is pleased to find he is alive, t No one supposed he would even kick after the exposure ofhis fanfaronade or the "infamous” i manufacture of the extract, by mistake placed I to Bronson’s letter. He has now made the ' wonderful discovery that a word was lelt out; and to help himself a Utile , manufactures a word himself. The verbatim extract which , I have seen in a dozen payers is as stated by | the Constitutionalist of Thursday. “There j : is no necessity of protection for protection." 1 left out the of protection because I thought ■ it tautology; and I will leave it to every reader of the Chronicle, whether the omission i changes the meaning, a single iota. 1 1 will j also leave to them, whether it be possible j , to “garble” a single extract made by mo? i Now Mr, Jones are you not in a pretty i pickle? i ’ 1 [ COM M U NIC ATED. j ■ MORE USE FOR THE RAW MATERIAL, j The immense cotton factory to be driven I by steam, and which Philadelphia capitalists are putting up at Gloucester Point, in New Jersey, is progressing rapidly to completion. Will some free trader tell us what the cotton planter would gain, by having the cotton that i will be used at the above factory spun and j : wove abroad, rather than on this side of the ) ' Atlantic? —Chronicle of the 28th inst. Yes; very easily, Mr. Jones: if you and : your confederates will stand aside, and give ; i us the privileges for which our fathers fought, ' and bled and conquered. If you will return j i to us the privilege we had before we made ; war “for cutting off our trade with all parts I of the world,” wc can tell you very easily : the least “our planters would gain,” by hav iiw the cotton that will bo used at the “above ' factory spun and wove abroad, rather than i on this side of the Atlantic.” But why do you ask this question? you have perhaps an ; swered it yourself a thousand times. If not, it lias been answered—often answered, by i your political friends. The great and the n-ood—the living and the dead—when south ern men of both parties harmonized on this ; subject, upon which it was supposed no hon est man could doubt. Why do you ask “free ; ' traders” then for information, when you could j get it from your own party, in whom you ; 1 have more confidence? Among the living, I look at the able free trade report of Berrien, j and the reports, speeches, toasts, letters, re- j i solutions, &c. &c.of your whole party when- i i ever and wherever they have appeared ever since the protective system has been adopted in the union. Among the dead, speeches of tire virtuous and indignant Clayton—(him self a manufacturer) —sometimes too vehe ment. but of good understanding and a patri otic heart. Look to all these sources I say, if von need information; but you do not / and therefore, in giving it to you, (near enough | for any desirable purpose) I do not expect to I make you either a wiser or better man. If ! the cotton planter could have his cotton “spun • and wove abroad,” he would find that in Man- I : Chester he could have a piece of cotton goods, j ; say hand-loom supers, 33 indies wide, 25yds. Lmr, weighing -1 lbs. for 4 shillings, say SI.OO of our currency. 4 lbs. of cotton and wast i ace in manufacture would be worth, say 30 cts.; therefore, the spinning and weaving would cost him “abroad” but 70 cts. the piece of 25 yds.—add 10 per cent, for importation, and the entire cost to the planter here would | |be sl.l0 —a piece of goods of the same kind ■ here “spun and wove at the above factory” ! ) will cost him $2,50 cts.-“gain” to the planter about 135 per cent.: take a fair revenue duty j off, and there is still a gain of about 115 per cent. This will give you and the “cotton planter” a sufficiently accurate idea of what j he would “gain” if he could have his cotton j “spun and wove” wherever he could have it 1 done on the best terms. If exchanged for cotton checks, and some other kinds of cotton prints, the “gain” would be still greater, and if the whole catalogue of j | cotton manufactures be embraced, the gain ; would average to about 100 per cent. This calculation too is based upon a princi- | : pie beyond all quibble. The duty is not ado- j ed, but the difference of price in the two mar- | kets is taken as the sacrifice forced on the : planter by his restriction to one market. I presume you will hardly have courage to repeat your favorite theory on the cheating effect of home competition by these forced es tablishments, It has been too effectual:}' blown up by the “facts, " as all reasoning men knew it would be. Competition to reduce prices must be somewhat equal, or some defi ciency of means to carry outlie cheaperproduc- I tion. Now we all know that in England alone, there is surplus capital at one-third the interest, and surplus labor at one-third the price to manufacture five times all the cotton ' that is consumed by our hot-bed establish- . menls. including the “above factory." The competition then regulates the price, . and