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#f-I> bUPLK. r Uie purpose 01 ecuriug freedom to juid have thought it would have bu .A could be iuduced to pas recommendation has \been aW kas been enacted. Ihe ! msi- ■ .©cent special message states that is anticipated froth this meas- ! gh f a r jess than would have resulted | 4 adoption at an eatliei date, sides arming the negro slaves he tells us J jUbetauce, that to secure our freedom, it is ■ sceesary to authorize himsell aud his subordi j natea to arrest and coniine in prison, auy, and every person, whom he or '.bey may please to j order to jail, without charges and without j hearing, and keep them confined during his j pleasure. He further virtually asks, that the present [ restriction on the power of impressment be removed, admits that this is •‘objectionable/’ but on the plea of necessity requests that, his lubordinatos be allowed to take without com ensation, whatever the army requires, lie 'da,'that “the me sure most needed however" to give him practically the control of the armed man in each and every .State, fore entering upon the execution of his as President, he took the tollovviag oath: solemnly swear that I will laithfully the otlice of President of the Oonfeder s, and will to the bust of my ability protect and defend the Constitution \t minded men assume that he he Constitution permits and what and suppose that he will neither If uor permit others to do so it '•t. “The price of libcity is ” The sovereign power in the people. It is not only ' duty of every citizen to le conduct of their public eaud legislative power.has utry been aggressive, dopte'l a written Consti the President in it they provided for a 9 duty it is to interpret e Executive and Legis le rules laid down by the ition. What would the h have thought or said ,rt been struck out of ex ,e Government of tbo old practically stricken out of ff government by the I’rtsi-- »s. We have no Supreme dederate States. Let each in this country ask, why— lied until they know the real neantiiue, every one should /Btion of his own right to per (l the possession of property, .tion is the supreme law of the .ate States. It declares that : “The aof the people to be secure iu their per ms, houses, papers aud effects, against un reasonable searches and seizures, shall not be I violated.” “No person ‘shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property bo taken for public use without just compensation.” . -And no warrants shall issue but upou proba * bio cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seiz ed." These guarantees, in the Supreme law, against arbitrary and unreasonable searches, arrests, and seizures, are final, full aud com plete. They cau only bo lessened or modified by the sovereign power which made them a part of the Constitution. The great privilege of the writ of habeas cor pus secures fair trial alter legal arrest or seiz uro. lie suspension in no wise, authorizes uncon stitutional arresta. The Constitution declares that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus “shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it.” Under the name of suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, tie President and the House of Representatives in Congress, have, attempted to pass an act, by which he might -arbitrarily exercise powers over the persons and properly of the people, iu direct violation of the specific and manda tory letter of the Constitution. This was re sisted by the Confederate Senate. Thanks to their uction ; we yet have the right of express ing an opinion in regard to the executive .pets of the principal public officer in our Govern ment, without being consigned to prison on his arbitrary order, or that of his irresponsible subordinates. There being no Supremo Court to decide upon the constitutionality of the laws passed' by Congress, the only redress would bo in the reserved powers of the sovereign States. The President, in his message, effectually disposed of the practical powers of the States by at tempting to prevent them from keeping an armed torce iu time of war, but Congress do cliued to givo him the power asked for. The Constitution declares “that no State shall keep troops or ships of war in time of peace;” and lurther declares that ‘‘the euu meratiou in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.’’ The “powers uot delegated to the Confederate Stoics by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to tlie States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” It is clear that the rigtit of the States to “keep troops or ships of win” in time of war is reserved by the people, and cannot bo prohibited by tho Executive and Cougress. . The President, iu his message, utterly. ig nores this right, and appears to be well satis fied wi(h his own statement, viz: “ he se curity of the States against any encroachments by the Confederate Government, y amply provided for in the Constitution, by reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, aud the authomy of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress." He already Jhas in Com e. crate service the white male population of every State between the ages oi seventeen aud titty years, and appoints tho officers hum:.' i. We believe that the white males between the ages of seventeen and fifty in each State, constitute a large portion, if not the whole ol the militia, and that the President has no right w> :■ . point the officers. The advocates of arbitrary power like not to discuss principles and tacts. Tho plain truth alarms them. Their plea is necessity, and they seek to silence ail opposition, and prevent inquiry by cvyiug ont j •>' v >o 11c . i<a* o have any dissensions;" “For the sake ol our cause,* support your Government—meauieg Mr Davis—right or wrong;” “Yield to him in'We .rythiug, or tho Yankees will subjugate m;” “The truth must uot bespoken, because it vdi encourage the enemy.” The Administration press and the -p*.cUl partisans oj the Executive denounce a trai tors to the cause ot our independence a who express dissent, who tail to support, deciiue to yield their opinions, or speak ilt the truth in reference to the policy aud acts m Mr# LGvis. The people houestlv believe that our Con stitution confers ample powers upon the t u federate Government, ll they are mistaken, I and it can be shows mat changes are necessary ' they can and no doubt will cheerfully and ! promptly make the requisite modifications. I but let any power, no matter what, attack the ; reserved rights of the people ami jjf me S; .fits, by arming their negro slavts, depriviu ; citi zens of their property without compensation, ’ arresting and placing them in prison wit nout due’process ot law, and prevent the sovereign (States from exercising their reserved tight 1o ; keep troops *in time of war and that power . will bs resisted. The Constitution provides the means and the way lor making available in war the last * man, and the last dollar’s worth 01 porperty ■ in the Confederate States. It guarantees, at j the same time, equality, justice, and certain reserved rights to the peo.de and to the States. | It declares that-no law shall be passed by Congress “impairing the right of property iu negro slaves.” But Cougriss ha.