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BY JAMES G iBDNERj JR* AUGUSTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY MORNING, JULY 10, 1846. VOL. XXIV—XO. 8.
THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
OFFICE IN McINTOSII-STREET,
Third door from the North-West corner of Broad-st
6ale« of LAND by Administrators,Executors.or
Gordian*. are required, by law, to be held on the
£ru Tuesday in the mouth, between me hours of
ten in the forenoon and tiiree in the afternoon, at
the Court House in which the property is.situate.
Notice of these sales must be given in a public
Gazette sixty ha vs previous to the day of sale,
tealespf NEGROES must beat public auction, on
inc first Tuesday of the month, between the usual
hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the
county where the Letters Testamentary, or Ad
ministration, or Guardianship, may have been
granted, first giving sixty days’notice thereof,
in one of the public (iazettet of this State. ano at
the door of the Court House where suchsalesare
to be held.
police for the sale of Personal Property must he
givenmlike-inannerFOßTy da rspreviousloday
, of sale.
Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an Estate
must be published fur forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary fur leave to sell LAND, must he pub
lished for four MONTHS.
Notice for leave to sell NEGROES,must be pub
lished four months before any order absolute
can be given bv tbe Court.
Extract from the Speech ol Mr. Al
len G. Thurman, of Ohio, in re
lation to the Mexican \V ar, and
in reply to Messrs. Giddings, J d
den, find Delano, —delivered in the
House of representatives of the
United Slates, May’ 14,1840.
#****♦
Mr. Chairman, I did sincerely hope ,
when I saw the declaration of tiie exis
tence of the war adopted bv a vote of 174
to 14 in the House, and 40 to 2 in tbe
Senate, that we should be spared a re
cunence of tbe disgraceful scenes of the
late war. 1 did hope that the “peace
parly” men of that day would have no
imitators now. These hopes 1 did most
truly entertain. lint, sir, unwilling as I
am to believe it, reluctant as 1 am to ad- ;
mil the fact, passing events compel me to
fear that my hopes were premature, were
probably vain, I fear that the same do- j
rmncialions hurled against the war of j
1812, are to he reiterated against the
present war—that lhe same vituperation j
ihat then assailed Mr. Madison, is now
lo full on Mr, Polk. Between lho lan
guage of the “peace-party ’ of that period,
and that of the anti war parly of the pie
sent day, there is a wonderful similarity.
It is hardly 100 much to say that they aie
almost identical. A recurrence to the
old federal speeches and journals will
' shew the justice ol rern.ik. Lot ns
make a brief comparison. It shall he a
‘brief ene. AVfat are the charges brought
by my colleague against the present »at,
and the present Administration? Sub
stantially, I understand them to he as fol
lows : * *
1. Tlfat the war is', on the part of our
Government, a dishonest war.
Nfcv, what did the peace-party of The
of it? An extract from the
Boy on “Gazette,” of 1814. a leading fed
eral paper,j’uhlished at Boston, M<s-a
chusetts, may serve loshow. The extiact 1
is as follows:
“It is very grateful to find that the universal sen
timent is. That any man who LOANS MONEY to the
GOVERNMENT AT THE PRESENT TIME, WILL FOR
FEIT ALL CLAIM TO COMMOM HONESTY AND COM
MON COURTESY, AMONG ALL TRUE FRIENDS OF
the country!! GUI) FORBID, THAT ANY
FEDERALIST should hold up his head to
PAY FEDERALISTS FOR MONEY LENT TO THE PRE
SENT rulers; ami federalists can judge whether
DEMOCRATS will tax llieir constituents to pay
in le rest to federal ists!!''
So the peace-party of the late war
affirmed, it would seem, that a man
w ho should then loan money to the Gov
ernment w ould "forfeit all claim to com
mon honesty" —the war was so dishon
est!
My colleague would not go thus far I
know. He is willing, as 1 understand
him, to vote for supplies. He would loan
his tnonev, 1 dare say, to the Govern
merit. He is doubtless a friend to the
union of the States. In these things, he
differs from the federalist of old. But
thenceforth there is a striking analogy be
tween them. The charges they make
have a marvellous resemblance. The
epithets they use are almost always the
same. The tendencies ol their acts dif
fer only in degree. Both tend to weaken
their Government—hodt tend to destroy
its moral force—both tend to subject it to
disgrace—both tend to put their country
in the w rong—both tend to bring upon it
the condemnation ol tfie world—both tend
to paralyze its efforts—both tend to in
spire the foe.