remove this competition from us, and your pocket patriots extort from us their own prices. We were told by the iron mongers that if we would give them a protection of ICO per cent, they would reduce the price of iron. Have they done it? No; their prices rise and tail with those of Wales, they adding in most cases the full amount of the enormous duty. It is the same thing withal!, or nearly all the protected articles that are freely imported. — Tiny have risen 20 or 30 /•'T cent, in th-i Ins! year,and some of them much mure. Now please to account for this. They get their cotton, bread stuffs and almost every element of their productions one-third cheaper, and why are i they extorting morefor their productions! \on I could answer ti.is question with truth and rea : son, but I know von will not do it. Although I know you will not answer this question truly; I will take the liberty of ask ing you another: Why did not your whig Senate ratify the treaty with tiic German j league? The ratification of that treaty was of great importance to the west, and would I have given new life to our whole Cherokee ■ country; hut it was quietly lai ** n the table, ' and whyt As I know you will not answer, j I’ll answer for you: It wus because the manu facturers would not agree to it, and [he perfect union of the party must not be disturbed. A “FREE TRADER.” [communicated.] MORE BROKEN DOSES. Mr. Editor, —Faithful to my duty of re minding our opponents of what they would wish forgot, I send you some more evidences of their inconsistency. At Waynesboro, Burke county, Goo.. July 4th, 1831, the day was celebrated under the auspices of Dr. Harlow as President, and Martin M. Dye, as Vice President. Thefol i low'ingtoasts were then given, and I have some notion to give the names, in future, of the owners, to keep your correspondent R. L. Gamble from claiming them, who was not | satisfied with one, but appropriated three to his 1 use. in a former list I gave you. By Dr. Harlow, President: The true Ame rican System: Let every man pursue the road to wealth honestly in his own way without the interference of Government. [lf that excellent man were alive lie would not be a whig.] By 11. D. Burke: Troup, Gilmer, and | State Rights: May they live to see the Ame | rican system buried in its mother earth, Clay. [What have Troup and Gilmer lived to see? Themselves true to their principles and gen -1 nine democrats —their old admirers and party I men with their faces where their hacks used to be - ] By Maj. Elijah Byne: Henry Clay, the op pressor of the South: May the people of the United States never call him from his present : retirement. By Col. Wm. E. Walker: Andrew Jackson, complainant, against Henry Cla a defendant. The just ice of the complainant's cause of ac tion is clearly made out and apparent from his will, as set forth in the veto message, and must inure to him at the next trial of the old case of the Presidency; the verdict of public approbation before the grand par el of Ameri can freemen; while the want of equity and constitutional grounds for the defence of the American system must be fatal to Ihe dffond ants demurrers, and be the means, if he should continue forest his pretensions on this plea, of having decreed to him a political death, and the public execration as the costs of his ambitious and self-aggrandizing * ■■ hemes. I have the means of presenting you similar toasts from almost every county i. the Elate, , showing what were the prevailin' opinions of the “State Rights” party, which now, as the whig party of Georgia, hugs to its soul the protective policy, so odious and repelled in those days of political soundness, I will, however, “shew up” another set of actors of higher pretensions, and on a differ ent field—not over a 4th of July dinner, heat ed with wine, but assembled in grave and de liberate consultation and drinking cold water. I will give you an abstract of the celebrated Oglethorpe proceedings, which 1' uake from the Chronicleof August 11th, 18.‘-2, It will exhibit some of your whig acquaintances in awkward predicaments. John Moore presided, [ls that old man a i whig?] with Benjamin F. Hardeman, and Wm. McKinley, Secretaries. Col. Jos, H. Lumpkin, John M. Berrien, Geo. 11. Young, A. S. Clayton, Eurwell Pope, Seaborn Jones, 1,-aac Collier, Thos. F. Foster and John Bii | lups were appointed a committee to report resolutions. ckc. Col. Jos. H. Lumpkin, the Lav; Professor in our University, a whig orator a; the Balti more Clay convention and lately ai home, and ! who found in Frclinghuysen. with all his ab olition tincture, the “gilt of God," reported a preamble and resolutions; which duty lie is represented as saying be left a sic; bed to per i form, and “staking his life, his honor and ev ery thing dear to him, to sustain to the ut i most the principles and pledges they contain- I ed.” Here they are: | “Whereas, it is the opinion of this meeting, j that the proceedings of the late