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(he Finance Committee to provide by taxes for tbe support of the government of tbe State for the year 1866—was taken up by sections. The whole morning was occupied on tbe bill with out arriving at a vote. SENATE. Monday. February 19. A bill was introduced to donate tbe lands belonging to the State lying in tbe Okafecokee swamp, as a permanent endowment to the Orphan’s Home. Bill to lake the Census of the State the present year. Laid on tbe table for the pres - ent. Bill to make valid private contracts made during the late war, and to allow to the same an equitable construction. A substitute was offered to this bill which was ordered to be printed, and the bill and substitute was post poned for the present. Tbe annexed bills were lost : to regulate and fix tbe charges of railroads In this State to tbe charges allowed the Georgia Railroad; o change the line between Fayette and Clan ton; to compensate Ordinaries and Clerks for tdministering the Amnesty Oath; to amend a ction 3794 of the Code, se'l'be annexed bills were passed: to amend the Charter of the town of Georgetown, in Quitman county ; to amend the Charter and corporate laws of the city of Milledgeville as to tbe mode of electing Aldermen; to author ize the Inferior Court of Hcriven county to levy an extra tax; to extend tbe time for tbe issue of (reedmen’s rignt; to increase the per diem per day of teachers of poor children; for the relief of Martha Lester, of Fulton county; to vest the State’s Reserve in the corporate limits of Macon in the City of Macon; to re peal Section 4413 of the Code—repeals the law forbidding the carrving of conceded wea pons; to incorporate the Romo Gas Light Com pany; to incorporate the North Ammican Fire Insurance Company of Atlanta, capital stock $100,000; to incorporate tbe Wabatchee Min ing Company; to regulate the sale of spirituous liquors and to provide against the keeping of disorderly houses; to change the line between Upson and Crawford; to authorize tbe appoint ment of Vendue masters in the several incor porated towns of this State; to declare valid all the acts of the civil officers of this State whether such officers have been pardoned or not; to amend section 3320 of the Code; to in corporate the tov/n of Steadman, in the county of Benton. HOUSE. Thursday, February 19. The tax bill passed on Saturday was re considered . The annexed bills introduced ; relating to vendue masters ; to incorporate the Carroll Manufacturing Company ;to repeal sections 4433 and 4434 of the Code ; to allow the Infe rior Courts of Green county to luvy and collect an extra tax to build a bridge over Oconee river ; a biil to incorporate the Little River Mining Company ; to repeal the law, prohibiting the marriage of first cousins ; to inco porate the steam Cotton Mill in Colum bia ; for tbe relief of.JVlilah Howard, of Pierce county ; to allow Ordinaries to grant tempor ary letters with a bond only for personal property. • The annexed resolutions were introduced : that no new matter be introduced after 20th instant ; that the committee on tbe Peniten tiary report what repairs are necessary to put the insitution in order ior the reception of criminals ; for the relief of banks. A motion was made to suspend tho rules to take up the resolution for the relief of Banks. The resolution, after some discussion, was lost. MONDAY AFTERNOON SBBBION. The annexed bills were passed : to authorize the luterior Court of Camden county to regu luto uud prescribe the rates of ferriage in said county; to incorporate Konnesaw Mining Com pany; for the relief cf Arthur Hutchinson of Campbell county; constituting the town of Cuthbert, Randolph county, a city; to author ize the use, by John G. Park and others, of tbe water power on the State’s Reserve at In dian Springs; to change the time of holding certain Superior Courts in the cuit—it includes the courts in the counties of F'loyd, Polk, PauldiDg and Campbell; to change the lino- between Murray and Gordon counties; to extend tbe corporate limits of the city of Rome; to make valid certain acts of In ferior Court of Polk county; to appoint a su perintendent of roads and bridges in Wilkes couuty; to extend tbe time for the completion of the Coosa & Chattooga Railroad. SENATE, Tuesday, February 20. Tho bill passed to regulate the sale by retail, of spirituous liquors, and to provide against the keeping of disorderly houses, was recon sidered. Tbe annexed bills were introduced: to in corporate the North Georgia Mining & Manu facturing Company; to incorporate the Geor gia Lile & Accident Insurance Company of At lanta. Tbe annexed resolutions were introduced: authorizing the Governor to audit and pay certain claims of Seago, Palmer & Cos, against the State; blbo a resolution in regard to certain claims against tbe State for printing. A resolution was agreed to authorizing the Governor to draw his warrant on tho Treasury in favor of the principal keeper for tbe amount duo, as exhibited by the report of the principal keeper thereof. The annexed bills were passed; to incorpo rate the Oostanaula steamboat Company; to incorporate the town of Wrightsville in John son county; to change the name of the Confede rate Fire and Marine Insurance Company of Atlanta to the F'ire and Marine Insurance Company of Atlanta; to amend the charter ot the Auraria Lloso Miuing Company; to incorpo rate the Emp : ro State Manufacturing Company