2. The second charge of my colleague
is, that the war is a “Presidential war”
made by the President without warrant
of law—unnecessarily and unconstitu
tionally made. It is Mr. Polk, lie thinks,
who begun the war. It is through his
misdeeds it occurred at all. He is the
man who brought it about. Our “pream
ble” tells an abominable lie. It savsthat
Mexico began ilie war. Mexico did not
begin it. So my colleague thinks and
declares.
It would he very easy, Mr. Chairman,
to show how greatly my colleague errs.
But the gentleman from Illinois (Mr.
Douglass) has already done that. It
would he useless in me to repeat his re
marks. 1 therefore corile l myself with
showing some precedents for this charge.
Among many to be seen, the following
mav do. First, a resolution of a Federal
convention, in Massachusetts, passed the
14th of July, 1812, in the following
words;
“ Retolwi, Th.it our rnlert fJamesMtdiwn,&c.]
Vr.xr prostrated oar m'i -<ai rlmranter, ♦‘Rrrificed
i our vital interests, ami finally involved us, unpre
j pared, in the calamities of war.”
Next, an address of another Federal
convention, held at Boston, Massachu
setts, August Cth, 1312, from which 1
1 read as follows :
i
“In an evil hour, Mr. Jt-flvrsnn gained the Prrsi
j dentil! chair. Our country, th*-n prosperous, lias
been grievously by ruinous c<uvmiercial
restrictions, w liich, for many years, leave been wan
j tonly imposed by tbe Government of the United
! States; and its measure of iniquit y is note filled up
by a declaration of war against Great Britain —a
war impolitic, unnecessary, and unjust.
“In this awful state of things, it is the urgent
duty of the freemen of Massachusetts to consult to- i
gelher. This duty has become the more imperious
■ by the condition of the Government of this Com- !
| monvveal'h, of which one branch (the Senate) is •
in the hands of usurpers devoted io the iniquitous
system of the National Government.
"Our common interests, liberties, and safety, are
now (1812) more injured, opposed, rind endangered j
by the doings of our own National Government, than j
they were: when, in 1775, we took up anas to protect ’
and <hfend them against the measures oj the British :
Government
Now hear the Rector of Trinity |
Church, 80-ton, in a discourse delivered
July 23, 1812:
“As Mr, Madison has declared war, let Mr. Madi
: son c.i try it on.”
. Next, take a look at the “United States
Gazette,” of Philadelphia, a leading pa
per, then and now, of the peace-party
men. I read from a number issued du
i ring the late war:
! °
“The war is purely democratic. It was under
j taken for demewratio and not for national purposes.
Lei Democrats, therefore, terminate it in the best
: manner they cun. \S E HAVE NO PARTNERSHIP IN
i the matter. We say again, let the Democrats
end llieir ridiculous war in the best way they can;
and if. in so doing, they surrender any of our essen
tial rights, the nation w ill employ competent men
fur the recovery of them.”
Lastly, listen to the “Worcester (Mas- j
sachnsetts) Spy,” of 1814.1 lien edited, as ;
it is said, (how truly I know not.) by I
“Honest John Davis,” (as his friends call I
Gm,) now a Senator from that State, and i
one ot the two Senators w ho voted against
1 the present war. In an “extra” of the
; “Boston Morning Post,” of August, 1840, :
j I find the following caption and extracts: ;
Extracts from the Spy, edited by John Davis, in 1814. j
j “We have uniformly entered our solemn protest. I
; against this desolating w ar, which originated in the \
J wicked, malignant passions qj a corrupt and mile- j
i cite Guventme t.”
“No republican pen le were ever so harassed, 1
! perplexed, and disgraced by a captious and cur- i
I rupt set ol rulers, as the people oi tins country.” 1
“Such a Governrneuuis worse than none.”
“The evils the Federalists have long predicted ;
j are thickening upon us, and in our affliction let us !
j always remember, it is James Madioi and his party :
i that have brought these calamities on ns.”
“ This obstinate, infatuated man plunges ns into a ;
wanton, wicked war—a cringing coward.”
“Our cowardly Captain-General galloped his |
poor thirty miles from the, battle-ground.”