session of j ! Congress afford abundant and cone ’us ive evi- j denes, that no satisfactory adjustment of the ! tariff can longer be expected from a majority, j ; deaf to the voice of justice and reason, and i obstinately determined to exercise power, re | gardless of right. Under the specious name and pretence of regulating duties cn imports, ; and reducing the same, they are filching from 1 southern labor its hard-earned pittance, to j gratify the cupidity and inflate the pride of the i northern manufacturer and capitalist, contra rv to the constitution and contrary to the ; j meaning and intention of the Irani rs thereof. And whereas, the people of Georg a have on ly to depend on their sovereignty ai d reserved rights for a redress of their wrongs: c ßesolved . therefore, That in the opinion oi : this meeting, the late law of Congress to reg ulate imposts and all the proceedings and acts , of that body having for their direct object the encouragement ol domestic manufactures, are not only unequal in their operation, but delib erate, palpable and dangerous breaches ot the constitution, to which, as tree citizens ot Georgia, ice ought not, can no!, and will not longer submit. Resolved, 2d. That should the General Go vernment attempt by force to coerce into sub mission any S'ute which may interpose its sovereignty to arrest the evil, and thereby preserve the Constitution, we would feel con strained, by a sense of self-preservation, to consider her defence essential to oursaf-y. The other resolutions relate to the calling of the Convention which met in Millcdgeville. “clothed with full powers to maintain, pre serve, and defend the rights and privileges of < the free citizens of the Ftate.” They also, Mr. Editor, drank toasts in cold water and were of course as cool as cucum bers. “The "Old Roman” presided at the feast, assisted by Col. John Banks, Maj. Isaac ; Collier. Gen. B. Pope. Robert Freeman, Au gustus Alden, J. T. Moore, R. S. Hanson, John Gilmer, John Townsend, and Edward Coxe, as vice-presidents. Ist Toast. Our S nalors and Representa tives in Congress. —Their efforts against the i miscalled "American System,” though utter ly unavailing, have obtained for thorn the highest reward of virtuous ambition—the gra titude of their constituents. This called up Tom Foster, in behalf of himself and his colleagues, and lie ended his harangue with the following toast: 2d. The Patriotic Citizens of Oglethorpe. — The first to propose a systematic opposition to the tariff; may the call which they have made meet with a cordial reception from our fellow-citizens throughout the Ftato, and en list the firm, united and determined co-opera tion of the whole people of the south. By the citizens of Lexington, who origina ted the meeting: 3d. The Hon. John Forsyth and Judge "Wayne. —We are informed they voted with a proteslando, a fact unknown to us on the 21st ult. If they are for resistance to the tariff, ice are for them; if not, we are as we were. They had excluded these gentlemen from the list of the invited, because they had voted for the tariffof 1832, reducing the tariff duties $10,000,000. 4th. By the Committee of Arrangements ; ; The Hon, A. S. Clayton. —Ho spoke not for i the ears ol an interested majority in Congress ! —for that were indeed fruitless; but for his i anxious and suffering constituents at home. They have heard his voice, and he was not mistaken in the response of their deep and hearty Amen. Judge Clayton rose, amidst great cheering. He concurred in the opinion expressed bv the first speaker, that the last glimmering of hope from our avaricious oppressors was extin guished. For an hour he alternately delight ed and inflamed his audience by the most biting sarcasms and bitter denunciations, levelled against the American System and its reckless and unprincipled advocates and ben eficiaries, and concluded by offering the fol lowing sentiment: 6lh. Ssf-Iledress. —The only remaining remedy for the oppressions of the south. Ho that lias a heart to fee!—a head to frame, and arm to defend, “now's the day and now’s the I hour” to strike for liberty! By the Committee of Arrangements : Gth. Hun. John dll. Benda:-. —As a Henator in Congress,he ennobled the protest ofthe State by the eloquence which accompanied its presen tation. As the author of the Free Trade Ad dress, and a member of the Committee to wait on Congress, lie has rendered a cheerful, though unavailing service at the call of his fellow-citizens of Georgia. A zeal thus sig nalized in their service knows no abatement, while these oppressions remain. Judge Berrien rose amidst great applause, and gave a succinct history of the several tarifflaws —showing that what was originally supplicated a.s a boon, was now demanded as a right, and was proclaimed as the settled and permanent policy of the Government. He hurled defiance at our oppressors and demand ed of the State, whether she would tamely surrender her sovereign and inalienable rights and prove recreant to the solemn pledge con tained in her protest oflß2B. He offered the following sentiment: 7th. The Citizens of Oglethorpe. —Their patriotic cal! shall be responded to by every freeman in Georgia, and by every southern freeman. Ah! Judge, how have you responded? Mr. Editor, you will find your correspond ent, R. L. Gamble, figuring in the Athens preliminary meeting, but Lis light was hid under a bushel, if he was at Lexington.