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THE CONSTITUTIONALIST.
"jAMES GARDNER, J R.
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F A R JE W ELL.
"W hen eye* are beaming
What never longue,might tell,
When tears are strt-aminn: * r
From their chrysiil cell;
"When hands are (inked that dread to part
And heart is met hy throbbing heart,
Uh ! lutter. hitter is the smart
Os them that bid fare well!
When hope is chidden
'That fain of bliss would tell.
And love forbidden
In the breast to dwell ;
When.fettered by a viewless chain.
We turn and gaze, and turn again.
Oil! death were mercy to the pain
.Os them that bid farewell !
[From the J\eic Orleans Delta ]
THE RANGER’S SONG.
I
Air:—“l'm Afloat
Mount-! mount! and away o’er the green prairie
w ide—
The sword is oar sceptre. the fleet steed nur pride:
Up! up! with our liag—let its bright star gleam i
out—
Mount! mount! and away on the wild border
scout.
W« rare not for danger, We heed not the foe—
Where our brave steeds can bear us, right onward
we go,
And never as cowards can we fly from the fight.
While our belts bear a blade, our star sheds its
light.
Then mount and away! give the fleet steed the
rein—
The Ranger’s at horn® on the prairies again;
Spur ! spur ! in the chase, dash on to the fight.
Cry vengeance for Texas ! and God speed the j
right.
The might of the foe gathers thick on our way—
They hear our wild shout as we rush to the fray:
What to us is the fear of ihe death stricken plain,
We have “braved it before, and will bravs it
again.”
The death-dealing bullets around us may fall—
Titty may strike, they may kill, but they cannot
appal;
Through the red field of carnage right onward
we’Ji wade,
While, our guns carry ball, and our hands wield
the blade;
Hurrah, my brave hoys ! ye may fare as ye please,
No. Mexican banner now float* m the breeze!
*Tls the flag of Columbia that waves o’er each ;
height, _
While ou its proud, folds our star sheds its light.
L.
SPEECH OF AIR. WOODWARD,
OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
Delivered in the House of Representatives, Sa
turday Dec. Id, 1640.
Mr. Woodward said that he could have |
Wished that more time had been afforded |
the House to examine and reflect upon ;
the Executive Message before they were j
called upon to express opinions in regard I
to it : hut the debate had been forced upon
them; a resolution of inquiry had been ;
moved, and every member was called on |
to sav now what he had to say, whether 1
in the affirmative or negative. Mr. \V. I
for one, apprehended that much had been
advanced by gentlemen on both sides ot 1
the question which could not be sustained.
The general subject was to be consider
ed under two aspects: first as under the
law of nations and secondly as under the ;
Constitution of the United Slates. What
ever rights we might possess over the ;
conquered provinces of Mexico, those j
rights existed not by the constitution, but i
by the laws of nation*; they had no re
ference whatever to any local organiza
tion. Whatever they might he, they were j
the same without respect to domestic poli
cy. Mr. W. dissented from some of the i
positions taken yesterday by his friend I
from South Carolina, (M r. Rhett ) who |
had evidently spoken impromptu : many |
of the principles he laid down, however,
were entirely correct, in others he was |
certainly mistaken. So far was it fiom
being true that we owed no obligations to
our enemy, there were some obligations
we owed to none else than a hostile na
liorßV> All those obligations which arose ;
under the lairs of war were binding on us
when in a Slate of war: all the duties
which <£ rew out of such a state of things we
.O f ”
were bound to respect and to perform.—
All these we owed to Mexico. It was not
tire President ot Captain Stockton,in parti- i
cnilar, who owed these obligations, but the !
whole Union—the entire Government of |
the United Slates in ail its departments. !
Whatever question in this mailer arose |
under the law of nations, was a question
between Governments —a question be.
tween sovereigns. Not a question mere
ly as to what were t c powers of a com
mandinir general, or what the functions
of an army, but a question touching the
rights and duties of sovereigns. We were
not yet the sovereigns of Mexico; Mexi
co was a foreign sovereignty tons, and as
such, though in hostile relation to us, j
might claim all tire obligations incident
to the laws of war.