Yon see, Mr. Chairman, that the Fed
eral Convention of 1812, to w hich I first
referred, said: “That our rulers have in- I
volved us unprepared in the calamities of \
war.” My*, col league says, what the Pre- j
sideut has plunged us into the existing i
cot.test. The Boston Convention-of 1812 |
sawi. that the war of that day was “im- |
politic, unnecessary, and unju-t.” My !
ctffleague says, that the present «ar is un- I
' righteous, unjust, anti uuconstitu’ional. I
'l'he Rector of Trinity Church said, that
Mr. Madison had declared the war. My !
i colleague’ says, that Mr. Polk has made \
! the war. The “United States Gazette” j
| said, that the war of 1812 was the “De- j
; inocrals* ” war. My colleague thinks :
i the present a democratic President s w ar,
; The “Worcester Spy” said, that the late |
war “originated in the wicked, malignant !
passions of a corrupt and imbecile Go- 1
vernment;” that “it is James Madison
! and his party that have brought these ca
-1 lamities on us.” Mv colleague says, ;
that the present war originated in the uu- i
; constitutional measures of our Executive |
; Chief Magistrate; that it is the adminis- ■
{ tration ol Mr. Polk that has brought our
! calamities on us.
So much as In who made the w ar. Let
‘ us pass to another point,
i 3. My colleague deems the present a
disgraceful, dishonorable war; so ] un
j derstood him to consider it. Well, sir,
i has he no precedent for this? Let us see:
The federal “U. S Gazette,” from which
I have already read, speaking of the last
w ar, and during the war, expressed itself
I as follows:
“The war has hitherto been the war of n party.
: Let it so coniinue, and so be terminated! The dis
i grace will then continue to he the disgrace of tt.e
j party, ami not of the nation—a consummation
j devoutly to BE wished. Let those who have
I hitherto abstained from the war continue to ah
: stain — and thereby preserve the honor, and so fir
as tltev still remain, the resources of the t’OUN
: TRY’ FOR THE EVENTS WHICH ARE TO
FOLLOW!!”
It is obvious that this federal peace
party editor of 1812 regarded llie war of
that dav as a disgraceful, dishonorable
w ar. It is equally obvious, from my col
league's remarks, that he so regards the
struggle in which we are now engaged.
4. Still rising in his denunciations, my
colleague next pronounces the war an in
-1 famous war.
Well. Mr. Chairman, this looks very
i much like capping the climax, hut you
w ill see that this is not done yet. Hard
1 and expressive as this word “infamous”
is, it is not the strongest or severest word
; in my colleague’s vocabu ary. .More ter
rible words are vet to come. But for the
i present we have to deal with the “infa
mous.” \\ as the word ever used before
! under similar circumstances? Hear the
following from the “Boston Gazelle” of
, | 1814:
j “By the magnanimous course pointed out by
Gov. Strong, that is. by withholding all voluntary
aid tit prosecuting the tear, and manfully expressing
; our opinions to tV« iii/itrt/reand ruinous tendency”,
■we have arrested its progress, and driven back its au
thors to abandon their infamous schemes, and to look
anxiously for peace. What then if we now lend
them money! They wiV naf make peace— they will
still hanker for Canada; they will assemble forces,
and sited blood on our frontier. 3/ere pride, if
nothing else, will doit. But some say, will you let
the country become bankrupt? —No, the country
will never become bankrupt. But pray do not
\ prevent the abusers of their trust from becoming
; bankrup'!! Do not prevent them from becoming
odious to the puLhc AND REPLACED BY BLT
'i LR M EN. Any federalist who locus rnomy to ike
Government must go and shake hands wi'h .1 A M FS
MADISON and claim fellowship with FEUIX
GRUNDY!!! Let him no more call himself a
federalist and friend to his country!! ! He will
BE CALLED BY OTHERS INFAMOUS ! !”
5. The next charge of my colleague
Lis, that we aie engaged in a war of ag
gression and plunder, one object of which
is the conquest of California. We, are
making war for purposes of territorial
aggrandizement he thinks. And, pray,
1 what did the peace pany men of the late
war say as to its object? Yon have heard,
i sir, just now, in Ihe extract last read.
I “VVhat then if we now lend them money?
! They w ill not make peace— they willstill
\ hanker for Canada." So snake life Bos
ton Gazette, referring to Mr. Madison’s
administration. But here is higher au
thority still; far higher, sir; it is no less
than the Senate of the Common wealth of
Massachusetts, declaring that “the war
w f as founded in falsehood, declared with
out necessity, and its real object teas ex
tent of territory by unjust conquests, and
to aid the late tyrant of Europe in his
view- of aggrandizement.”
The real object of the late war, ac
cording to the federal Senate of Massa
chusetts, was '••extent of territory by un
just conquests." And this, 1 understand
my colleague to think, is precisely 1 lie
| object ot the present war.