— Were his toasts at Louisville and Waynes boro’ lately thrown before the public to pre pare the way for an expose of the Colonel as to his present opinions? Is ho about to quit the whigs, or has he ever thought with them on the tariff policy? By-the-by, the Colonel’s last speech was a great effort in Congress for the whig cause. But after, through some thirty pages of a pamphlet, proving the expe diency and perfect constitutionality of a pro tective tariff, I must confess he played the policy a scurvy trick— he voted against it. — This was the tariff of 1812, which Mr. Clay says lie “is utterly opposed to repeal.” Where stands the Colonel? lie looks one way and goes another. One ofthe toasts lie appropri ated to himself from a former number of “Monitor," was devoted to the destruction of the tariff. Did he shrink from the supposed ghost of his old opponent, and start to find it in life again? Is he one of the resurrection ° 1 ists? Has he helped to disinter it from its grave in the south, and present its putrid car- j cass to the people of Georgia for their present admiration? Do he and his associates sup pose we have forgotten its old features, and are | blind to the hideousness of its present aspect? Oh! what dolts they take us to Lei! Perhaps, Mr. Editor, it might be more use ful to take more expressions of opinion, by j persons who figure now in the contests of the I day, but who stand on different ground and fight with different weapons from what they used to do. Mr. N’iseet, who is understood to be a whig of the first water, and rumor says, Las been belaboring Chappell for his consistency ol principle, in a speech delivered April 1841, says in reference to Mr. A ford, “He is op posed to a tariff for protection; so am I. He t is for maintaining the compromise, so am I. 1 How has Mr. Nisbet and his whig colaborers , illustrated these assertions? Again, in refer ence to a Virginia member, “He lias held us 1 up to the whole South, as tarif-men, and has more than once charged that a tariff for pro tection was the already indicated policy here of the new administration.” “I am for duties on wines; but does that make me the advo cate of protection ? Ami, therefore, a tarif man.r ’ Mr. Nisbet was very indignant at such a charge in 1841, how is he now? | Again said Mr. Nisbet, “A tariff for protec j tfbn, has not, sir, been indicated here as the I policy of the Harrison party. No man has | said, or even hinted, that General Harrison j will favor such a policy, indeed, sir, no one, unless it be the gentleman from Virginia has t ventured to prescribe a policy of any kind to I the President elect. No one has authority for i so bold a move. There is no clique or regen cy here to rule in advance both Harrison and the party. It is true gentlemen have spoken as becomes the American representative char acter, freely and fearlessly, and no one more I iso than-the able member from Virginia. But I | no one lias ventured to prescribe to the party I : but himself. This idea about Northern com- j binations to revive the protective system is all stuff. It haunts the imagination of gentle men like a spectre. It is. sir, not the fact ; that the Northern manufacturers want anew i , discriminating protective tariff. They are for adhering to the principles of the com promise. They say so, and 1 believe them. It is llicir interest to observe the compromise, and that interest they will pursue. If, how ever, in this I am mistaken —if, hereafter, j when the time for action arrives, the Whigs I ofthe North or the Democrats of the North j ! should attempt to burden us with high imposts j for protection—il a protective tarifxshould, by j any party, be again attempted, and 1 should then belong to the public councils, 1 shall op pose it with as much honest zeal, if with less ability than those who are now so very sensi tive about Southern rights.” % * * * * * * “I disclaimed in any way giving rny coun tenance to duties for protection; and avowed my determination to sustain the anti-tariff principles of my own and other Southern States. I expressed the opinion, an opinion which I now re-aliirm, that those principles are to be kept inviolate only by a religious adherence to the compromise. And, sir. one ofthe reasons, perhaps the strongest reason of all inducing me to lake the position I did, was to preserve the compromise, and to save us from those dangers which I foresee must attend a revision of the tariffafter it ex pires.” ******* In reply to Mr. Black, he