of Newton county; to chango the time of hold ing Superior Courts in Muscogee county; to authorize the Interior Court of Bartow couuty to issue bonds; to amend section 1954 of the Code; to amend section 4613 of the Code: to alter road laws of the State; for the relief of F.. F. Homden and others; to deline certain acts of trespass, and make the same penal. Bill to require the several railroads of this State to turnish separate cars for colored per sons. Lost. HOUSE. Thursday, February 20. So much of the action of tbe House as re lates to tne incorporating of tbe North Geor gia and Alabama Mining Company was recon sidered. So much of the action of tho House was reconsidered as relates to the appointment ot a superintendent of roads and bridges for Wilkes county. The tax “bill, being the special order, was taken up aud after amendments was passed. Additional PosT-Omcss Rs-crEusD in Geor oia.—Special Agout A. L. Harris furnishes the Savannah Republican with the annexed list of Post-offices re-opened in Georgia. Tine Log, Cass co, IV m Alien. Cave Spring, Floyd co, S C Trout Richtnoud Factory, Richmond co, D B Hack. Hartwell, Hart co, F C Stephenson, Tocmbsboro, Wilkinson co, C M Lindsay. Crawlordville, Taliaferro co. Geo F Bristow. Dahlonega, Lumpkin co. John T Faxon. Big Shautee. Cobb co, Geo T Carrie. Knoxville, Crawford co, Miss E W Torence. Canton. Cherokee co, Wm Dowdy. Cosset a, Chattahoocee co, Mrs SR Cobb. | Monroe, Walton 00, James W Biker. Woodstock, Cherokee co. Laura J Hardin. Danielsville, Madison co, E S Cobb. Lawrenceville, Gwinnet co, Jesse Murphy. * Daubing. Wilkes co, Mrs F Danforth. Doctor Town, Wayne co, D J Diilop. Nashville. Berrien eo. Mrs S K Skenpard. lrwinville, Irwin co, David J Ferris. Camilla. Mitchell co, Lewis Stanley. Abbeville. Wib-ox co, H L Davis. House Creek, Irwin co, Simon Stanly Griffin’s Mills, Lowndes co, Miss Harriet Bird. McDonough, Heniy co, Samuel E Dailey. There are seven cotton factories in operation in Texas. A natural cave, one thousand feet to length has been discovered under the Minnehaha brewery in St. Louis. Burham, the mock auctioneer of New has been sentenced to the State prison for-two years and six months for swindling a lady of S2OOO A youth ofsevett en was ‘‘damaged' by a in* ry in Ohio, the other day, k to the tune of $3,000, j for not keeping his promise with a maiden of i forty-three. - * ijjnmdi & AUGUSTA, GA. WEDSESDAVMOttSirn FEBRUARY 28. Charge of Rates. The Cheapest Weekly Is sued in the- Country, THE WEEKLY Chronicle & Sentinel - Is Issued every Wednesday. It will contain all the latest markets, both foreign and domes tic, as well as all the current news of the day Subscriptions will be received at the annexed rates: One copy one year, $ fj Three copies one year, 5 Five copies one year, 8 Ten copies one year, 15 Any larger number addressed to names of subscribers $1 50 each. An EXTRA COPY will be sent to any person who will get up a club of ten names and forward the same. These ra es makethe AUGUSTA CHRONICLE & SENTINEL the cheapest publication in the country. DAY BREAK. The recent veto of thff’iniscbievous bill which passed both Houses of Congress, under the en gineering of Sumner, Stevens, and their N. O. B. coadjutors, and the subsequent support of the veto by the Senate of the United States, furnish tbe most unmistakable glimpse of a brighter day for the country, which we have had since the close of tho revolution. Issue is now fairly joined between the rabid Republic cans who up to this time have had full sway, and Andrew Johnson together with such con servative men as really love the Union and are honestly seeking its restoration. If the radi cals gracefully recede from ultraism, now that they have been thwarted in a favorite measure, aud accept tho reconstruction scheme on which the President insists, they may retain his favor and continue in power under his strong sup port. But they are too much flushed with the successes of the past, to succumb to the views of a man who is “by birth, education, and practice allied to slavery, and who joined the Republican party for the sakool the spoils,” as these complimentary gentry are pleased to af firm of tho President. The strong probabil ity is, that-'they will make a fight and retire from tho contest only under stern compulsion. We are glad at the present time that there is a mau in the Presidential chair with a “back bone.” In this quality, Andrew Johnson re minds us more of his distinguished predecessor, the first Andrew from Tennessee, than any man who has filled the position, since tho hero of New Orloans vacated the office. We have wofuliy misapprehended his policy and his pluck, if he quails before the most formidable phalanx which the disunion party in Congress can marshall against him. Ail honor, too, to the eighteen who have had vhe manliness to plant themselves against a measure fraught with disaster to the freedmen, disquiet to our white population, and continued agitation to the whole country. May the coalition gather strength until our unhappy land i3 relieved of the fanatical disturbers who now revel in their discard. The obvious wisdom of the Southern people is to strengthen the hands of our Northern friends. Though unrepresented in Congress, we can nevertheless do much to influence the decisions to bo made on questions affecting our vital interests. If we wish to thwart the patriotic purposes of the President and his conservative