6. Reaching the highest point of de
nnneiation at last, my colleague, capping
; his climax, declares that the war is an
“unholy unrighteous , and damnable war."
; Not only is it dishonest, presidential. vn
i c institutional, disgraceful, dishonorable,
infamous, aggressive, intended for con-
I quest, but w< rsetlian all, if worse can he.
if is “ unholy , unrighteous end damnable.",
\ And not content with denouncing the war
itself, my colleague warns its authors,
■ (who, according to his views, are tfie od
| ministrators of his own Government,) that
; they have a terrible responsibility to bear,
j a sea r fnl accountabiliiv to meet.
VV ell, Mr. Chairman, this is hard to
i equal, much less to exceed. It is not
; every day such a cannonading is heard.
! But tliere are precedents for it, sir, never
i theless. Listen to another extract from
: the “Boston Gazette” of 1814:
| “Let no man who wishes to continue the war by
active means, by vote or lending money, dare to
prostrate himself at the altar on the fust day, for
| they are actually as much, partakers in the war as
i the sohlier who thrusts the bayonet; and tlw JtIDG
: 31 ENT OF GOD WILL AWAIT HIM !!”
j Again: t
“Will FEDERALISTS subscribe to the loan !
I Will they Ittnd money to onr national rulers? To
> what purpose have Jcderulists exerted themselves
j to show the wickedness, to rouse the public senti
t merit against it. and to show the authors of it, not
| onlylo he unworthy of public confidence, but highly
! criminal, if they now contribute the sums, wiih
! out w hich their rulers must he compelled to stop—
| must be compelled to return to the policy and mea
j sun s umkr whit h this country was once ut peace
j and in singular prosperity.”
Next, sir, let me introduce to von the
; “Boston Sentinel,” (another federal pa
j per.) of January 13, 1813, holding forth
as follows, in order to prevent loans from
being made to the Government with w hich
to carry on the war :
“My brother farmers, if yon have money to let,
let ii lie. If the war continue you will purchase
j your stock, at four years old, cheaper than yon can
j raise it. So unjust is this offensive war, in which
; our ru'ers have plunged us,in the sober consideration
; of millions, that they cannot conscientiously approach
j the God of armies for his blessing upon it.”
Now listen to “Honest John Davis’s”
' paper, the “Worcester Spy,” in 1814 :
“We hope and believe the people will soon be
! convinced that Mr. Madison is totally incompetent
I to hold the reins of Government.
“11 the people have not become stocks and slones,
I so as to bear anything, they must feel ashamed of
j their President, and their indignation will never sub
\ sid till he is impeached, and the Government commit
p ted to other hands.
‘‘This wanton waste of property, this perverse
neglect oi duty, is suffleient to brand any adminis
tration with eternal infamy."
You are now no doubt prepared, Mr.
Chairman, to hear the “Merrimack luiel
| ligencer,” in the following strain :
“If James Madison is to command the forces that
: are to subjugate the Eastern States, we would sug
gest to tils Excellency a most salutary caution—it
is, that ha should provide himself with a horse
I swifter by far than that which carried him so gal
lantly from the in vnders of Washington. He must
j be able to escape at a greater rate than forty miles
; a day, or the swift vengeance of New England will
overtake the WRETCHED MIBCREANT in his
flight.”
A federal pamphlet of the late war,
one of a sei i *s entitled “ Road to Rail,” is
the next thing from which I will read.—
The following brief extract will suffice:
“Administration hirelings may revile the North
ern Mates, and the merchants generally, for this
monstrous deprivation of morals, this execrable
* course of smuggling and fraud. But there is a ju>t
, God who knows how to trace the. causes of human
| events, and he will assuredly visit upon the authors
ol this war all the iniquities of which it has been the
. occasion. If the guilty deserve our scorn or our pity,
: the tempters and seducers deserve our execration.
Bui here, Mr. Ct ait man, is something
I having an air of authority. J bold in my
i band the notorious resolve of the Massa
chusetts House of Representatives, adopt
cd during the late war. A resolution was
it. I reduced into that House for a vote of
thanks to Captain James Lawrence, who,
in the United States vessel “Hornet,” had
captured the British bug “Peacock,” the
same Janies Lawrence whoso heroically
■ : died in the ill-fated Chesapeake, saving,
with his breath, “Never give up the
ship.” What did the House do? Pass
the resolution and record the vote of
thanks? No, sir, no. But, on the con
! trary, it adopted the following nevsr-to be
forgotten find ever-tr. be.infamous re
solve;
January 15, 1313. “Resolved, That m a war
like the present, waged without justifiable cause, it is
not becoming a moral and religious people to express
■ any approbation of military or naval exploits which
! are not immediately connected with the (defence of our \
j sea-coast and soil."