- authorized the arming aud organizing of the negroes.— 4m the negro slaves ; muster them as sol- j. diere } organize them into armies ; tight t icm in battles ; kill them by marches, sxposure and fatigue ; give to the negro the highest right of an individual citizen iu any civil- If'',' 1 dmm. W hi. own right’! „and u. taki r -g the of follow m n.— m u-gro fc-lavas 7 Vt> no -Vhy ? B< oaue»- "uotl ing ii this act snail be /vostraea iso an* • .a by consent of m. owner; and of :9s oiates in wh ch they may reside. But whether the re lation between master and slave be altered or not, by mu king soldier.- of she negroes, they force the negroe.: into Ibe army without the 1 consent of the owners, and without the con sent of the States or the people ; because the act authorizes the President “u> call upon each State for her quota of. three hundred thousand troops in a ididon to those subject to military servhe under existing law, irre spective of color.” By “existing laws” the white male population between .ieventeen and silty years arc already in tho Confederate ser vice. Tho new three hundred thousand sol diers must be negroes ; biU the owners a&l the States need not construe this into a change in the relation of master and slave 1 They are permitted to call them s-uves atili, as this is a constitutional reserved rig a t ! Mr. Davis, his adherents, and-the administra tion pres«, may rest assured tout tois war is that of the people, Tue cause is tnat or the people. They brought on this stiuggle iu de fence of their own right*, i; id they Intend to carry it on and wm their independence; and with independence they are aluo determined to have constitutional government,. Unequal and illegal taxes ; arbitrary arrests and confine ment of citizens in prison without due process of law ; sen,;;a of private property tor public use without just compensation ; systematic and persistent refusal to pay debts admitted to be due; neglecting to organize & Supreme Court ; placing ail the white men of every State capable of bearing aims, in C niederatc service, the President appointing the ofiiceiw thereof; forming a Confederate aimy of three hundred thousand negroes, and permitting tire owners and the States in which tbo negroes formerly resided still to call them slaves— these, and other kindred attempts and acts, are creating dissensions and discontents, thereby endangering the succors of our cause. Let th* principal public servant, the President and Cong, ess, change these tilings, or the people, to save the country from ruin and destruction, may he compelled to ,-peak their “ noveic.gtt will,” whi his suprem .aw. [From the Raleigh Standard j FilOl'OfelTiOHN r«» P ii.il SS. It is frequently asserted by Gov. Vance and others, that every effort has been made by President Davis to pave the way to uegotia tions tor peace. It is stated, first, that the Montgomery government gent Commiasione s to Mr. Buchanan, and that he refused to treat with them ; secondly, that a letter was written with Mils view by President Davis to President Lincoln, about rhe time of the first battle of Manassas, and that the letter, entrusted to the hands of. Gen. Bcott, . was never rep.ied to ; and thirdly, linii Ah'. Davis made an effort <o .1803, through \ ice President Stephens, to trea lor peace Ijh li st and second statements.wc dismiss as uaworu.yof serious consideration Even if they nmoutiuni (o anything at the time, tho mam tbmgh tic, wu. war, and the pom; t feeling, now t.o dvep-seakd and wide 'spread in both sections, was very memo. But what of the tlard surtement ? ft is as serted Hurt President I hit"* nuns-- utt effort, a 1803, thro gh Air. to > >eut fut peace.. Wo deny it. W-. i.-tVr -.'-.-low »a iuil the, letter of Mr. Davis to Mr. futpheos on the occasiou referred to : ' IvTCHMO-.0, July, 1863. Hon A 11 Stephens, liuJivwnd, Vo.: Sir: - ilavm. .woepv and y.,-ur pan iotic offer lo proceed »r ;»i : i > Commissioner, und a flag of truce, to »v i;...gio.e. vvu will receive herewith your utu-i -. ■ inffomy to the Com mander :n Cbi> , a y ..cl Navy Os ti e United States. -.his -.it'd ilia, Conrm&tHiO in Ch<et ©« h- couLin;r,< ana and nav i forces ib ' ! will • ■ - im tle terms of the letter tbai it ~- a,, woi.icaas to avoid any pu litical difficult: fc iecepuon Intended exclusively ■ « l tcoso c -ijauiuiiioauun.-i between beinger ~.iiicn puuiie urw recog uizes is ntx:essa»y aoti put ift mtweeu hostne forces, gai,: n s be/:! taktir to give no pro icxi for ren.su;.,, to !i-:c-„ive it on the ground ’that it would iuvovie a tucst recognition of the independence of ttie C ufederacy. i'our imssion i. shnpiy one ofhu ianity, and has no political aspect. . If objaction •• ; .and. to receiving'.your let ter on the ground that it is uot * addressed to Abraham Lait- .u. us President, instead oi Commauder-m-vhief, Arc., then you wui pi\ sent the duplicate miter, which is addressed to him, as President, and signed by as President. To it da letter, ction may be made on tire ground tuns i am not recognized to be President ot tue Confederacy, iu tins event, you vvdi decline.ap.y further attempt -.o' confer on tho subject ol your mission, as conierence is adiu. sable only on the looting ot pertect equality. My recent interviews with you have put #ou so may in possession of my views that it is scarcely necessary to give you any and . tailed instructions, evt.n were I, at this moment, wml enough to at;, mp; it. My whoie purpose is, iu one word, to pmee this war on the lootihg of.such as tue wag.d by civil zed people in modern times, and io divest it of the savage character which has been impressed on i: by our enemies, iu spue of. all our effort; and protests. tVar is iuii enough of unavoidabie horrors, under ail irs aspects, to justify, and even to ueur md, of any Christian rulers who may be unhappily eu gaged in carrying it on, to seek to rostiict its calamities, anu to divest it of ali unnecessary severities. You will endeavor to establish tlie cartel-ioc.tifle exchange ot prisoners on such a basis as to avoiu the constant diifieuities and to prevent, for the future, what we and. cm the unfaii conduct of our enemies iu rue dedvry ot the pri.