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<£l)c (Georgia Constitutionalist. °- V **’ C * GLIEI " AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 6, 1844. VOL. XXU.-NO. 33. THE CONSTITUTIONALIST. OFFICE IN McINTUSH-STREET, Third door from the Sotih- Went corner of Broad-tt. Sale* of LAND by Administrators, Executors or Guardian* are r-qiiire.l. by law, to be held on the lirsi | uesday in the month, between the hours of C*n in ihf forenoon ainJ three in the afternoon, at the Court House in which the property is situate. Notice of these sales must be given in a public t>atetle nxTY r>4 vs previous to the day of sale. «»ale* of NECHOES must be at public auction, on the first Tuesday of the month, rx-t ween the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the I/etters Testamentary', or Ad ministration, or Guardianship, may have been granted, first giving sixty days' notice thereof, in one of the public Gazettes of this Stale, and at ’the door of the Court House where such sales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal Property must be given in like-raanner forty days previous to day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate, must be published for forty days. Notice that application will I* made to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell LAND, must be pub lished for FOUR MONTHS. Notice for leave to *>-11 NEGROES, must he pub lished four months before any order absolute can lx- eiven by ihe Court. [From the Columbus Times. \ JUDGE TAYLOR’S LETTER. Messrs. Editors: —Having seen in the whig Rifle and Albany Courier, of Baker, what they are pleased to call “a severe, just, and well merited castigation,” for my renunciation of the whig party and their late principles, I desire to hestow a passing notice upon these veritable gen tlemen, to meet, and repel, as I trust, successfully, their unjust charges against my political honesty, and patriotism. 7'hey attribute my change, first, lo dis appointment, in not receiving a nomina tion for Congress, at the Albany Conven tion, ‘which I bad expected.’ Do these Editors not know, and is it not a suppres sion of facts, that my name was not before that Convention, but was withdrawn by n»y j>osi ive instruction? Could I then expect that, which 1 had declined, though solicited l»y many good and strong friends? It is true that I once yielded to the many different solicitations of friends, from dif erent parts of the district, to use and offer my name before the Convention; hut be fore the assembling of the Convention, 1 determined upon not suffering my name to Ik* placed before them, as I became fully convinced from recent developments, of the designs, and purposes, of the whig party, in regard to the tariff, internal im provements, and the annexation of Texas, that I could not longer co-operate with my old party friends, and I did so; inten tending at a pro|«r time, to declare my principles—those which as a politician, and partisan, I had early imbibed from teachers in the school of strict construction ists of the Constitution of the United States. It is true that I drafted, and presented to the meeting in Cuthhert, the preamble and resolutions attributed to me—and was then in principle a whig, and favorable to Henry Clay for President; ’tis also true, that then, I had before me the declaration and opinions of Mr. Clay, in his letter to Mr. Meriwether, that he inner was in fa vor of a high tariff, and that no more money should be raised, than is necessary to an economical support of the Govern ment. In his speech at Charleston among Nullifers, and anti tariffites, he declared ‘thai influenced by a desire to avert the the coming danger, and anxious to per petuate the l'n,on, and give peace to a distracted country, I brought forward the compromise act, anil aided in its passage; in my subsequent life, 1 adhered to its pro visions, and shall do so in future .” In connection with these, I had also before me,’ his last speech in the Senate of the United States upon this subject, in which he urges upon the Senate this satisfactory adimontion: “Do not raise the question of protection, which I had hoped had been put to rest! There is no necessity of pro tection, for protection.” Not only had I these declarations of Mr. Clay, but the uniform, and undeviating opposition, of all parties in Georgia, for the last twenty years, to a protective tariff. I had also what should be good authority with one of these ‘veritable Editors,’ the declara tion of the Columbus Enquirer, in 1834, when stating what they were —that among other things, they were The opponents of every branch of that iniquitous system of leg islation, which was commenced in J rand , and is now attempted to he sustained by force. But I did not have then the change of Judge Berrien in the Senate; and of Messrs. King, Gamble, Foster, Meri wether, &c. &c. in their views upon ‘the unjust, unequal, and oppressive burthens of the taritf act of 1842.’ 