Mr. Chairman, comment is unnecessa- ;
ry on such a resolution as this. It speaks
for itself louder than any man can speak i
of it. It excites feelings of indignation to
which no tongue can give utterance. —
Let us pass it by without further remark. ;
Besides, lime admonishes me to proceed
with my proofs. Without further pre- '
face, then, I read from a discourse deliv- ;
ered July 23, 1812, (thirty-five days as- j
tor tiie declaration of war.) by the Rev.
Mr. Gardiner, rector of Trinity Church,
Boston. 1 ask attention la the following j
passages :
“It is a war unexampled in the history of the
world ; wantonly proclaimed on the most frivolous
i and groundless pretences , against a nAlton from
| whose friendship we might derive the most signal
! advantages, and from v\hose hostility we have
j reason to dread the most tremendous losses.
“Every provocation has been offered to Great Bri- i
tain on our part, and our resentment has risen in pro- j
i portion as she has shown a conciliating spirit.
"Lit no consideration whatever, my brethren, de- \
\ ter you, at all times, and in all'places, fromexecrat- |
ing the present war. It is a war unjust, foolish, find j
ruinous. It is unjust because Great Britain has i
i offered us every concession short of what she con- |
i ceives would be her ruin.
“As Mr. Madison has declared war, let Mr. Madi
j son carry it on.
j *' The Union has been long since virtually dissolved;
i and it is full time that this part of the disunited Stales
f should lake care of itself
So much for the Rev. Mr. Gardiner.—
; Now hear the Rev. Doctor Osgood, pas
j tor of the Church at Medford: 1 read from
I a discourse delivered by him June 27,
1812, just nine days after the declaration
of war. In that discourse lie said :
“If, at the command of weak or wicked rulers,
they undertake an unjust war, each man whovolun
teers his services in such u cause, or loans his money
| for its support, or by his conversation, his writings,
; or any other mode of influence, encourages its prose
's cation, that man is an accomplice in the wickedness,
LOADS HIS CONSCIENCE WITH THE BLACKEST ’
1 CRIMES. BRINGS THE GUILT OF BLOOD URON HIS I
SOUL. AND IN THE SIGHT OF GOD AND HIS LAW IS |
A MURDERER,
j “Were not the authors of litis war in character |
I nearly akin to tiie deists and atheists of France; ;
| were they not men of hardened hearts, seared eon- \
\ sciences, reprobate minds, and dcspciatc wickedness, I
j it semis utterly inconceivable that they should j
| have made the declaration.”
“One hope only remains, that this last stroke of j
j perfidy niay open the eyes of a besotted people; |
! that they may awake, like a giant from his slum
| hers, and wreak their vengeance on their betrayers,
I by driving them from their stations, and placing at
' the helm more skilful and faithful hands."
T ''lf, at the present moment, no symptoms of civil
i war appear, they certainly will soon, unless the cour
i age of the war party should jail them."
j “A civil war becomes as certain as (he events th it
j happen according to the known laws and established
I course of nature."
Such, Mr. Chairman, were the opin
ions, and such the language of the Rev.
Doctor Osgood, publicly delivered, when
his country was at war, in reference to the i
| supporters of the war—in reference to l
the administration of Madison, the Demo- j
j cratic party, and all others who stood by |
| the flag of the republic. But even he was ;
exceeded by another peace-parly man,
the Rev. Doctor Parish. My colleague
has menaced those whom he calls the au- ;
thors of the present war with thecondem- j
j nation of the people. The Rev. Doctor ;
\ Parish assumed to threaten the supporters I
: of tlie late war with a fur more tenihle
: judgment. Hear him on the Blh of April,
1813 :
“Let every m.nn who sanctions this war by his j
suffrage or influence, remember that he is laboring
to cwver himself and his country with blood. The ;
blood of the slain will cry from the ground against 1
him."
“How will the supporters of this anli-chrislian ;
warfare erTciure their sentence —endure their own I
reflections — endure the fire that forever burns—the |
worm which never dies—the hosannas of Heaven — j
WHILE THE SMOKE OF THEIR TORMENTS ASCENDS \
i FOREVER AND EVER.”