The second aspect, however, in which
we were to look at tins matter, presented
a question under the constitution of the
United Slates as to what were the rights
and duties resulting under that instm- |
ment to flhc different depar merits of our
own Government? On this point, Mr. ;
W. proposed to be very brief. The con- i
recognised a difference between ;
tlie mere power to make battle, and the
power to create the regular legal relation I
of war, as between sovereigns. Accord
ing to that instrument there were cases j
where the President might and must eia
gage in hostilities, but yet it conferred the
regular war power exclusively in Con
gress. Tne power entrusted to the Presi
dent of the United Slates (and every Go.
y.ernor of 4 State had the same) was a
.provisioned power, which lie might exer
*• cise upon emergency until the competent
Authority should declare war, or decline
to declare it. When that paramount pow
' m 'I- ~T r L f " - . -Zm-- -
er had spoken all Executive and sub
ordinate power ceased. The President
had nothing to do with the declaring of
war, unless to approve or veto a hill hy
which war was declared; but after war 1
bad been actually declared by law, the ’
President was at once resolved (so far as j
war was concerned) into a mere military |
officer; he was ex officio, generalissimo |
of the armv, and his power as such was I
to be sought in the military law, not in J
the constitution of the United States.— |
The constitution only designated him a* |
the person who was to head the army: as I
to the authority he might exert as such, it ;
was precisely the same by the constitu
tion as General Scott would have as the
head of the army. He was purely and
exclusively a military officer, so far as
the war was concerned. And for what ;
purpose was he created such? To fight j
and vanquish the foe of the country, and ;
with that view to invade his territory.— ;
But the war was our war, not the Presi- |
dent’s. I s ends and purposes were our |
ends and purposes; tiie army to carry j
it on was our army; the generalissimo, j
though indicated by the constitution, to t
command the army, was our genera is*
si mo, mikl in that capicity he was whol
Iv subordinate to Congress; and to the
civil authority. The President who
commanded the army was not that Pre
sident who approve f or %eteed hills,
who received foreign ambassadors,■ who
nominated judges and oilier high officers, j
and made treaties; he was the com
mander of the army only, and as such
I was divested hy the constitution ol every
political relation. The constitution might
have ma lethe Speaker of that House or
the President of ihc Senate commander
in-chief of the army just as well as the
President; and either of these officers,
without any political power at all, would
have had ail the military power the Presi
dent had. So that those civil functions,
in which he cooperated with the two
branches of the legislature, added nothing
whatever to liis authority as a military 1
officer.
Well, then, what were his duties as
Commander-in-chief? what were the pow
ers of the generalissimo of the army? In
the first place, to execute the war, to fight
the enemy, to invade his territories. But.
besides this, he had other duties to perform
—duties which this nation as a nation
owed; they were the duties of Congress, I
which \ve, the representatives of the |
Americon people, owed to the peaceful j
citizens of a country with which we were |
at war, and which we had invaded. All 1
military officers, and the President as first !
among them, were answerable for the \
performance of them to the people of the :
United States; and if, in any of them, he |
wilfully failed, he would he impeachable.
The duties he was to perform to such
peaceable inhabitants were the duties we
owed to them, and which he, as our of
ficer, our agent, was bound todischarge.
What, then, was the natureof those
duties? And liete was tile main subject
of inquiry. Having invaded the province
ofa hostile sovereign, and ejected from it
all other authority than our own, what
duty did the. laws of nations impose upon |
us? It was to take the place of the sever !
eign we had driven out Our President |
having driven away the natural political
patent of llie conquered people, was to
sland to them in loco parentis. He was
hound to do for them ail that he was
bound to do for his own legitimate child
ren. And what was that? **To see that ■
the laws were faithfully executed.” That ;
was the duty of the natural sovereign; and I
the President, as standing in the place of j
that sovereign, was bound to do the same.