-oners who fall into their bauds; ru retarding it by sending them on circuitous ioiites, and by deiaiciug th. nr sometimes lor uiomh:-, in camps aud price as, aud iu persist* . "c ruts i'miy.iitSf.nuon is also called to me unheard oi cornel ret. of lYuoral officers in driving irom their Tima A «*n-.>!«• comm = ■.nlties of w. men and V. . * oi i eu, whom they hind in die: vii-i'-H-wi-t-hloops, for no cthei lVitsth) <-»-haa unlortunatos me laltiiml h>- L: *: e' 1 ' M ' due to their States and rJuise- an oath of tideritv to their eueiuies. The jpofjllug .«• death o. unarmed -prisoners has betjn a ground ot just cuinplaint in more than oae.-jmst uav, a. > me rei nt execution of ol ..as.army in Kentucky,tor the sole cause tfciu-..tfet-v »<:• eugag.di:; reorulubg service winch is maimed as slid on of the IJuite.#. km, but is also ciaunc-d bv u as one of Goideder ae Slates, must be re pressed -by retaliation i not uucondiucua ’ abandoned b us*, it would jobti'y ae . execution-in every other State ot me Con... . enifryj irud the pu.cvtv is parbaroiuu u.w; ‘ ly cruel, amycaa on ly lead to the siatmutei prisoners am boin^siues—a result too bomb-.* t.o coiuoppevte w..,mr.. miking an efiort ti> avoid it. ■ On Yd kindred subjects vou wit* ! }joocsiyen-. -vour aa. hoi ity lull anu ample u* ; L make-such -arr . rcam-ats as will temper tlie i pu>eni‘W;u..->i ehc.. ...i.r oi the coldest, a..a tun eo.nfiUtj;oe. is puic .1 u yoiii judgment, pa ism « that.whri • care that tire yi.u gki m v •- • be always j reserved. ' «!>.. . kjM-ji 1C i'Cvl * .* J J^Vi * ’ There is no al.r e- p-ac- in U.w letter. | On the contrary '■ v i -> !•- uisuactly informs j •Mr. Stephens f'u-i :us t--« uc-b 'bus nopoiiti • .cal sapect.” Iliv , t ;.O -.i v. i)-\ls is aU-j war. and re ; . IE ; . » a-- an.e ro place j “ib ■ v.u.r” t.u .1 ; one j word ub -at p< • ib' : 'as a cars fairy, j andihin :u:v i. vm -.re .. v. ccucd k. our inter- , pretatiou oi it ■ r ' il ‘ 0i • v U.b :• ■■■• Wy ! illiCa'ub.: v. M i4 ] iiSi.-ilvC OH the siuij. c, ~ . , ’ : .;> ..... • ti om Federal g 0.,. ... ■ lti di . v . ih-i w lt h : unc'Jj. ■or jivvy t Ah. . at.we .-.re : lOid ii Wys t ~v t 'c * l*c uid hare got a he j., o rent ! avowed t Y . a an* other in view. t Uo.u nai u*..ons in tiJC.: I niercourse are as much bound to be candid as I in-Jividuds. It a governor nt has au obje, t in v .iu l H tire object be a good one, as oa tins (..-.ase a, it can lose no t liing by avowina it. Aas r pride we will not say wicked hu man pride that kept Mr Davis from openly ivow ,;g what ids object was ? W%s it s o fie expected that the Federal government could ; jc tucked iatc neg itiations V Again, Dr. J T. j Leach, _ us this Stale, at ihe last session of Con j grt.-ss, introduced resolutions looking to peace, ! which, if they had been adopted, would cer I tainiy, in our opinion, have opened the wav to j negotiations. But they were r-jeered by Mr. Davis' friends, they would listen to no plan which looked to the intervention of the sover eign States, even in aid o: the common gov ernment, to bring about negotiations. Mr, Davis must make war, and Mr. Davis must make peace in his own good time; aud in h 8 letter to Gov. Vance, or date January.B, 1804, he emphatically says, “ this struggle must con tinue un-i! the enemy is beaten out of his vain confidence_iu our subjugation. Them, and not tilt then, will it be possible to treat for peace, fill then, aii tender of terms to t ;e enemy will be received as proof that we ure ready far sub mission and will encourage him in the atro cious warfare which he is waging.” If this be so, how can if be assumed that Mr. Davjs was anxious to treat for peace through Mr. Ste phens in July, 1563? Gov. Vance agrees with Mr. Davis in this view. Ho ho states in aii his speeches to the people Indeed, the Governor, as the record shows, dees net expect peace even through Mr Davis ; for in ins letter to him of date oi December JO, 1863, to which Mr Davis replied on the BUi of January >s above stated, ho in forms Mr Davis that the “effort to obtain peace i& the principal matter’’—not peace it self! He informs the Puisideut that our peo ple are not supporting the government with • •fUcieiit cordiality—that they are disc on ented,” ami tqat something must bo done lo :U ingikea their patriotism ami render them inure loyal and hopeful. Mr. Davis lepiies, icciiidng even to make the “effort” for peace, a. and fils Gov Vance that tho war must go on that any “effort" even to negotiate will be “received that we are ready for sub mission. Go- Vance says amen to all this, goes to ihe army und exhorts the soldiers to fight until a certain very hot place gets very cdhd, and oomos home and tells sire people we must "fight it out,” and tha< any ■effort’ to ne gotiate save in the way pointed out by Mr. Du i vis would be revolutionary and treasonable. We differ radically on this subject with j ('resident Davis and Gov. Vance We hold ! i bed, enough blood and enough treasure have j been exhausted not only ro justify but to re i quire an effort to negotiate. "Where therein Ia will tmn i8 a way.” Pre.-ideut Davis and j Gov. Vance are bom men of some menial re ! sources, and ii they really desired to consult, jpeople as to the best mean; of stoppiug i vos awful war, they could readily hit upon a ! mber oi piano which would neither b» revo ' no > ry or trea-oituble. even in the judgment of !h> U' partiz-iii friends. Tiie lime must and wiUcov ui when the war will cease. Is ltprob .bi: that the tS. uth will*be stronger, and m a !■ • r condition lb negotiate oh; year hence, • -ix months hence than now? We think not, Mr. Davis cos damns any and all “ten • ■.* •! term:;” to tue enemy. No one has pro posed that. Ihe “tender of terms” will take eo ’he Commissioners to treat are ap ]-i -i*! and not before. What the peop e ■ Mitiiau aritns.tiee and eommisr-ioiteis to I ti :-.it lor’peace. Ihe “ieims” wi.l then bo i coJhfde.ed, aud not before. It we of tue South expect just such a treaty aim just such "leims’" us we desire, we shall fii-d oursv-hyes mistaken, There must be mu iua*. ooticoßsions and compromise, or the war w 1 s•■ever no stepped, it fire people of the : North expect juslomoh. a treaty and just such . ", :ms’ ’■ us aiy desire, they wni fiud them - j sotves mistaken Bosh sections must be wifi ug | to “git o take.’’ No treaty was ever made j <•& any otte r basis If he North could Con or, r us the North might dictate the terms, aud i l ie Bomb might do the game if she could con •im i the k rin. But conquest By either T- im ;/■ ~üble. ; v r a ate alt Americans. Tice North i iu - v overru-t ml hold us-down, aud tile Bout-h i may hanasnand woriy out (Uo North , but in ! c .irer err™ ihe Binflfi would bo ruined, and j toi-.. upi worn would come in and control and ! ui-.p.- or both. Wiry not make an earnest, i 1 t;..tujuaus, persistent,, vigorous effort to treat j • v, v ihiHis-mus upon ihousands o! our best i Hi : ,; ar ;> al mi ry iu their graves, aud thousands J l ■ vi ure crippled or maimed for life. Our ! finuitees at.- in a deplorable condition, all cur ! industrial ivio.mls are languishing, our Schools ) ai;- closed, many oi Our people are suffering tor ii'ooa and cloiioug, tho iusntutiou ol’ slavery is growing .weaker every day. arid it now requires our oid men and boys, added tG our veteran i troops, to keep the battle from our doors. This j -h sober, sol. ma truth. •Shall we conceal the truth fVt.-ia the people, or “prophesy unto*them falriely- V’ Never. Let tue pen oi the states man take the place oi tho sword.’ Let, us carry t-ho olive bran h in one hand and the sword in he other, and iet.us see to it by every means m our power that som, thifig is dime to* top the wa#. If any among ua want snore war and no pence, let t. in go and light; but ’et those who ■eel that the sword should not ‘devour forev er,’’ and that the interests oi the country as well as of iuimauily itself, require that the war should Ln> closed as soon as possible on lion.-n'abie terms, nay all they can, in all places and m i-ii times, lo bring about negotiations tor peace. “Biebsed lire the peacemakers, fc: they sh. ii be called ihe Children ot God.’’ Wherefore ? Because He is a God-of peace.— His “children" love peace, “it possible, be at p-ace-with aH men ”. Is peace wnh North impossible ? Purely, suruy not. Many nations have hated' each other with as much buteme- sas tue North nates the South, or the South the North; but riiere came a time when passion subsided, wtnn reason asserted hei control, wuoi the counsels of good men and u:u injunctions of the A.mighty were regarded, and when peace spread ,ts mantle over them, and over fields but lately reeking with their commingled blood. i’>ght if you must —be at peaoe, if you cau. This is our motto. It is the sentiment of our people; and let no man oe trusted v.iio will not trust the people on this vital subject. Don't TaYk to Him -‘ Tell me not of the f. ocdcui of speech aud opinion; ol State Rights, and ; l kindred nonsense, in times like these ” This is the laogufige of a writer, signing him:Y! “Carlow,” in 'the Macon Telegraph and Confederate ot the l*th instr. During the old revolution, the Congress, tho btaies and the people kept the gwat principles oi oonsti lutionai freedom- treedom oi speech and. opiuioß, and the stronghold cl State ilighta and sovereignly, and *ail ki .died non ease,” constnntly in view . None cf these cardinal. these vital prin ipies were set aside, disregard *d in apied upon, or their sacred precincts nv.uted. Such measures were notat any time ■ zed heocss&vy They were very properly : :: -.rc! i by our iatuers as unnecessary aud • ii_. was this safe Yule —the noble example . Hi-e men in days that tried csen's souls ■o-. i -u Irom in this revoltuion ? It was .1 n -cessary. It has done us no good. It was unwise- It has done us the grcatt-si harm. It •j retarded our success and wia ruin us un iAt.- abandoned. Why is it persisted in ? Why oes it find its advocates when the masses ot tze people, including ti e wisest and best mrn ■a , ,e country, set- andacknow.edge the error “ad me damage done by it ? VV lay does this writer, in tins blustering »nd threatening mau -o:. u* to frighton. every body into acqui-euce .. the continuation <d the. measures thafehave ■ rougiit our present troubles iijh>u us T : • writer tells us not to. taikwoihtm about , ; incii'iio the maimenan^- of jWarqh m in-.lie success desirable, aad witiu#t ydfick wo emmet succeed; and the (iisiopard of which a.cm. can bring taiiure upon V Itseepii»,to r.s that l:.nd paiUsau rage and a sens less ad ....r:« eto tk;;ir masters very seutiusly zfioud i.ic > .-iOi- ana blunt the intellect of many ner sCas. —Macon Coi^ed&rqcy. KYI.' a Hoi Bath Ixoeko.—-A pbot* 'woman Ti *’■ *< i! - • being ordered by a physician IO ■ < tier C did a Uo\ Oafft put a large kettle of •.aim on the ii e. acd putting bar child into it oe-r.n iu pile on iimi iiocialiy. A neignbor i ■.oming in,- sbeniy afterwards, asio. and in sur- J pr;se*» i--.i jie w-j-i about, and on being told: it'.' ue dec or had ordered a -hot bath, »he j “c-stiicd uie iktie one from i-b unmicent peril, j gave the mother some ’’needed infotma-| [F* m the Macon Confed A FEW WiOCUH HlCI.i, ItEADIAU .M t. HlLU’is cE.itu M SS tVA« Mr. Editou : 1 nave just finished re, this somewhat noted production of our “i ing’ Senator. 1 should think he did not poet this exhibition of liis scholarship, pi. iriotism and gallantry to appear in print ; but how could the “dear Miss Evans” withhold from the public such a compliment to heiseff lrom such a source ? The Senator is “comfortable” in the belief that by his “talking” he has been oi some service to the people of the dear old State, which he is proud to know gave her birth and happy to feel gave him birth. Well may | any State boast of the production of such prodigies as these two most extraordinary personages. It can detract nothing from the merit of tne production of the one, or the statesmanship of the other, that the vulgar herd, consisting of nine-tenths of the people, have scarcely heard that the dear Miss Evans had written a novel, —much less read it —or tha she was born in Georgia ; or that none of them can point ont a singie measure for the success of our cause or the relief of our people, which has originated with the Senator. But how can the ignorance of the people on these points affect the great truth that these two illustrious intellects were born in Georgia ? In comparison with this proud boast on the part of the dear old State, how insignificant is the fact, that such men as Jackson, Troup, Clarke, Crawford, Cobb, Lumpkin, Stephens, Toombs, Johnson, Jen kins and all that class of second rate intel lects, were born in Georgia ! The communi cation 1 o the world of the important fact of the birth place of both these individuals was quite sufficient to justify her in the publication of the letter of the Senator, ‘ But let; us examine the compliment paid by one of these truly great minds to theosher.