Mr. Chairman, much mote of these !
i discourses is in tlie same strain, but we |
have had enough of them. It is no plea
j sartl thing to know that such sentiments
! ever fell from American lips. It is no
i welcome tiling to learn that the pulpit !
was tiie (>lace of their utterance. But ;
while we say this, let us not forget to do |
justice to the church. These were not !
her sentiments. Such were not the gen- |
era! teachings of iter ministry. Out of j
: lie immediate influence of the “peace- j
party” men, the voice of the preacher had j
; j a far different tone*. It roused his court- j
try naan to the defence of his home; it j
[ nerved his arm in tiie battle-shock; it j
soothed his last moments on the field ol j
; death.
And here. Mr. Chairman, let us do an- i
* other act of justice. I have shewn what j
were the feelings of the “peace party” i
' men in the late war. But do not mistake !
their sentiments for the sentiments of the
people at large. In no Stale of the Union i
did a majority of the people entertain such i
; ' views. The Democratic party every '
‘ where was unanimous in support of the |
\ war. The Federal parly was divided— ;
t | one portion of it standing by their country, j
’ , aiul giving her their utmost aid; the oilier ;
1 portion, the “peace-party men,” arrayed
r i against her; many of them with traitorous •
; hearts, feeling as traitors only feel, acting !
. jas traitors alone could act. Every one (
has heard of the Hanford Convention of j
; that period. Whether that convention i
f originated in a wish to dissolve the Union 1
is a question 1 leave for older men than
i myself to decide. Those who lived at
* that day can belter determine it. But,
r be that as it may,, one thing is certain,
, ; and ihat is, that there was then, in tiie
i i ranks of the “peace-party Federalists” of
s * the eastern States, a body of men, powerful
f by their wealth, their learning and their
. 1 talents, who were the advocates of such a
dissolution. And there is anotltcr thing
equally certain, which is, that the conduct
; of these tm-n during the entire war, mer
its no milder appellation than that of "trea
sonable."
Mr. Chairman, my colleague was not 1
content with applying all kinds of hard j
names to the existing w ar. He went far
ther, and, regardless apparently of the
evil tendency of such a course, lie dwelt
upon the of the war, its ruinous ef
fects upon commerce, and its terrible des
truction of human life. It would be j
easy, Mr, Chairman, to show very ample
precedents for all this. It would be easy j
to exhibit similar pictures drawn by tbe i
peace-party men dating the late war.—
But I will not take up the lime of the !
committee to do so. Another of my co'- |
leagues, my Fiend from the Cincinnati j
district, (Mr. Faran,) has already brought j
to the iecollection of the House the do- !
ings of that party. The extracts from
their speeches, pamphlets, discourses, and 1
newspapers, read by him in the debate 1
on the Oregon bill, many of which I have
now again read, are sufficient to show
that the language of the peace-party men :
of this day is wonderfully like that of j
their inglorious predecessors. 1 do not
say that there is anv imitation in I lie I
J J
case. Ido not know, Or instance, that
my colleague from Mt. Vernon ever saw
a single one of these extracts. Ido not
charge him with having drawn his fierce
weapons of denunciation against Mr. Polk
and the present war from the vast store
house of Federal abuse heaped upon Mr.
Madison and the warof 1812; hut it must
be apparent to all that be might have j
done so. The weapons were there; there j
were they to be found; or, at least, wea- j
(tons of identically the same sort. When
my colleague shall send his speech to
Ohio, there wilf be plenty of old and mid
dle aged men to say to him: “Ah, my
good sir, we have heard all that before.—
Thirty.odd years ago we heard it. The
only difference is, that you use the words j
‘Mexico’ and‘Mexicans,’ instead of‘Bri- !
tain and ‘British;’ and in place of ‘Mudi- j
son : yon say *Polk.’ ”
Mr. Chairman, in no State of the Union ;
were the people more united during the 1
late war than in the State of Ohio. By 1
the citizens of no Slate were the “peace- i
party men” of that day more severely i
condemned. Nowhere did the conduct of ;
the “anti-war-Federalisls,” of Massachu- i
setts especially, excite a livelier or more |
profound indignation. You may judge
from tin’s, what will be the surprise of |
the people of Ohio when they learn, that
of the fourteen votes given in this Hall |
against the bill declaring the existence
of the present war, their State and Mas
sachusetts furnished an equal number—
that five of the fourteen were given by
representatives from Massachusetts, and
five by members from Oitio; while from
no o: her State coni J more than a single
opposition vote be obtained. Yes, sir,
from noother State could a second man be
found to record bis vote against the bill. !