He was not to make the laws; Ire was
not to establish new relations for the j
people; he was not to disturb vested right®, !
or anv other rights. He was to see that I
the existing laws, as he found them, were I
duly executed and obeyed. He was to j
execute those laws which the Mexican i
sovereign wouldhave executed had he not |
■
been displaced. 'I bis was his right and ■
his duty towards peaceful unresisting
citizens of the province.
But further: ihere were duties we owed
to the belligerent citizens also; to men
found ill arms, resisting our possession.
Sir, (said Mr. VV.) prisoners of war even
have rights. There were rights in war as
well as in peace. And the duties cor- |
i respondent to them were incumbent on the i
; President and his subordinates. On the |
I foregoing propositions the law ol nations j
wa® very definite and explicit.
[Mr. VV. here quoted Vailel. where he ,
declares that the invading nation gels the ;
rights onlv of the former sovereign of the I
territory; that the people retained their
liberties, and were not to he deprived of
them; since the quarrelief the invading
sovereignty was only with the sovereign
expelled.]
Now, (said Mr. VV.) if Vailel, and the
despots under whom and for whom he
; wrote, could put the question: “Why
i should the people be deprived of their
rights because of a quarrel between their
| sovereigns?” would it not be strange for
us, who assert the right of self-govern
( ment, to be foremost to repudiate a dis
| tinction thus drawn between the sovete
! ign and his people, the object of which j
| was to exempt them from the tyrant’s lia- j
! bililies? But the provinces of which we
I had taken possession were integral portion |
i of Mexico and, as such, the respective peo
! pies had, besides individual rights, local
j and federal institutions. [Here Mr. VV.
quoted \ aile4 to this effect.]
If the conquered country constitued an
integrant part of a sovereignty, it passed
in the same character into the possession
lof the conquering general. If, for ex
i ample, the Slate of Georgia should he
conquered hv a Trench army, it would be
competent to the military head of the in
vading army to proclaim the dissolution
j of her federal relation to the Union—to
abolish the office of Re preso r. tali ves or
Senators in Congress. Hot mere milita
ry authority could do no more. It could
not disturb the local laws and institutions.
The French sove r eign alone could do that.
The local State (Government would stand
just as it was. The passages cited illus
trated just what the military authority of
the United States could lawfully do with
in the subdued provinces of Mexico. —- j
California, New Mexico. Chihuahua, and
whatever other provinces we might take,
were sovereign integrants of the Mexican
Republic; and if the President conquered
them, he rn his military capacity, must
take and hold them just as he found
tl S n.
Mr. Holmes, of South Carolina, here
interposed to know whether he had right
ly understood his colleague's noct Hue. If
he understood his colleague, ho said that
if the State of Georgia wete conquered by
France, her Senators in Congress would,
eo inslanti, be fundus officio, [laughter;]
though (continued Mr. M.) they had
been elected for six years. Would be
say that ?
A voice here asked Mr. H. totrans
i lute functus ojic'fo. [lncreased merri
ment, during a colloquy be!ween the two
gentlemen ivom South Carolina, who j
stood near each other.]
Mr. Woodwaid, when heard again by
the Reporter, was observing that lie was
| glad that his colleague ha J ibought pro
| per to convey an extremely technical idea,
' in language ot as extreme technicality.
| Hut his colleague did not rightly conceive
; the point Mr. W. had made. He had
been speaking of the powers of a foreign !
general after effecting a successful itiva- ;
sion. He did not mean to say that the ;
authority of the Senators from Georgia j
would he at all impaired, that they could |
not act authoritatively again after the i
i enemy should have been expeded from |
; the State. What he meant to say was, j
that a French general, getting possession 1
of the Slate of Georgia, could cut her off
i from her federal relations to the Union
without committing usurpation. Still he
would he bound to preserve the State
laws, and see that they were executed ■ —
That, in thus dissolving the federal rela
lionsof Georgia, he would do no act im- j
peachahle at home, as not conformable to
the law- of nations or the laws of war.