— A ter mentioning the harvest of good deeds, kind wordß, and earnest fortitude, so rich, go abundant aud so ripe, the Senator exclaims: “I congratulate you, my dear Miss Evans, that, with the truest strokes of the longest blade, you are mo ving in tho richest of the field Afi ! ftiy gifted happy friend : you are bearing away sheaves that will make a feast at which th; angels would glutton ! May God spare you to your country, and free your coun ry to you. ” What grandeur in this language! We scarcely know which to admire most : the depth of patriotism and burning love of coun try which prompted these grand conceptions, the poetic thought, magnificence of idea, sub limity oi sentiment, the elegance and finish of the production, the softness and tender ness of affection, or the Senatorial dignity, so conspicuously displayed. Think of the gifted and happy Miss Evans with that “long est blade” of hers, striking the “truest strokes,” (heavy !) and pil ng up rich shelves lor the least; and then imagine the angels spreading their gulden wings and gathering around the “pile,” anxious to “glutton” ! Ain’t that grand? The country owes Miss Evans a* debt of gratitude for giving publicity to this chaste, beautiful and dignified produc tion, which detracts nothing from the impor tance which the world will never fafl to ac cord her came and labors. ihe letter also shows the great difficulties with w ich great minds have to contend in this teirible struggle. The patriotic Senator fi|tls the more than patriotic novelist that the “recr.ants”— <lie mean cowardly part of our people- are as “two to the faithful one,” and that the recreants will increase, while the faithful will diminish. What a sad reflection to the devoted patriot! They have to con duct this great revolution to a successful issue against ttic wishes and without the aid of over two-thirds of our people who are mean cow ards. Iu view of this Btate of public feeling, well may the Senator exclaim : “Do avoid conventions now as you would reconstruction, for they mean the same thing, as now pro posed-the first being the means, the second the end.” Avoid conventions now—at a time when the people afe so cowardly, mean and corrupt. How unpardonable in Gov. Brown to say, he wiis not; afraid to trust the people iu convention! Senator Hill and the dear Miss Evans know the danger of trusting the peo ple with the management of their own affairs. The enatoi communicates it to her, and she with praseworthy prudence conimunicates it to the public. Those whtl are charged with the management of the public interest of the. people, should fully realize the virulence Os the-‘upas poison” in the Governor’s message —-‘.he trusting of the people,—the ignorant, cowardly masses —with the consideration and direction of their own affairs. This danger ous hersey has cost the Senator a great deal ot “talking,” and has no doubt cost Miss Evans manv sleepless hours. Such cubages on the part of Gov. Br .wn are unpardonable, and do most justly bring upon his head the merited sqorn and contempt of that gifted class whoso duty it is to save the country with out tho aid of over two-thirds of the people, aud who wore born to the sublime but labor ious task of thinking and acting for the peo ple, who haae neither the courage nor the patriotism to act for themselves, Senator Hill and Miss Evans will no doubt save the country by a timely exposure of the Governor’s “upas poison,” and their names, will descend to posterity embalmed in per petual gratitude, while those of three or four men iu this State -Gov. Brown, Vice Presi dent Stephens and Gen. Toombs—who haye administered this poison, must live in historic infamy. ' Georoue Testimony op the Enemy.— Many of the enemies of Gov. Brown, and Mr. Ben Hill among them have said, that the Governor’s Message had encouraged the enemy and dis cern aged our own troops but they have never been able to sustain this charge by a single fact Mr. Hill makes the assertion in his speech at Lagrange, but Mr. Hill is in the habit of making assertions without any foundation for them to rest upon. We do not suppose that Greely, or Seward or Lincoln are very reliable witnesses when they testiiy against any of our statesmen, but if they are good against Gov. Brown as Mr. Hill seems to think, they are also good aguiusi President Davis. In a late number of the New Yoik Tribune, i.4 is stated that it “President iifivis had been bribed to wiit-e aMr -s ige on purpose to discourage the rebels and to encourage the friends ot the bo-ion every where, he-could uot have writ ten anything better for that, purpose 'than hi? kite special Message to Congress.” So the 1 tier:us ot the President had better keep Greely out oi court test he may prove too notch.— \\« have nt: sr seen anything from Greely which proved that Gov Brown bad given them ajiv comtor, but all such assertions came trorn sum. ot our own people. « 'Whtu a man is very anxious to testify against anotuer, and what is called a swift witness, it is right to examine into his charac ter and motives. Mr Hill we believe is not cons‘dere4 a very reliable politician He fre quently firies, if.js said, to be on both sides of itiipcn Unit questions, until he can disoaver which s>de is most popu ar. x’lie people have not yet forgotten his peculiar tactics on tlie conscription law nor the scathing rebuke he received in the Seriate from Mr. Yancey on that sui'jecj;.; It appears, he dodged the question, then Vahid ag nust it, and afterwards came ffi-ie aqq.-ma4e a sree. h in tavor of conscrip tion .Why was Mr. Hill absent, from the Sen ate at most important orisis in our affairs, when was to be taken on the suspension of tiie habeas corpus act, on the bili to employ negroes iui soldiers, and on the exemption bill? Vi as he atraid to tafc* the responsibility of a vote, or was it meje congsiyiLyp Jiis feeliDgs jCjpake stump speeYhes in Georgia Against his foi taer coiqpeUtpr au^.sueoessfst rival It Mr. Hi.il tyajjJta, fiur'giony. he pertainiy . takes a strange way tp.bifng. ii about, when he comes to. Georgia to abuse arid villify her Governor and all of those .who support him Mr. Hill was chosen by the Legislature to represent the State .of Georgia in the Confederate Senate; but Instead ot doing his duty in the Senate,- he deserts tbe St mite and comes to Georgia to rep resent a small laction on the stump But in anding this, he not only vented ..his spleen ajfaiust Gov Brown, but he avoided recording ms vote oa several important- questions —Mil iedyeviUe Union. A copras pond ent of the ilontgomry Mail makes a suggestion, that all the liquor iu the city shomd he collected at some place where it can be de stroyed, in case the enemy should approach the city. iliU Ol Lulv aubscriber w». to continue it,, easttwo weeki We Cannotcnange ivldress of a subscriber uaiessitv iives ua hisiormer weli as bis presentaddress. Weekly Hates.