1 did not then know, that Judge Berrien’s opposition to the act, was a mere sham, a ruse to lull the South; and that before he voted against the bill, he declartd, to some of his friends, that if it should fail by a sin gle vote, he would instantly move its re consideration. That he, approving the bill too, never would have consented to an adjournment of Congress, until that bill, in its present or some modified form had passed; I did not have before me the congratulations of Mr. Webster, offered to the country, in his speech at Trenton, for the changes of opinion by Messrs. Berrien, Archer, and other distinguished Southern w hig Senators, upon the great question of the tariff. I had not before me the entire opposi tion of the whig party, with one honorable exception, to Mr. McKay’s bill—and its equally entire devotion, to f e act ot 1542, which had been previously denounced, and repudiated by the whigs of Georgia. None of these changes, none of these ; countermarches, were before me; and as an old State Rights man, promulgating w herever I went, and upon every occasion that Mr. Clay had so modified his feelings upon the tariff as to make him acceptable to the south, I drew up and prese ted that preamble and resolutions. And though he had forfeited all cla m to the suffrages of the outh, by his zeal- ; ous support of the tariff, and his advocacy ’ of the force bill, in so much that the Siate rights party in 1834 could not support him —and that a choice either of Clay or Van Buren, would be a great evil, and there- I fore they could choose neither in the lan- ■ guageofthe Georgia Journal and Southern : Recorder—yet so ample and satisfactory, | had been the assurances given by him, of ; his determined opposition to any tariff, that l would raise more revenue than was need- ! ed, for an economical support of the gov- | eminent, that his first sins were forgiven I him. ami he was hailed by me as a mem ber of th e, great whig party, as their invin cible leader. Had determinations continued, I should still have been a whig, ami tho supporter of Mr. Clay. The no mination of the Albany convention to the contrary notwithstanding. My eyes were first opened by the Hon. A. 11. Chap 1 ell, in his first letter to his former friends and supporters; upon whose head, every epithet that could debase, and upon whose reputation, every calumny has been heaped, that malignity, and party rancor could invent, hut which lik 'hr ar rows of the superstitious Indian, a med at the sun in eclipse, have fallen 1 ai c.lcss at the feet oftho.se who aimed th°rn. It was not un’il his predictions were fully reali zed, and 1 believed the whig parly in Cou gre s werecmnpromitting their principles upon the tariff and catering fir the support ' of Adams, Webster, (biddings, &c. to car ry Henry Clay nto the presidency,could 1 satisfy myself, that as a southern man, I would wrong my conscience, and cheat my country —longer to co-operate or con tinue in the whig party in the support of such principles. I here ask the people of Georgia, if they are satisfied, that the act of 1842, is an act for protection, and the bill of Mr. McKay, was cur ailing in its character, yet affording ample revenue to meet the wants of the government; can they refuse upon principle to justify me, nay, more, the entire whig party of Geor gia, in quitting Mr. Clay and his party, and in supporting Polk and Dallas? Hear Mr. Clay in the Senate of the U. States, when thundering forth his anathemas, against the corruptions and extravagances of the administration of t lie federal govern ment, declaring most emphatically, “that twenty tw’o mil ions of dollars is the larg est sum needed to support the govern ment.” And then read his letter to Mr. Cope, in which hesays:“l have every whore main tained, that in adjusting a tat iff for revenue, discriminations ought to be n ade for pro tection; that the tariff of 1842 has opera ted most beneficially, and 1 am entirely opposed to its repeal.” What! utterly op posed to the repeal of the tariff of 1842, when a tariff for revenue is all that is con tended for, without incidental protection; and this very act, now' yielding to the go vernment for the year 1844, thirty-five millions of dollars, w'hen twenty two mil lions only are needed? I see from statements in the papers that at the port of New York alone for the first half of the first year $11,521,597 of duties have been received by the government — should the next year yield the same amount, the port of New York alone will furnish money enough under the present taritf to support the government, and in t Mr. Clay’s language, “the very largest sum necessary.” Without adverting to the embarrassed condition of the