Mr. Seddon b was understood to ask
! as Mr. Woodward whether he meant to
f say that the State authority of Georgia, ;
I if Georgia should he conquered, would
| n ot be a State authority under the con
quering sovereignty?
To which Mr. Woodward replied,
“When my jriynd has heard me through j
he will agree with me.”
Having thus endeavored to d.ffine the
duties of the head of the army toward
both the peaceful and the belligerent citi
zens of a conquered province, he would
next proceed to state w hat were Ids duties
toward his own country and h?s own ar
rnv. His dn vto his army was to protect
it at all hazards and at every sacrifice.
These duties conferred the right of mar- |
tial law', and for this purpose of seif-pro- i
lection, he might take any and every mea- ;
sure necessary to the end, and to secure I
the objects of the war. \
Some gentlemen had contended that \
the President had the right to set up a go- j
vernment in the province he had suhdu- j
ed, but Mr. W. utterly denied that there I
: was any such authority to he found in j
Mattel. He denied the existence of any |
I such right; and. further, he denied that j
C. S' j
| the President of the United States (so far \
1 as Mr. W. had any knowledge) had at- j
tempted to exercise any such right. He j
| thought the President’s friends were ma
{? t # 1
king a case for him, on which he could |
not stand. llis duty as generalissimo in !
a conquered country, was to see that the j
laws of that country were duly adminis- ,
; tered. He add no new law but the !
j law.martial for the protection of his army, i
What had the President done repug- I
! nant to the law of nations? He had done I
: nothing more than guaranty the preser- j
vation of their own laws to the conquered |
people. He had not given them any I
laws—not one. lie had not made new j
offices and officers. The law of nations I
declared that in case of conquest all con
nexion was severed between the conquer
ed province and its former sovereign; and |
I did not this allow the President to trans- j
i for the allegiance of the conquered peo- j
I pie to their new sovereign? Could the
I officers there derive their authority from
j an enemy? The very idea was absurd.
I The President had a right to dissolve
! their commissions, and substitute for them
I commissions from the United States.—
i He was bound to see that the laws exist* j
| ing there were duly executed. This was |
j his duty, rather than right; and how could
i he discharge this duty if the officers who
j were to administer the law's were respon
sible to a foreign government? They
must he regarded as holding their com
missions from the United Siates; for we
■ were to be held responsible for'heir good
j conduct. They owed, clear!*;, a tempo
rary allegiance to the linked Stales, liv
ing exclusively under our protection. —
Oaths of allegiance did not create alle
giance—they only recognised an allegi-
I ance already existing. Allegiance might
grow out ot a man s geographical posi
tion; he owed temporary allegiance to the
country that protected him for the time
i being; he was bound to submit to its au
thority, and if you exacted from him at)
oath that he would do this, what harm had
vou done him? He was bound before he
•*
made the promise. Could not tne U.
: Slates Government require of every for
eign person (even diplomat) residing
here, so long he remained within the
70 ,
I United Slates, to observe allegiance to its
: government? The oath does not create
allegiance; not at all! The only hard-
D 9 -
ship of an oath touching allegiance was
where it exacted a renunciation of a law
ful sovereign. Such an oath under du- ! <
ress would be an outrage. But even i !
such an oath taken voluntarily and not
extorted, would wotk no wrong.
Mr. W did not mean to say that if he |
had been in the place of Captain Stock- j
ton or Gen. Kearney, he would have ex- i
acted any sort of oath from the Mexicans; \
but certainly he did insist that the local |
authorities of Santa Fe. and California
had become responsible to the Govern- ,
memos the United Slates, oath or normih. ;
While tire provinces were in our posses- |
sion. and under our protection, the peo !
pie owed the same allegiance to the Unit- j
ed Siates Government that all the people i
of the United States did. Such a proceed
ing as took place might l>e imprecedent- j
ed, but it look nothing from the Mezicans |
which they had a right to keep; nor did !
it imqrose upon them any thing which it ■
was not mir right to impose.