Massachusetts and Ohio gave ten of the ;
votes —the remaining four votes were :
divided among four States. And if this 1
strange vote shall astonish the people of
Ohio, how much will their surprise be !
increased when they learn the character
of the speech delivered here yesterday i
by oneoftheir representatives—delivered j
after war was declared? Mr. Chairman,
my colleague has seen fit to warn others
—men who are his countrymen, but
whom he nevertheless denounces as the j
authors of a war that he terms “unholy,
i unrighteous, and damnable'”—that a ten i- i
ble condemnation awaits them. Yes, sir,
he who has made a studied and elaborate
argument to disprove the tide ofins cotin- ,
try to a territory she claims—he who has
held his own Government up to the world -
as the aggressor in a war—he who openly i
accuses it of being actuated by a desire 1
j for aggrandizement and plunder—tie wlio j
1 denies that Mexico began tbe war—he
who styles the assertion that she did, in the j
l preamble to our act, an abominable lie — ,
| he who charges the Chief Magistrate of
! his own nation with waging unconstitu- i
I liona! war, and the Congress, of which |
| lie is himself a member, with making a
declaration abominably false—fie who :
1 loudlv proclaims that we are prosecuting 1
j a war that is “unholy, unrighteous, and j
I damnable”—he who dwells upon its cost,
and d lates on its horrors—in short, he
■ whose almost every word is calculated to j
j condemn his own country, to dishonor and
disgrace her in the eyes of mankind; to
i lessen her moral, if not her physical,
force; to depress the spiiit and energies j
of her people, and to inspire Iter enemies j
with courage and hope; he whr, in a lean |
; minority of fourteen out of 188 votes in
| this House, of 16 out 236 votes in both
I branches of Congress, talks in tin’s strain
and acts in this manner; lie who does all
| lids after war lias been declared, and
| white it is raging on ihe frontier; be it is
—yes, sir, fie-—who threatens others with
t the judgment and condemnation of tiie
i people!
i Mr. Chairman, many a time and oft
: has the threatened punishment fallen on
| him who uttered the threat, instead ol
| harming the object of his wrath. Let my
j colleague take warning by what history
• teaches, and beware.
T'S.JE. 'S"- JSLB J3L A. a »
DR. A. L. IIAM3IOND,
1 ofiUrE his prufessional services to ihe citizens of Au
| gusta and i:s vicinity.
Dr. H. may be found at all times, when not pro
fessionally engaged, '♦ his ufflee on Centre-street,
second door north of A Baudry’s Drug Store
i J01y24, ISlo 41
LI S T OF LETTER S
REMAINING in the Post Office at Augusta,
Ga., on the Ist day of July, 1546.
Persons wishing letters from this list, will
please say they are advertised.
A
Aiken Col. Wavien Antony L L 2
Aldridge John B 3 AnJing Martin 4
Ahrams tniss Clara F Arnold Benjamin
Allen Wm Anderson 'i' \V
Averal taisa Cltara
IJ
Bell Win Boulineo George E
B ime fie Id Augustus Blackburn ComeKu#
Bellamy inrs Hotioni D
Bailey George M Brown mrs Charlotta
Bell 11 D 1 Bryant William
Bird mrs M A 2 Brian Richard
Bagh-y miss S Bush Daniel S
Bird Henry Benton Nancy
Barton mrs. Mary M Bennett James
C
Cannon Patrick Charlton Felix E
Campbell U F M D Christian inr
Carr mrs Malvina Cone Gordon
Cant mrs Sarah G Cone Francis H
Cashin O E Calvin mrs Margaret
Candler miss Susan Collins miss M
CaiUtis Patrick . Crenshaw Asa
Mrs Susan Mays care of Cross G W
John W Campoell
D
Dent Win B W Dimick B C
Davis Jacob R Daniel Charley
Davis E T Dattun William
Daniel Thomas S Dully miss Lucrctia
Davis Tliomos Dunlap John G
Dimon Samuel S Downs mrs Elizabeth
Davis Rev Thomas Dunbar miss Sarah
Davis Elios
E
Elliott Wm Ector Wiley B
F
Fitts Edgar 3 Florence Eliz abelh