country, i with a revenue from duties of thirty five ‘ mill ons; 1 ask, what other evidence is necessary to convert an honest mind, in , search after truth? If those facts will not , start one from his sweet repose, into which the syren promises of Mr. Clay anti the Whig party have lulled him; have we any reason to believe that he could be moved, " “though one should rise from the dead?” But this is not all; the duties upon im portations is at the rate of forty per cent, r upon the value, derived chiefly and main ly from the class of articles constituting the poor man’s necessaries, such as iron, steel, trace, and other chains, salt, brown sugar, molasses, &c. which pay a duty i of, from forty to two hundred and fifty six per cent.; whilst gems, pearls, combs, and i precious stones, pay the interesting and neat little duty of seven and a half per cent, ad valorem. I am told that in Muscogee in a speech which I made before the (day Club, ‘I not only fully avowed all the doctrines of the Whig party, but upon the subject of the tariff, advocated protection to an extent, far bevond what is contended for hy the whigs, at the North or South.’ Here I lam at issue with the Whig Rifle. lam I not mistaken, and by those w’ho were pre sent upon that occasion, it cannot he for gotten, that I distinctly stated, that the po licy of the Democratic party, seemed to 1 me, to be, to drive the Whigs into the de j fence of a protective tariff, and that the ; Whigs should not suffer themselves to l>e driven by their opponents into the def. nee i of principles, which they do not advocate, and if I understood the principles of the , | Whig party aright, they were to be found, | in a strict construe ion of the Constitution of the United States, which requires only a tariff for revenue, w ith the right of dis crimination. These were my sentiments upon that occasion, and such such too, as were afterwards substantially delivered in Blakely and Newton, and for which I received the cheers, and smiles, and thumps of approbation, from the whigs. Upon the taritf I have never occupied any j middle ground, I have ever been its oppo ' nent; and not until the vote by the last Congress upon the question did ever be lieve otherwise, than that Southern whigs and Southern Democrats, would stand i shoulder to shoulder in an unbroken op position to that system of unconstitutional, unequal, and unjust legislation, which had truly distinguished for twenty years their devotion to principle. But it was reserved for 1814, to draw the line of dis ; linction. The cris-s ha- come—the is j sue has been joined and we are now call ed upon for the first time in Georgia, to lake our sides, ‘choose you thi day w hom you w ill serve.’ I have chosen to serve the constitution of the United States, —and to withdraw my allegiance, from that par ty in whose ranks, as active politician, I have from the age of manhood, for the last eleven years, done active service.—l choose to respect equal rights, equal pri vileges, and equal burthens. To have continued with the whig party would be to have contributed to the sup port ol unequal rights, unequal privileges, and unequal burthens. I have ever op -1 osed a protective taritf, and though these veritable Editors would gladly create a different impression upon the public mind, the nominee of the whig party, by the Al bany Convention, will not have forgotten, that w ithin the last three months, upon that question, he and 1 in a spirited conversa tion in which others participated were di rectly at points. He the friend and advo cate, as 1 then understood him, of a protec tive taritf, and I, as ever, its denouncer and foe. lam opposed to the empty professions of the whig party, who declared to us, in their general State Convention, that they are in favor of the annexation of Texas, at the earliest practicable period, consis tent with the power and good faith of the nation, and yet, openly oppose every plan proposed to obviate existing difficulties; in action, concurring with the abolitionists of the North, that it would be an extension and perpetuation of slavery—and at the South that it would operate, so as to abol ish slavery in Maryland, Virginia, North Ca-olina, Kentucky, and other States. Can the whig party, with one portion of its members headed by J. Q. Adams, and others at the North opposing the annexa tion of Texas because of her lawless popu lation of renegade ruffians, her mock re publican constitution, decreeing eternal slavery on the colored race, and preferring dissolution (I hope the nerves of the Edi tors of the Enquirer will not be disturbed) to annexation—in truth and reality sup port this great measure; and when at the South, the reasons urged by their pres ses and orators are, that it is all humbug —a bubble which has already bursted, w ithout doing any harm—and