— The price of the Wksk.lt Cheokicls 4 Sestissl issis doiiarsioi three months, twelve dollars for six months. Hags! Rags! ! Rags! !!—Thepnperirsakers'vant razs— rags or cotton iiien,tlax, old rope, etc. 1h every village there ought to be a rag merchant, who should buv every pound of rags he can get trout ail the surrounding country. We would like te hear front any who will undertake to buy rags to make paper for the Chrcxicle dr entinel. On receipt we will stateprice,etc..etc. ‘DOVF UlVsfi UP THR tsH P.’ J The words whicu are our text to-day, were once uttered iu circumstances of as t xtrerne peril, as those which now threaten the Confed erate States. Come aud let us reason together, and see how yet we may save the ship and the cargo, and the honor of the crew. We are not so particular a&out the fate of some of her officers. We have so often had the task of exploding the air bubbles of the administra tion party, that the task has lost all the charm of nov-elty. In the opening of the war, the President told the Mayor of Atlanta, that the high seas would swarm with Yankee p' ivateer3, who under tho shelter of the Conlederate dag, would assail the commerce of their own land. That did not happen. We were told that the plan ot Vice President Stephens to buy all the cotton in the country at eight cents a pound and send it to Europe before the blockade was established—was use less. That England and France would not recoguiae a “ paper blockade,” and tuat the armies and navies of Europe would fight our battles, ail for love of King Cotton. That did not happen. We were told that Mr. Stephens’ idea that taxation for the purpose ot keeping the cur rency searte , and therefore valuable, was use less—for the war would soon be over, the fac tories of the North would be stilled aud the operatives starve, the grass would grow iu the streets of New York, and the President re-oc eupy the pew he had retained in the Episcopal church iu Washington city. That did not happen. We were told that Eagland and Fiance would recognize and secure our indt pcudenco, .upon our giving up our slaves within thirty years by gradual emancipation. did not happen. We were told thatoEngland had recognized the legality of the first election of Lincoln, but would not the second The tact that “he was President until his successor was elected aud qualified,” and therefore held in right ol the fi*st, if not of the second election. The fact that no more Southern votes were given for Lincoln in the first election than in the second, and not so many. This was set aside and Eng land & Cos. were to recognize us because the South did not vote in tho election ! That did not happen. Then Richmond was to be saved with an army of two hundred thousand negroes. Lee, a good general but a moderate politician, was tor it. Ignoring the fact that the Yankees give freedom to tho negro soldier, freedom to his wife and children, freedom to his posterity, and rations to the w men aud children ; and we would have to offer the same bribe to make them fight. Ignoring the fact 'that a hundred thousand slaves in arms ior freedom, might very naturally march across the battle field and take their freedom without fightiug. Ig noring the fact that there are not enough guns in all the arsenals, to arm tho two hundred thousand negroes with—still Richmond was to be saved by them. That did not happen. Oh ye blind, following blind leaders so long ! is it not the part of wisdom to try new physicians ? For if no better than the old, they may have better luck. The great error of tho war has been con densed into the insane cry, “ Don’t fight the Government.” The Administration is not the Government, for we have a Constitution which even Presidents swear to obey. The real c-y should have been, Don’t fight the People ! It is the people who lilt the army ; the peo ple who pay taxes ; the people who live in towns that are burned ; the people who voted for secession ; the people who suffer ; the people who feed and clothe the army ; the people who are brave or despondent ; the people who own the Government ; th > people who die! Therefore, do not oppress the peo ple, and do not fight the people ; but if any power, King or Congress, oppress the people, then fight that power, for it is fighting the life of the revolution. The next has been in over- doing our suc cesses. When we win battles, we think we can whip the world. When we loose, our clespon dency is disgraceful. After the defeat of Pope in Virginia, after the defeat of Grant’s attempts at Chickasaw Bayou and Yazoo Pass, and while the great Peace Convention was gathering in Ohio— then if Mr. Stephens bad been allowed to go tr Washington city in his own way, we would have had peace and independence. But Gen. Lee. was ordered into Pennsylvania. The Peace 4 Congress adjourned. The frightened citizens of the North thronged to the army of McClel lan. The Washington government refused to make peace with an army at its gates, and to take terms at the point of the bayonet.. Mr .Stephens returned without an interview, and Gettysburg and Vicksburg completed the pic ture. If then there be b- pe left us, where is it ? How may we yet succeed iu getting an bonora blepeace? Let us grow wise m the light of the past, and undo what wo have done wrong If “there has not been an adult voluuteer” since the passage .of the conscription ict, then it is time we had some. The Georgia Peace Resolutions of Hon. Linton Stephens, are the only lights that we can. follow with safety. The substance ia, to offer peace to the United States alter each vic tory, on the basis of the principles-of 1770. Any peace which the people of*the States willingly accept, is an honorable me ? s}.ud we most rally our scattered squadrons fox. j\ fight for peace If we either shamefully lay / down our arms, or tight with no wisdom to gWde ‘us, no Os reasonable hope,, the v'esult will he annihi ,lation“as a nation ; and perhaps the radical demagogues of the North may even overthrow "the wish of Lincoln to restore us as States, and finally make territory of the domain, and con fiscate the property of citizens. This we say may be the fruit of a longer war on the same mad theory that has strewn fbur years with the garlands of a nation’s hopesVonly to wither on the heaps of the bon.ea.of the two hundred" .thousand dead. We are not mined, but it will take the moat skilful management to bring back the two re army that President Davis says erted their colors. It will take the kindness and care of the meu. and pay .king and entiie stoppage of all abuse, j them to win more victories. It will take ; victories—something like the defeat of j m Virginia— to get us as good a peace as ru.d have got them Therefore, we appeal to war spirit of the country to arouse once re, not to prolong the war I—God forbid ! *.