Field S P 2 Freeman R 1‘
Freeland mrs C A
G
Gains Ann Green David E
Gilbert CJ Grillin Mary
Gay C G Green Catharine
Gordon Lurretia care of Greer B
mrs F Gardiner Grainger Conelios
Gardner James Goodmin Wm 11
Griffin mr W W Green Frances
Goodman Rachael Graves Wm J
II
Harken A C Hinton Stephen
Harris Robt S 3 Hopkins S ii
Hargraves Olive Hoyt F S
liattier'L E Hoadley Jane C
Harrison A II Hopkins SH
Howes James Hubbard Mary Ann
Han ham William Hussey B B
1 & J
Jones II W Johnson Eliza
Jacob Mathias Johnson Langdon C
Jones Daley Jones miss Elizabeth P
James A G Joseph Leonard
JessupG R Jarman Jas
K A L
Keadle. Archibald Lovell James
Knight J L Lucas Cain
Kline Peter Little Wru
Leonard James 2 Little Isaac
Lamar Henry G 2 Lozy Joshua
Lark Mildred Loyd Jnw
Lavenlnre Lofles V\ in
Lincoln Henry
M
McKinney mr Headen Mary rare of
McDonald Robt Jonathan Meigs
McKinley Jacob Miles LP 2
McCullough Samuel Meaker Richard
McClain Munchy Andrew
Maharrey W IT Megan Hugh
Matthews (IG2 Morris W a C
Mu ssett Jno C Moon mrs A
Markey F J. Murry mrs A
Malone F il Morgan H
Marlin 11 S Murray mrs C
Mahoney Daniel MoraonsM *
Malone M H Moody W M
Maxwell Ann Maria MonighanE
Martin Mary Morgan f T
O
O’Conner J Ormes W
Ogden D L T White care of rar
Oliver G 11 O’Brien
Owens A B
P & Q
Page mr. Feck H P
Pace mrs S Piper A M
Parker mrs E Pardos 11
Payne C Pleasants C J
Parker mrs M A Posey C
Piper A N Printup Wm
Pitman J Primrose JW
Perdue D Primrose J
E Johns care of J Quirk P
! Pitman
II
RaheJ Kicherson miss France*
; Ramsey A M Kuath Lyman
: Reid mrs L Royal rars Martha
| Red G B Rudler Monsieur Joseph
I Rice mrs Mary E 2 Davis Alex c.ire of
> Ringgold miss M F 2 William Robertson
1 S
I Seay Willis Sindersine mrs Mary B
I Slwnner W S Shackleford G W
Sherman Lieut W T Smith James
USA Smith James L 2
SaintsimonsS Stagings Herbert
! Sharpe John Starke Master Reuben
Simpson W R Spear John W 2
I Shackleford Levi Stubblefield G G
I Sheftail mrs Sarah Sytums Courliand
Simmons Dr A J
T &. V
: Thompson mrs Mary Mrs Sarah Cash ion care
j Thompson Maj. Isham 2 of Moses Todd
1 Taylor A Todd Moses
i Tilman Ashbury Tmley Patrick
I 'l’irninerman U A V erdery Eugetio
! Templeton Wm. 'l’aylor Ii i>
W & V
Waldem Michael Wiley John E
Ward miss Georgia Williams J
Walker Joshua S Williams Ma y A
Betsey Barnes care of W ilkinson John
Jacob Walker Williams L;vvis
; White Susan Delia Wilson Thomas
Wellborn John W illiams Emelin©
• W est brook David Worm! Alex 2
i W ebb John Woodbury A Co W
| W hitely mrs Yarborough Uary E
1 V\ Idle Thomas Y oung mr» 112
I W ? hitely George Young Richard
I Whittington John Young turs
z
i Zevffert Andrew
July ti E. B. GLASCOCK, P. M.
CAUTION.—NOTES LOST.
ON the 27th March last, the following Notes
were mailed to the undersigned at Augusta,
: from Eatunton, but they have never entne U. hand,
! and it is believed that they were robbed from, or
; with lb- mail, about that time, to-ivit:
One N ote on Jas. L. Reid and ii-nry M. Trippe,
j security, payable to D. R. Adams, Executor of Irby
Hudson, dec’d., dated about the last of January,
liti>, and due on Ist January, 1547, £050,00.
One Note on Madison Kilpatrick and Thom is
Kilpatrick, dated, due, and payable, as above, for
£ 13J,00.
One Note on I). R. Adams and J. T. Harwell,
dated in February, lolG, and payable to Sun all &
Simmons, on Ist January, 1817, for Si 10,'0.
The makers of above Notes end all others, are
| hereby notified and requested, n »l to pay or trade,
I for said Notes. Anv information in regard thereto,
or the thief, will be thankfully received by
STOVALL A SI3I3IONS.
Augusta, May 4 m 4 135
HOTCHKISS’ CODIFICATION.
A CODIFICATION OF THE LAWS of the
Sate of Georgia, for rale by
t HA?. E. GRENVILLE.
aprjl !3 Only agent for Augusta