that land j would diminish in value in Georgia, Ala | bama, Mississippi and Louisiana? I sav can that party, using such arguments, fa vor this great measure? All honest men i will answer no. Their purposes cannot be concealed nor mistaken. They are opposed upon any and all terms, to annex ation, — the reason is apparent, the Dicta tor has otherwise ordered it. Texas proper is said to contain two hun- I dred millions of acres, and would make five such States as Virginia in size; not i more than two of these would probably be | strickly settled with a slave population; i nor would these be settled mainly from I Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Kentucky, but every slaveholding State, as also every free one, would contribute in her proper ratio. The idea that annex ation would make the more northern slave States free ones, is therefore preposterous; unless there were some coercive power, to force emigration from the more northern, and restrain it, in the southern slave S;ates. Is it not just, that Texas should be annexed, for the maintenance of the balance of power in the Union? lowa in a short time, must be divided into three States large as Virginia; Wisconsin must al>o come in with three such as South Ca rolina—in none of these, will slavery ex i ist—and yet. with such things before us I —Georgia Whigs—say annexation is a j humbug, and should have no share in the i shaping of our political opinions. Shall I we fold our arms, and surrender all that i is disputed by northern fanatics? Shall we resign the right to equalize the powers and interests of the Government among , the different geographical divisions of our widely extended country? No! patriot ' ism forbids it. When the north in a short time, must have six Slates, as Virginia, and South Carolina—shall w’e not be al i lowed an effort, for only five, whose inter ests and pursuits, will be mainly identi fied with ours? Oregon must at no dis tant day belong to us, and as slave labor cannot, and wi I not be introduced there— the balance of power will preponderate in favor of the free Slates. But the foreign influences which bear upon this question, are indeed important. England has her eye on Texas, neces sity requires her to get another and better outlet for her dense starving population—■. they must emigrate; once let her establish ; an influence in Texas, by her emigration there, and what becomes of our safety at the South—nay, of this whole government —fenced and hedged in, upon every side by Great Britain—our growth impeded, our energies paralyzed by the embrace of the British Lion. These. Messrs. \\ hig Rifle, and Albany Courier, are some of my reasons for my ; recent separation from the whigs. And though “no tears be shed,” I have the abiding consolation, that no imputation, throw’n upon my motives as a politician, has or can swerve me from the path of duty to myself, and my country. To be slandered, ‘and to he castigated severely! /’ is nothing more than I had expected. The cormorant appetite of the calumniator, which, irrespective of persons, feeds upon such aliment, may be gratified by this; but the reflecting and honest, will inquire into the Cbuse of such vituperation : and look ! into the validity of my reasons for separ- j ation. I have other reasons besides those already given, and among these, are, op position to internal improvements, and the assumption of the debts of the States by i the General Government; both of these schemes are leading cardinal principles of the whig party, but which were not opened to my view, until I saw that un der existing laws, the revenue, w hich must accumulate, from the present onerous ta riff, into the coffers of the Government, and w'hich must Dave annually a surplus of twenty millions, must be disposed of in some way, and if this immense surplus he not raised for internal improvement, and assumption of State debts, for what pur pose is it drawn from the pockets of the people? I have trespassed, perhaps, al- ; ready too long upon he patience of the reader; and will cone ude by an earnest request, that he do as I have done, exam ine for himself as a southern man, and pursue such a course, as facts and the honest convictions of unbiassed reason and patriotism dictate. (Signed ) WILLIAM TAYLOR. Cuthhert, Aug. 5, 1844. [From the Columbus Times.] We are not in the habit of noticing the communications of anonymous writers, but there is article in the last Columbus Enquirer, over the signature of “Upson,” upon which we bestow a moment’s atten tion. He sets out with the doctiine, that the suppression of truth, according to the code of Christian ethics, is equally with the suggestion of falsehood, a violation of that injunction of Holy writ, “thou shall not bear false witness,” and with it under his eye, at the head of his article, proceeds