Hut Mr. W. had a further point to touch. |.
lie gianted that these provinces could not j
come into the United States by a mere i
military operation. The constitution de
dared That new States might be admitted
into the Union by Congress. The only
question that could arise was whether
the>e were, in the sense of the constitution,
“new States?” The authority to admit
was in Congress alone.
In regard to the conductor the Pres- ;
ident, Mr. W. would pass briefly to a 1
position he did not hesitate to lay down j
as a sound one. It was this: Where, in !
prosecuting a war, you have taken a ■
provinceof the enemy, the fair and natural I
presumption is, that you intend to hold it i
i eventually, or until some equivalent shall
; l)e received in exchange for if. Were
; not these conquered provinces already our
| own by the laws of war, and by the
: principles of equity too, if the war was a
i just war? Had we not bought them, and
bought them at the cost of blood and
i treasure? Yes! wm had bought them and j
i paid dearly for them, loo: and the Pres. ;
idem was hound to presume that we would
surrender the country only for a lair
equivalent. Entertaining this presump
ion then, was he not required io take
everv precaution to advance the end he
was bound to presume we had iu couUpn-
I plation?
Mr. W. did not know th* 3 facts; lie could '
not therefore speak positively: hut, so far j
as he d:d know them, the President had
exercised only those rights, or rather per- I
j formed those duties, which pertained to j
him as generalissimo of die army: he hud
done only his duly, and had usurped no
pow'er which did not belong to him. And
he considered the attack which had here
i been made upon him to he unfounded,
and to have heed made incautiously.
It had been asked by some whether time
would not of itself give ns that country?
Whether, if w r e continued to hold posses
ion of it for a long period, it would na\,ipso
facto, become a part and portion of the
United States? It v. as certainly true
there were few legal results that lime
would not bring about. The principle on
which every state of limitations rested was j
I a perfectly just one, viz what was seen by |
all to be the condition of a thing for a long }
! time, was to he taken to he its lawful I
I condition. In the State of South Ca rolina j
| the lapse of ten years would effect the ;
i sa»ne result in relation to real estate that j
! a seabed instrument with two witnesses 1
j could do. And this was not deemed a i
1 thing extraordinary, If Mexico should |
be found to havp abandoned these di >tant '
■ possessions, arid lo make no struggle to I
; recover them, and it should be evident she
| had not the means to Ho it, and we should
j continue to held on to ou»' possession; Con
‘ gress conniving at it, the mere lapse of
j time would at last convert a military oc
! enpation into a political ownership, by
| that natural justice which approves every
! statute of limitations. But Mr. W. utter
; ly denied that we could acquire tenitory •
by mere military authority, and, though
| we might by time, he was for leaving the
| matter not to time, but to the proper au- ,
| thorpios.
Mr. W. had intended to remark on j
I some other points, but his friend from
I Virginia (Mr. Seddon) had so far anti- j
cipated him as to render it not worth his
while to say any thing more.
[Fromthe New Orleans Picayune.]
MEXICAN AFFAIRS.
Having conversed with gentlemen who
arrived hereon Thursday from Havana,
we learn that there is a prevailing im
pression among those who know Santa i
Anna in that city, that he is far fromde- j
sirous of hazarding an action with I lie i
j
troops of the United Stales—that he is at !
i heart averse to the war, but has not yet |
| secured such a hold as to be able to act j
| counter to the universal desires of his j
1 ‘ j
countrymen.
It appears to bo understood in Havana j
that Santa Anna has made a demand upon j
the clergy of the country for a loan of ■
two millions and a half. His sincerity I
in this is grievously suspected; and he is
even charged with secretly instigating
the reply of the clergy, lhat the money
cannot possibly beprocured. Santa Anna
persists that it is absolutely necessary for
the prosecution of the war, and upon the
refusal of the clergy lie may found his
excuse with his country for not assum
ing active and offensive hostilities.
VVe learn further that Gen. La Vega,
before leaving Havana for Vera Cruz on
the British steamer, received, from his
Government the command of a brigade,
and was ordered to repair at once lo join
the army at San Luis Potosi.