-t to gain once more a position for peace. What we fear is, that the army will break up into guerilla bands, ani then our past expe rience is a warning of our future. Tho prop erty of the rich will be the spoil of L.e many who have lost all they had, or never had any thing ; and the irresponsible and unorganized bands of men in uniform, will plunder from all who have homes, or goods, or provisions, from necessity—and will fight the enemy but little, for that will be dangerous. Remember that we may even yet save slave ry. We may even yet teach England and France that sending arms and the pauper mil lions to the North to fight ua, is a debt we are able to repay. When we say we want aa honorable jieace, we mean that the vote of the people wil 1 never dishouor themselves, aud that what they vote to accept, be it what it may, will be an honorable peace. THE PROUREgg OF THE WAR. While we confess that our thoughts are turned on peace, and that jve believe that tho people are ready to embrace any settlement that will aave the South from dishonor and the utter ruin of its material interests, yet the war may be indefinitely prolonged until many thousands more of our best and bravest are slain iu the prime of their years aud in the glory of their young manhood. The fall of Richmond, however, will materially inilueuce ihe fortunes of the fight, and will necessitate a radical change in the plan of our military operations. There are two stages iu every war of inva sion like the one which our enemies are now waging agaiust us. The first is when the ex terior line of detenctes is still intact and unbio ken. The second when that outer barrier is overleaped, and when the interior defences which constitute the vital points of the body •politic are vigorously assailed. The former stage with us is now passed. If compelled to evacuate Mobile, we shall then have been die "lodged trom every position on the Atlantic and Uulf coast of any strategic or commercial value. Nor have these positions been tamely yielded, but in the main they have been de fended with a bravery hardly inferior to that obstinate valor which has made Harlaim and Rochelle memorable in tho annals of war. They have nevertheless fallen in slow succes sion ; and now, we repeat it, a sterner struggle begins between the embattled sections. It may be .brief, but it will be desperate ; it will inevitably be both sharp and decisive, if mea sures are not inaugurated to settle difficulties by negotiation—a matter that can yet be done. ’lf the people permit the war to continue, hereafter our armies will be divided, it -being a pnysicai impossibility to subsist and transport large armies with our circumscribed area, and our railway system almost hopelessly destroy ed. Our policy will be to harrass by sudden attacks, rather than to seek hiß destruction in pitched battles. All attempts to ' recapture lortified towns will probably be abandoned) aud consequently our chief cities will remain in their posses don until the termination of the war. Something akin to the guerilla fighting of Spai” and Mexico will be adopted amongst us, and despite its manifold evils and incon veniences, it is now almost our only hope of deliverance. But again, if no settlement is made, we must henceforth become thoroughly Belf sustaining. Many important supplies have heretofore been drawn from foreign countries. This of neces sity will cease. No more blockade 6teamers from the’Clyde. Nassau itself, the chief entre pot of our contraband trade, will relapse into its former insignificance as a victualling and coaling station for British vessels, and a port ifT safetv for ships of all nations when endan gered by stress of weather. We must dispense with foreign luxuries. Silks and calicoes are to be numbered with the frilled caps and fur* beiowed skirts of our venerable grandmothers Coffee and tea, those genial beverages which cheer but do not intoxicate, are to be looked upon as impossible attainments. And without further specification, we must be prepared—if we conclude not to make peace—for severer privations and sufferings than have yet been dreamed of ffi our free and easy philosophy. It is well to look these matters squartily in the lace, for they pro not illusions ot the mind, but sober, painful realities. Our heart trem bles with apprehension of these coming evils, and we would gladly seize any honorable op portunity to save our country from this blight ing curse. We have not despaired of an adjustment alike honorable to both sections, which shall put a period to these woes, and bring order and beauty out of this weltering chaos of blood, which threatens to engulf the civiliza tion of a continent, and we may add, the dear est interests of universal humanity. Has the Governor's Message cabbed oca * hoots to Desert? — One of the most serious charges made against the Governor’s Message; aud the one most frequently reiterated, was that it would cause our soldiers to desert. Has it clone ho ? Will any of the Governor’s worst enemies dare assert this ? On the con trary ia those very papers which made that charge, we have accounts from day to Hay and from week- to week of the thousands and tens of thousands of soldiers who had deserted or straggled from their commands before the message was written, returning to their duty, thus giving the lie direct in their own columns to their former assertions. Do they imagine the people .will not notice this strange contra diction ’k-yerdy those who assert falsehoods, should hfiyb strong add accurate memories We do not hear of any desertions now, nor have there been any complaints about deser tion since the message was written. A Soldier’s Opinion— Annexed is an ex tract from a letter written by a soldier in the Seventh Missouri Artillery. He is an exchan ged prisoner on his way to his comnQpd. The letter is dated Washington, April 7. He says: “My opinion in regard to matters is this. “ Men who were the first for war, ought to be “ the first on the field of battle to fight for “ their homes and firesiiea." The Virginia Legislature.