delihsri-ately lo perpetrate the very offence which it was his design to charge unjust ly upon others. We had shewn by ex tracts from speeches of Mr. Clay, made in the Senate, in 1836, that he was the firm advocate of the doctrine, that Con gress had the power under the constitution. “TO ABOLISH SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF Columbia.” “Upson” charges, that in making these extracts we were guilty of “garbling.” That charge is untrue-—for no other sentence in the speeches referred to, can be found, which in the smallest degree tends to the modification of Mr. Clay’s opinion as expressed in the Extracts; and for the purpose of showing that what we here say is true, we publish to day, all Mr, Clay said on the occasion referred to. Dare “Upson” ortho Enquirer do the same? They are afraid to do it. “Upson” was shrewd enough to see that were it known to the people of Georgia, that Mr. Clay is unsound upon the Consti tutional question , he would be abandoned by all who are not chained to his car; and not daring to meet it, flies off to a speech made by Mr. Clay in 1839, in which he argued against the expediency of the exor cise of that power on the part of Congress: hoping in this way to becloud if he could not “suppress the truth,” by calling pub lic attention in another direction. It was wholly unnecessary to defend Mr. Clay upott the question of expediency, for we had not charged him with being desirous of, or inclined to the abolition of slavery in the District or elsewhere; this Upson well knew. Will he or the Enquirer leave their readers to judge for them selves, by publishing the whole of Mr. Clay’s remarks on that occasion as we have done? We are afraid they cannot be provoked into an act of so much rash ness. Elect Mr. Clay and suppose Con gress to have passed a bill abolishing slavery in the District, and what will be his position? He believes in the Constitu tionality of the measure— as ever since 1841 exhibited the greatest opposition and hostility to the exercise of the veto, (or as he abhorently calls it) “the one man pow er,” and vehemently expressing his desire to “pluck it from the Constitution as an odious relic of the royal prerogative,” could he withhold his sanction of the bill? He could, but not without a change of opinion, and abandonment of all his op position and hostility to the veto pt wer. 11 “Mr. Clay rose to make an explana- ; tion with regard to the precedents cited by the Senator from South Carolina, one of which cases had been made on his motion; and as it was his intention to vote for the acceptance es the petition, it might, with- j out some explanation, be supposed that i there was an inconsistency in such vote. I The right of the petition had, it w’as true, j certain qualifications, one of which was, \ that it must be addressed to a deliberative j body, having power ever the subject of i which the petition treated. Another quali fication was, that the petition should not be insulting to the body to which it was addressed. This was the case with the petition from the town of York, Pennsylva nia, which the Senate refused to receive. It would be recollected that this petition was not intended to complain of a griev ance in the power of Congress to redress, but was in fact an insult to the Senate.— Hence the rejection was not founded on the ground that Congress had no power over the subject treated of in the petition, but on the ground that the matter contain ed in it was offensive. He differed with the Senator from South Carolina as to the right of Congress to refuse the reception of a petition. He well knew that every deliberative body had the right to deter i mine the time when petitions should be received; but this was under a mere re i gulation, having in view the convenience of the body as well as of the petitioners. ‘‘'His idea was, that Ihe right of petition \ \ carried with it the right of being heard on ; any subject that the body addressed had the power to act on. He thought that there teas enough in the constitutional provisions which related to ihe District of Columbia, to justify their considering it. On the sub ject of the right of Congress to abolish sla very in the District, he was inclined to j think, and candor required the avowal, that the right did exist; though he should take a future opportunity of expressing his views in opposition to the expediency of the exercise of that power.” “The Constitution gave to Congress, with respect to the District of Columbia, : all the powers not prohibited by it and I was directly contrary to that provision of the same instrument with respect to the Stales which prohibited the exercise of powers not granted, and reserved them to the States and their people. “Mr. C. also expressed his disapproba- ! tion of the motion to receive and immedi ately reject the