We have not yet received Mexican pa
pers by the arrival at Havana, and are
looking at events in Mexico through ilie
spectacles of those whose sympathies are
naturally excited in favor of our enemies.
We look with much curiosity tor frank
and explicit expositions ot the rumors
which have been circulated in all parts
of Mexico in regard to tiie dissensions in
herarmies ns well as her civil councils. ;
At present every thing is enveloped in a |
mist.
F rorn Yucatan. — VVe have had access
to papers from Havana with further ac
counts from Yucatan. Nothing is said
of the death ofßa i bachano, but immediate |
hostilities were apprehended between the |
t oops of Merida and ihose of Campeachy. (
The nemhers on each side are about ;
1500. 'The Government of Merida, the j
capital, evinces® determination to carry i
through tiie policy of a reunion with Mex- j
ico, be the responsibililes what they may: !
while the people of Campeachy are 1
equally obstinate to avoid the consequen
ces of a war with the United S’utes. The •
situation of the whole Peninsula is rep
resented as deplorable by the Havana
editors, who have every means of judging.
for ice note that an active commerce is
carried on hetireen Havana and the ports
of Yucatan — N. O. Pic. Dec. 10.
AUGUSTA. GEO..
FRIDAY MORNING, DECEMBER. 25,18tG.^
SCrSu mail north of Charleston last evening.
CHRISTMAS DAY.
Throughout the Christian world this day j
is one of congratulation and of rejoicing—of ;
the re-iinion of families, and the assembling j
of relatives and friends around the festive j
board. It combines the attractions of ales- |
tiVeil of the church with the gayer charms of j
a general holiday in which all classes and 1
creeds unite. It commemorates an event !
the most, momentous" in the history of man, ;
and is an epoch from which may be dated j
the foundation of the Christian church.
Whether we view man as an immortal
being, and with reference to a future state, i
or confine our speculations to his intellectual j
developernent on earth, his progress in
knowledge, in the arts ami sciences, and his ;
advance towards systems of perfect govern- ;
ment, the great boon vouchsafed to our race j
. in the appearance of our Saviour on earth j
must ever be tiie theme of gratitude, and the
anniversary which commemorates it, the oc
| casion of rejoicing. F.*r it cannot be denied
that independent of all religious considera
tions, innumerable blessings of a temporal
nature have resulted to man from fus teach
ings. The purest system of morality, trod
tiie most just and enlightened views of man’s
social relations and duties were therein given
to the world. They have done more fur his
true happiness and his social progress, than
could ever have been accomplished by the
profoundest philosophy of the sages of the
Peripatetic or Stoic schools.
Narrowing our observations down to their
application to the community in which we
live, we lake occasion to express the fervent
hope that our readers one and all-have rea
son on this festive day to be merry with the
merry and rejoice with the rejoicing. May
no cloud dun their horizon, or cast its fore
boding shadow upon their future. May the
j retrospect of the past year recall nothing
deeply to be regretted, and may the prospect
of the corning year afford every thing bright
; and cheering to their hopes.
Friends, and readers, we wish you all, A
j Merry Christmas.
i In accordance with custom, we will give
i our hands an opportunity to partake of the
| festivities of Christmas, by nut issuing a pa
per as usual on Saturday the 26 ! b inst.
We will also tax the indulgence of our
city subscribers by not issuing a paper on
the following day, the 27th, as we have on
Saturday, interior arrangements to make in
our office, preparatory to the commencernei t
of a year. We hope our subscribers will
willingly allow ns this liberty with their
I rights, if they feel disposed to censure that
they are not supplied with their accustomed
Sunday paper, we recommend them to at
tend church, and pray for those who despitc
use them, including ns in their prayers.
O*Henceforth this winter there will be
only one steamer from Liverpool per month.
The day of sailing from that port, during the
continuance of this arrangement, will be the
4lli of each month.
NEW YORK COTTON MARKET.