said, “In the ab sence of other ground of attack, he assumed that my speech sounded very much to his ear like a tariff speech. Without being able to I lay his finger upon one thought, one senti ment, not to say one position, which gave the least countenance to such an assumption, the honorable member, taking council of his ear, and not of his mind, and doubtless responding to an eager desire to cast me oilman the con fidence of my constituents, denounced me, by all lair implication, as a tariff man.” * * * "Those who sent me here will require strong er proof that 1 advocate a tariff for protection ■ than the gentleman’s ingenuity can extract | from my speech. They will see and read ’ for themselves. Did my colleague intend to. I teach the people that we were faithless also upon the tariff, and that he was the sole expo nent of Southern principles? It would stem so. 1 faithless to the Ft ate upon whose soil I was born, and beneath whose sod my ! self and my children, if such be the will of Providence, arc destined to sleep! No, sir; I may, through fallibility of judgment, mis take her honor or her interest, but 1 can ne ver betray them.” How is it now with you, Mr. Nisbet? Who is now a tariff-man—a protective tariff-man? Who is now “faithless on the tariff?” Who is now the true “exponent of southern faith i and southern principles?” I may think it proper to use some other reds I have in pickle. Did not Mr. Alford i say, in 1841, in allusion to the faithlessness of his colleagues, if lie did not return to Wash ington, Georgia would not have a representa tive there? He then saw how Iris party was wavering and trimming, and soon left their ranks in utter disgust at their faithlessness and inconsistency. MONITOR. [co;\i :j unigated.] OGLETHORPE MEETING OF 1822 TO RESIST THE TARIFF. Fain ay. August 3d, 1832. ' # • The people of Oglethorge and many distin- ! i guished visiters, in all mure than 1000, met i i to consider the burdens laid on the south by j 1 the Tariff, and to determine on the mode and I measure of redress. They organized at the Court House by appointing John Moore Pre sident, and B. F. Hardeman and Wm. Mc- Kinley, Secretary: Jos. 11. Lumpkin, John M. Berrien, Geo. H. Young, A. S. Clayton, Bunvell Pope, Sea ; born Jones, Isaac Collier, Thos. F. Foster, and John Billups were appointed to collect public sentiment and report resolutions at 3 | o’clock, P. M. j The meeting adjourned then to the grove at the Female Academy, where a sumptuous dinner was spread. John Moore presided at the table, supported by the following vice presidents, to wit; Col. Banks, d,laj. Collier, Gen. Pope, Robl. Freeman, A. Alden, Maj. Moore, Capt. R. T. Hanson, John Gilmer, Jno. Townsend and Edward Coxe. After dinner the following toast was offer ed by the Committee of Arrangement, viz : “Our Senators and Represetatives in Con j gross: Their efforts against the miscalled , -American System,’ though utterly unavail ing, have obtained for them tire highest re ward of virtuous ambition —the gratitude ol their constituents.” Col. Thos. F. Foster, (one of our mem bers in Congress) replied in a speech ol an hour, declaring all hope of relief from Con ! gross was gone; vindicated such of his col ; leagues as voted for the Tariff act of 1832, , against the charge of sanctioning the princi- 1 pie of the Protective system, and ended by giving this toast; “The patriotic citizens of Oglethorpe j county: The first to propose a systematic op- : position to the taritf—may the call which they have made, meet a hearty resjionse from cur fellow citizens throughout the stale, and enlist the firm, united and determined co-op eration, of the whole people of the south.” By direction of the citizens of Lexington, who originated the meeting, this toast was then given, viz: “The Hon. John Forsyth, and Judge Wayne: W e are informed they voted with a prate si an do, a fact unknown to us on the 21st ultimo.—ls they are for resistance to the tariff, we are for them; if not, we are as we were .” (Forsyth and Wayne were left out of the Lexington invitation, because they hud voted for the Tariff of 1832.) Toast by the Committee of Arrangements, viz; ‘•Hon. Augustus S. Clayton:—He spoke not for the ears of an interested majority in Congress—for that were indeed fruitless— but for his anxious, suffering constituents at. home. They have heard his voice, and he was not mistaken in the response of their deep and hearty amen.” Judge Clayton replied to this toast in his happiest manner. He agreed with Col. Fos ter, the first speaker, that the last glimmering of hope from our avaricious oppressors, was extinguished; told many striking incidents which occurred in the passage of the tariff bill through Congress, to sustain this opinion, and for an hour delighted and inflamed the i audience by the most biting sarcasms and i bitter denunciations against the tariff system, and its reckless unprincipled advocates and i beneficiaries. Judge Clayton