petition, made by the gen tleman from Pennsylvania. He did not think it a safe, substantia , and efficient enjoyment of the right of petition to reject it without its passing through the usual forms. He thought that the right of peti tion required of the servants of the people to examine, deliberate and decide either to grant or refuse the prayer of the petition, giving the reasons for such decision. He thought accompanying the rejection ofthe petition with a clear and distinct expres sions of the reasons of the Sen te, would carry conviction to every mind, satisfy the petitioners of the impropriety of grant ing their request, and thus have the best effects in putting an end to the agitation of the public on the subject. “The question was here taken, ‘Shall the petition he received?’ and it w'as deci ded in the affirmative: “Yeas —Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buch anan, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Ewing of Illinois, Golds borough, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hub hard, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, Linn, McKean, Morris, Naudain, Niles, Prentiss, Robbins, Rob inson, Buggies, Shepley, Southard, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall, j Webster, Wright—36. “Nays— Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Cuth- I hert. Leigh, Moore, Nicholas, Porter, ; Pieston. Walker, White—lo. “Mr, Clay, said the motion before the Senate wassusceptihleof amendment, and before he sat down he would offer one.— He had thought a reference to a enmmi*. i tee, and a report of the reasons against i granting the prayer of these petitioners, | would he the better way to dispose of the ; subject; hut he feared a majority could { not he had for that course. There were | certain great subjects that ought to he kept out of the scope of political action, they were the tariff, the great public do main, slavery, and the Union. Mr. C. commented briefly upon the importance of each of these heads, and condemned the movements in a certain quarter on the subject of slavery. “Mr. C. after arguing at some length j in favor of receiving the petition, confend ; ing that the refusal to receive it would be I a violation of the right of petition as se cured by the constitution, expressed the strongest disapprobation of the course of the northern abolitionists who were inter meddling with a subject that no way con cerned them. He expressed himself in favor of a gradual emancipation of the black race, if it could he done without those injurious consequences which would inevitably flow from such a measure.— Although he had been taught from his childhood to believe that every man, no | matter what was his color or condition, j was entitled to freedom, yet the retaining ; the black race in slavery was justified by | the necessity of the measure. If he were i i a southern man he would resist emancipa- j t on in every form, either gradual or oth- i erwise, because he would go for his own 1 race, which was the superior race of the | j two; and because emancipation must ne- j : cessarily give the inferior race, in the | course of time, a numerical preponder- I ance. Mr. C. after some further remarks ; submitted the following amendment: “Resolved, That the prayer of the pe | litfoners be rejected : “For the Senate, without now affirming or denying the constitutional power of j Congress to grant the prayer of the peti ! tion believe, even supposing the power i uncontested, which it is not, that the exer i cise of it would be inexpedient— “Ist. Because the people of the District of Columbia, have not themselves peti lioned for the abolition of slavery within the District. * * * “2d. Because the States of Virginia and Maryland would be injuriously affected by such a measure, while the institution of slavery continues to subsist within their respective jurisdictions; and neither of those States would probably have ceded to the United States the territory now form* in£ the District, if it had anticipated tho adoption of any such measure, without clearly and expressly guarding against it. “3d. Because the injury which would be inflicted by exciting alarm and appre* hensfon in the States tolerating slavery, and by disturbing the harmony between them and the other members of the con- I federacy, would far exceed any practical benefit which could possible flow from tho abolition of slavery within the District. 