33" A New York correspondent of the
Charleston Courier under dale of Saturday,
19th inst., says : “To-day there has been an
active business doing, and the sales amount
to fully 7000 bales, at various prices; and
the market closes very firmly at £c. advance
on the prices current early yesterday morn
j i n fr
Tare off Cotton —As mud) Inquiry has been
j made wuu regard to tbe period at which tins act
I of the Legislature goes into operation, we have
| been informed that it went into effect from and
j after tbe passing of the Act, on the 18th inst,
i The following is a copv of the act :
: an act to abolish thk allowance of tare
on bales of cotton,
J3e it enacted by Lie Senate and House of Rep
resentatives now met and sitting in General As
sembly, 1 hat the custom of making a reduction
from the actual weight of Bales of unmanufac
tured Cotton, as an allowance for Tare or Draft
thereon, be and the same is hereby abolished:
and that, hereafter, all contracts made in relation
1 to such Cotton shall be deemed and taken as re
ferring to the true and actual weight thereof,
without deduction for any such Tare or Draft.
[Charleston Evening News, 21 si inst.
Col. Mclntosh. —Our gallant fellow-citizen
is we learn, expected in our city on Friday
evening from tiie North. Although disabled
by his vvonnds, it is the intention of the
veteran to proceed immediately to join his
regiment in Mexico. We doubt the pro
priety of this step, inasmuch as he is incom
petent from his wounds and general health lo
do such service as the gailant soldier never
shrinks from.
We presume that the Committee will make
tiie necessary arrangements to presents to the
hero the sword voted to him by the people of
Savannah. The citizen soldiery of Savannah
; will, we are sure, be ready to pay due honors
to him, whose deeds a»H youthful and veteran
soldier of his country, arc famitar to all.
[Fcom the i\. (J. Delia, Dec. 19.]
FROM TEXAS.
The steamship Galveston, Capt. Ilaviland,
arrived yesterday from Galveston. The Aus
tin Democrat, a railing that Santa Fe is in
cluded within the boundaries of Texas, a*
laid down and defined in the law of 1836,
contends that it rightfully belongs to her,
and to her alone, and any attempt to establish
a territorial or other government within those
I limits, is an iiilrmgeiucol ot her rights as a
I sovereign State.
Indiana. —A large body of Indians, sup
posed to number not less than SUO, are near
the San Gabriel Knob, about 40 miles from
Austin. This camp is in a section of coun
try where there is little or no game—they
keep up constant signal fires in every <j 4 -
i recti on.
An express ha* been received at Houston,
from Messrs. Torrey &■ Brother, staling that
“a large bo lv «((.'amaneiies and other Indian*
had arrived within seven days r tie of the
Trading House, high upon Little River,nun •
bering more than ten thousand. Five Ca
j munches were sent in by their chiefs, with
(he old Waco duel. They proles* to b»
i friendly, &c.
‘•The Wacos and Wichitas are said to be
unfriendly. The Camanclies express a dt»-
lerininaiion to carry out the treaty entered
| into with the U. S., to the leiler, and request
permission to remain upon the frontier tim
ing the winter; among them are many new
hands from the vicimfy of Santa Fe and
Taos, who have never been in before. The
Indians appear to be incensed against the
surveyors.”
Messrs. Torrey & Brother desire the Gov
j ernor to send a detachment of rangers to pro
tect their trading establishment.
The Armistice at Monterey. —A letter ap
pears in the Austin Democrat of she 9 h in.-t.
It is from Gov. Henderson, acid eased to Gen.
i Tavlor, and dated Executive Office, Austin,
Texas,'Nov. 23d, 1846. Governor Henderson
; refers io the General’s despatch ot the 25. ii
; Sept., vv nere lie says—
| “ The gallant deieuce of the town, and the
I fact of a recent change of Government in
j "
Mexico, believed to be favorable to the finer
ests of peace, induced me to concur with the
Commissioners in these, terms. 1 *
From Iho above It might be. and has been,
' inferred, lie says—
-1 *• fiial the Commissioners acted without
I leaving previously had instructions from your
i self, which I leei assured you never intended
to be understood to say, as we received our
i instructions from you on both occasions of
I our retiring with the Mexican Commtsnioii
! ers to draft the articles of capitulation.”