—North Caro lina papers state that aneffort is being made to hold a session of the Virginia Legislature, but that several days have elapsed since the time appointed for the assembling and nothing like a quorum can he obtained in either branch. ■ our idea* as to the pos - bilii v: i> : r.i us, and do not yet think that ihe w rer f battle has decided against our people to ;;n- « Cent of utter ruin. True, l e pe’,ideal heavens are very dark, but the <->e of hope can see openings iu the black mantle of the sky, and through them, the golden gales of honor that open to all willing hands, and lead to tho paranise of peace. Lincoln’s emancipation policy is the accident and consequence of the war, but in no way its oanse. He well knows if an honorable peace is made, that he will have no lands and house* to g.ve tho emancipated slaves. He know from the experience of three years that the u«*. gi o makes a poor soldier and a worse citizen and we are satisfied that he would be g!adi> excused the care aud maintenance of so expen sive an elephant, as a few millions of free ne groes. We have much more to fear .from the crazy negro soldier idea and the abolition press or the South, than of the abolition hordes of the North. Wet believe that it is yet possible :« save slavery.' A portion of the North w< u u ike to eee fte negroes free, but knowing fii u they could not, and we would not, support millions of free vagabonds, we tnink if a p< a •„ is soon made that they will let them alone. True, we are not now in a good condition u«. hope for the best of terms, but another vicio; \j or even a tucceseful retreat, may better c-.. .- Gondition- Mr Buchanan, the old public functional y who split his party and ruined his counit -.. wrote a message to Congress qtu Kansas ass m„ and in it put the words—“A majority ot u. people of Kansas are undoubtedly in a state or rebellion.” He sent for Hon. A. H. Stepheui so read it before it was sent in, and Mr. bio phens suggested that lie strike out the word . quoted, as a majority could not be iu rebellion as they had a right to govern. So we think, and deny that the action of a majority can b.; wrong, unless the action he in itself Cons, que.itly, we lioid that the majority of tV people of these States, or any State or State* have a rinht to form and regulate their domestic and foreign relations in their own way, svbjec onlu to the written Constitution agreed upon I><j themselves, and to the laws of God. * This Government is theirs. The land ia theirs. The waters are theirs. Tho Congiot-.a and President are theirs ; the life, and blood, and,treasure are theirs ; and they can have peace on %j ten ns they choose to accept, ami no dishonor.can attach to the free action of u free people Therefore, as victorjumay again crown our arms—and God grant that it he soon—we should deliberate what terms on interest will allow us to make and accept With the use of' a little common sense, and a littlp concession on both sides, the existing war between tho North and the South can bo settled honorably and satisfactorily to all. Sheridan’s Escape. —The Richmond papers state that the late escape of Sheridan’s raideis is said to have been in consequence of Gen. Longstreet not being able to procure pontoons to bridge the Pamuukey river. Every order was given and every effort made by Gen. Longstreet to got the pontoons, but all failed. That owing to the dilatoriness or negligence of someone in Richmond the pontoons were not sent up ia time, and the enemy escaped. It is also stated tliqt the pontoons were in the river near Oh Ilia's Bluff, aud not in Rich mond. Whose negligence it was, it is not yet ascertained, but that someone is being greatly censured cannot be doubted. The Enquirer says if ever there was au occasion for strict in vestigation and summary punishment this it that occasion. But the matter will probably be hußhed up. From the Coast,— From the Maeon Tele graph we learn that some weeks ago Colonel Clinch, of the Fourth Georgia Cavalry, and a party of his men, dashed into Fort McAllister, at Genesis Point, and captured the working force of negroes- engaged in dismantling th,. work. About forty were brought away, to . gether with a number of horses. It will be re - membered that this was ihe first point struck; by Sherman on reaching the coast, and that iit gave him a commanding base for subsequent operations. The fleet opening fire on Colonel Clinch and his paity, prevented the work from being he Id had it been designed to do so. Yankee Forces in the Vallev.— The report that Hancock was moving up the Virginia Valley, towards Stanton, with several thous and men, is incorrect. There is but one Yan kee regiment south of Martinsburg, and that is posted at Kernston Our scouts report that this regiment was last week making their pre parations to remove to anew field of opera tions. - -W B~mm— Southern Baptist Convention— Rev. P. H. Mell, President of the Southern Baptist Con vention, has published a card in which ha states that owing to the movements of the armies in the vicinity of Raleigh, the Qpnven tioa will n°t meet in that city according to adjournment. The body it is now announced will meet in Macon on Friday before the second Lord’s day in May. The BiitL.ii Society of the Confederate States.— lhe Third Anniversary of this Sooie ty will be held in this city, on Wednesday evening, the I9th April. ' The Annual Sermon will be delivered by the Rev. W. T. Brantley, D. D. in the Green Streot Baptist Church. Service will commence at 7£ o’clock, P. JM. From Last ’! ennksske. —The last advices from East Tennessee represent Thomas’ army to have been at Carter’s, twenty miles from Bristol —but that he had fallen back to Green ville. Gen. Echols, with a large force is watching his movements. From Mobile. —The Columbus Enquirer of April 9, says, from a gentleman who left Mo bile just a week ago yesterday we learn that the Yankee force had made nc impression up on our defences at Blikely and Spanish Fort, and that the authorities were confident of our ability to hold the city. « General Pickett. —We regret to learn that this brave general was among the officers killed in the bat tle just before Richmond was evacuated. Death of Gen. A. P. Hill.—lt is stated that General A P. Hill was killed in the late battle in Virginia.. A school has been opened at Marion, Perry county, Ala., upder the supervision of the Trustees of Howard College for the. benefit of retired soldiers desirous of educating them selves for future usefulness. The school is sufficiently large to accommodate three hun dred students, and as nothing*..is, ehqrgedfor, tuition, we bespeak for this and ith noble and beneficient Prdfes&nr a* popularity rivalling that of the great Gfirard College o| Philadelphia,