ended by giv- I ing this toast, viz: I • ‘"SeIJ redress: The only remaining remedy | for the oppressions of the south. He that has j a heart to foci, a head to frame and an arm to i defend, “now’s the day and now’s the hour to I strike fur liberty!” The toast which called out Judge Clayton, was received by the people by loud and con tinued cheering. By the Committee of Arrangements— “ Judge Berrien: As as senator in Congress, he ennobled the Protest of his state, by the eloquence which accompanied its presenta tion. As the author of the Free Trade. Address, and a member of the committee to wait upon Congress, he has rendered a cheerful, but un availing service at the call of his fellow citi zens of Georgia. A zeal, thus signalized in their service, knows no abatement while their j oppressions remain. i Judge Berrien arose amid enthusiastic cheering of the people, and in his own pocu j liar manner,acknowledged with much feeling ! the honor intended him; gave a short history I of the several tariff laws-—showing that what j was at first, begged for in 181t> as a boon, was j demanded in 1828 as a right, and proclaimed in 1332 as the settled policy of the country, lie urged the importance of harmony among those groaning under the common grievance; and with the bold and manly spirit of a Henry, he hurled defiance at our oppressors, and de manded of Georgia, whether she mm Id tamely surrender her sovereign rights, and prove re creant to her solemn pledge in the Protest of 1828. He ended his eloquent speech by say ing be would take, as his own, the toast, of the first speaker (Col. Foster) with a little j variation, viz: The ( izens of Oglethorpe: Their puttio tic call shall be responded to by every tree man in Georgia, and by every southern free man.” The following preamble and resolutions, wore then reported by the aforesaid commit tee, through their Chairman, Col. Jos. 11. \ Lumpkin, who stated that he had risen from a sick bed to perform the duty, and that ill health and a desire to make room for others, induced him to yield the advocacy of them to other speakers, but he trusted it was unne cessary for him to say, that he icon Id stake his life, his fortune, his honor, and even his wife and his children, to sustain to the utmost the j principles and pledges they contain. He sat 1 down amidst great cheering, and they were then ably advocated by Seaborn Jones, who argued that though four millions were taken off the taxes, still the burdens of the south were not lessened, because the price of ne cessaries was high and increased under this bill, and ended with this toast, viz; “ The State of Georg la: She knows her 1 rights, and has proved that she has boldness | to declare, and courage to defend them. Her ! sons will not desert her.” Preamble and Resolutions offered by Col. Lumpkin, Judge Berrien, <jr. Whereas, It is the opinion of this meeting, that the proceedings of the late session of Con ! gressaflbrd abundant and conclusive evidence, | that no satisfactory adjustment of the tariff j can be longer expected from a majority, deaf i to the voice of justice and reason, and obsti ; natdSy determined to exercise power, regard less of right. Under the specious name and pretence of regulating duties on imports, and reducing the same, they are filching from southern labor its hard-earned pittance, to gratify the cupidity and inflate the pride of the northern manufacturer and capitalist, con i trary to the constitution, and to the meaning ! and intention of the framers thereof. Axd whereas, The people of Georgia ha\e only to depend on their soveignty and reserved rights for a redress of their wrongs. 1. Resolved, therefore, That in the opinion of this meeting, the late law of Congress, to regulate imposts, and all the proceedings and acts of that body, having for their direct ob ject, the encouragement of domestic manufac tures, are not only unequal in their operation, but deli berate, palpable, and dangerous breach es of the Constitution; to which, as free citi zens of Georgia, we ought not, cannot, will not longer submit. 2. Resolved, That, should the General Go vernment attempt by force to coerce into sub mission any Stale which may interpose its sovereignty to arrest the evil, and thereby pre serve the Constitution, we should feel con | strained by a sense of self-preservation to con sider her defence essential to our safety. 3. Resolved, That the people of this coun ty will, on the first Monday in October next, elect four delegates (the number of their Re presentatives and Senator in the Legislature) to meet at Milledgeville, on the 2d Monday of November next, clothed with full powers, in behalf of their constituents, to maintain, pre serve, and defend the rights and privileges of the free citizens of this State. 4. Resolved, That lor the purpose of having the sense of the people fully represented in said Convention, and to procure unanimity and concert of action, a Committee of Seven