i lie then reminds the General of the follow
ing circumstance, which look place on the
occasion—
“ You will, doubtless, recollect that when
your Commissioners, immediately after your
j first ilisti actions, returned ami reported that
I they ro ikl not agree with the Mexican Com
missioners, you rose to leav • the room, your
officers with you; some proposition and ap
'peal was m.ile to you by lien. Ampudia, I
believe it was, to allow them In retain, as [
understood it, only their muskets, -ahres, and
, o iirr small arms, 1 saw a disposition m you
\ to grant the boon, and I tiien reminded you
! of my opinion Ural you could soon compel
I Them to surrender at discretion, and a<i« d,
that if voii per-isted, they would u<»t allow
i you to leave the city before you would be
notified of the necep anre vflt.e terms first
projKised You r piled that you did nut w ish
to run any inure risk, or shed any more blood
—that all yon desired was possession ol toe
■ city, and that I hat would satisfy ymir Govern-
S ment. To which 1 replied, that if it satis
fied the Government, of course 1 would bo
j content. Here the conversation terminated
| between us on that point..”
Fire. —On the evening of the 6'h irmt., «t
•1 Austin, the “President's House,” occupied
: by the faintly of Capt. Joseph iVI. Daniels,
was consumed by fire, The furniture and
j papers were saved, among the latter went
; important documents belonging to the Fort
; Oriice Department,
Fratricide. —We learn from fiie Red Lan
der that a young man in JSabuu* Coniilv,
i named Siangmer, a few weeks since killed
one ol his brothers, anti tiien attacked and
wounded three other brothers and a young
man who was on a visit to the tannly. The
cause of this horrid outrage in not mentioned.
Char ty induces ns to hope that it is attribu
table to insanity.
Crop of Bastrop. —ln the county of Bas
trop there were this past season, m uuitiva
| turn 3996 acres in corn, 1U49 in cotton, 240
I acres in oats, and 92 acres in potatoes.—
• There are at present 47,000 bushels ol corn
i for sale in that county.
li Hthdrawal of Depots. —The Depot at San
Antonio is to be broken up, and established
at Camargo. Capt. Irwin is ordered to trans
j port all line Government stores now at Fort
1 Lavaca to Tampico, &.c.
I ~To T li Tit o t aTV
LATEST OATES from L r v k R poo v. 23
| latest dates from Havre,ls
AUGUSTA MARKET.
Thursday night, Dec. 24, 1846.
CO TTON. — The demand lias been fair to-day,
; and prices steady, at the improvement noticed
| yesterday. Fine Cottons are much sought after.
( OLUMBUB, Dec. 2t. — Cotton. —We have to
notice a very animated market during the past
1 week, and prices have advanced fully onc-quar
l*r to three eighths of a cent on all qualities.
The river is now navigable, which evidently
has had a good effect. To-day the demand con
tinues good. We quote extremes from If tu 9
cents.
Btuck<»n hand old Cotton, Sept. I, 833 bale*.
Receipts for week ending Dec. 19, 4.004
” previously, 32,607-
——
' 26,61!
37,444
Shipped same w*ek, 3,184
previously, 3,483 8.667
Stock on hand, Dec. 19, 23,777
[Enquirer.
Ojfice of the N. O. Picayune, )
Friday Evening, Dec. la, 1846. £
Cottnn.^J The demand has been general, and
• fully 4000 hales have found purchasers, nearly alt
j in small lots. Prices have been irregular, and in
! some instances an advance of fc —has been paid-
CUTTUiN STATEMENT.
I Stock on hand on the Ist Sept. 1846, Rules. ..6,333
| Arrived since to date, 249,944
| Arrived to day 1,074
257,333
Exported to date, 103,034
Exported to-day, 2,363—108,297
; Stock on hand and on shipboard not el’d,... 149,058
1846. 1846. 1844. 1843.
» , Re’eteon Dec. 18,251.023 348.410 334,087 279.6^1