0 “Mr. Clay said the amendment sub mitted by him was offered with the best motives. He could not assent that Con | gross had no constitutional power to legis late on the prayer of the petition. Ho I was ready to express his opinion on that, as lie was on all subjects. The first clause of his amendment was in reference to feelings as it went against abolition, without affirming any opinion as to the i constitutionalilty of the measure. The j next, in the absence of its constitutionali ty, recognised the inexpediency of if. la j the reasons assigned, the first was that tho people of the District had not petitioned, and that, he said, did not imply, that f they had petitioned, their praver would fie granted. The next reason offered, ho thought, ouirht to have been receive by tho Senators from the South with a veiy dif ferent feeling than was evinced, which was that the States of Maryland and Vir ' ginia would be injuriously affected by it; | and if they had anticipated it, they would not have made the ces ion. In that he ha 1 asserted a principle of fui h coeval with the cession itself. The third reason was, the degree with which the injury would he inflated would far exceed any practical benefits resulting to the Govern ment. This was a substantial reason* which must exist as long as the Govern ment. These views would suppress abo lition in the North and, in moments when the minds of the South were calm and un agitecl, would quiet their alarms. But as they had not been received in the spirit in which he expected they would he, he was willing to withdraw his amendment. “Mr. C-ay said he had listened atten tively to the argument i of the Senator from Virginia [Mr. Lrgh ] and if any one could have convinced him tnat it teas unconstitu tional that gentleman could. But he had heard no argument that had changed his opinion. Ha contended that as neither Virginia nor Maryland nor both combined , | could abolish slavery in the District of Columbia , the power without limitation or restriction existed only in Congress. He had intended to say bu ' little, and that Utile in the spirit if kindness. He had risen j for the purpose of icithdraicing his amend i mrnt ? rrrk. * It ENT. Jrom Ike first of (JUoOtr next, a Store in the new building on tho r^. ; •. of Broad and Washington-strects; it is an excellent stand for a Dry Goods Store, and if rented before the middle of August, will be fin ished to suit the tenant. Also, a Dwelling in the same building containing eight rooms to be neatly finished, with every con venience fora family. Also, four rooms w ith fire places, suitable for of fices or bed-room®, to he rented separately or to . pethcr, entrance from Washington-street. Also, two tenements on Carnpbell-slreet, and one ; on Washington-street near the Medical College. Apply at the store of Moore & Davis to 1 Julv 13 JOHN MOORE. JhrfL lb RENT, from the first of October Is-giß 71CX ' —The Dwelling House, on Ellis - adjoining the old Post Office, and I the second door above McCoy’s stables, formerly the residence of W. J. Bunce, —the house is in good order, with a good stable. Apply to J. B. GUIEU, ) r , W. W. HOLT, \ tx "* inlv 13 H 10 an IC H M UiND HOT E L AUGUSTA, GEORGIA. Mtlll. The subscriber having taken the above named house, formerly occupied by Captain Edward W. Collier, would be happy to receive the patronaga of his friends and the public generally. The house is situated in the vicinity of many of the principal Ware-Houses in Augusta, making it a convenient location for persons vis ting the city on business.— Families can be accommodated w ith retired and pleasant rooms. Persons favoring me with a call will find due at tention, c( mfortable lodgings, the best fare, atten tive hostlers, and moderate charges. The subscriber will ahu continue to transact tho Ware-House and Commission Business, at the old stand, and tenders his thanks to his friends for the patronage heretofore received and respectfully sobers their continuance of the same. His charges will be the same as last season. JOHN T. WOOTTEN. Augusta. * ugnst 29. 1814. th 6 aug 29 THIRTY DOLLARS REWARD. —Runaway on the 6th day of February last, a negro man. named NED, about 30 ■ years of age. black skin, five feet eight or ! ten inches high, weighing about one hundred and i seventy-five pounds, no particular mark recollect j ed. Said hoy was bought from the estate of David : Urquhart. Esq., in February last, he may be lurk -1 ing still about the plantation, or passing up and j dow n the river in some Petersburg boat. The above reward will be paid for his apprehension and de j livery in the jai! at Augusta. An additional reward | of fifty dollars will be given for the detection of j any person harboring, concealing or employing tho said negro. A. MARTIN, j augJS 24 STOLEN—From my premises cn Sa , night, the 3d inst., a bay HORSE, about fifteen hands high, one bind foot rrm * ‘ white , walk* very fast, weak eyes in I of the hooks being recently taken out. t I will give a reward of five dollars for the delivery j of said horse to me. Any information thankfully received. A. N. VERPERY R“II Air. Aurn-tl3. ISI4 th 3 su» 15 W>OWi>TH—JbO k ep BLp* M. leg Powder, which is for sal* low. py feb JO GEO w. LAMAR Co