supporters; if we wish to promote the continuance of military rule amongst us, the suspension of the habeas corpus, and the thousand vexations and perils springing from the presence of negro troops; if we wish to see our property trembling uuder sentence of con*, fiscation;' if we wish to attract calamity to every material interest—then let us gratify our passions by tbo denunciations of the governs ment; let us prate about what we intend to do wban wo get into power; let us treat the freed mien harshly; let us talk about the repudia* tion of the national debt; let us in short act and rpeak in such a way as we shall bo taunting to the Northern masses, and the suicidal work will be most effectually accomplished. We shall thereby depress our friends and erhilerate our enemies. We shall neutralize any arguments which the former may urge in onr behalf. We shall supply new reasons to those who are seeking still further to humble, and to oppress, and to harraes us. If, on the other hand, we wish to alleviate, as far as possible, the evils of subjugation ; if we desire to be re-invested with the privilege of self-government ; if we are anxious for the return of order to a country now divided be tween anarchy and a military despotism, let us be loval; let us show what is true, viz; that when brave men take an oath it is done in good faith ; and however humiliating may be the duty, they are determined to keep it ; let us act as it the United States were our govern ment ; that its constitution and laws shall re ceive our honest support. Only in this way can we overthrow the merciless cormorants, who, under the guise of negrophilism would visit onr land with a destruction compared with which the depredations of the African lo custs would be utterly insignificant. Only irr this way can we fortify the hands of the Presi dent in his noble efforts to stay the on rushing tide of an unsparing fanaticism. MsEcr is one of the highest attributes of the Deity. It is the most distinguished characteristic of His goodness. The human mind, unbiassed bypartiztn prejudice, instinctively admire it. Cateliae, the foul conspirator’s grave, was strewn with fbweis— not for sympathy with his crime, but for the cruelty exhibited towards him by the Roman authorities. Humanity never fails to make its impression on t! e minds of men. Authority, when pushed to great ex cess, like the bow over-bent, flies asunder.— Even the greatest criminal, when too severely dealt with, arouses public sympathy when the heinousness of his crimes are lost in the sever ity of punishment. Moderation and justice, tempered with mercy, never fail to make lasting reputation for those who occupy high places. They are the only means by which j governments concentrate public opinion and : wield a united nation in behalf of the oommon I good of the whole people. Wendell PHiLLirs on a Rampage. —Wendell Phillips is on a radical rampage through the North, lecturing on of the Hour.” The annexsd extracts show the tenor of the whole address': “Tbe campaign of Virginia was r fought against the representative rebel Lee. The present campaign is fought against Andrew Johnson, who leads the hosts of the Confeder acy. The question hag shifted from the camp into tbe forum ;it has shifted from tbe cannon into ideas ; and the great mdmentcus discrimination needed to-day is, where the party lines run. ® • ® We have crushed South Carolina, and now the President means to crush Massa chusetts. Well, we accept the war. It he succeeds he shall write his name higher than that of Burr or Arnold, for the treason which they'attempted and failed in, he carried out, we will write it side by side with them—the traitor that tried and failed—if we win.’’ It is with shameful abuse and vile misrepre sentations of this kind, that the radical lead ers are endeavoring to keep awake sectional Tueds and bitterness in the hearts of their de luded followers against the South. Os course no one who knows Phillips .expects to find him ac cording in the least with law, order, or practical humanity. He and his unwashed coadjutors were in the heighth of their glory when the late civil war raged the and when brother slew brother in the fatal affray. Peace appears to be a thing loathsome to their diseas ed minds. Nothing but discord and slaughter will satisfy the fanatical, freedom-Ehriekiug crew. To say that Phillips and these of his- stamp are friends to the race over which they have shed so many crocodile tears and uttered so many hollow, hypocritical prayers—would be uttering that which is incorrect iD every parti cular. Little care this corrupt gang of agitators for the negro, or for the coun try either. Unprincipled to the highest degree, selfish in tbe extreme, devoid of all patriotism, with hearts filled with lust of power and hatred towards all who dare oppose them—they still seek to tear afresh the healing wounds of the nation, and plunge again into another fearful civil war this already blood-drenched land. The only hope of our country is in the con servative element. Radicalism both South and North should be sternly rebuked. Every true patriot should frown down all sectionalism. Those who desire to see the political storm now raging ’quieted, Bhould do all in their power to suppoit the President and his policy. He is endeavoring ’to preserve tho Constitu tion—the great breakwater of the angry torents of radicalism which are madly dashing against it. Ho has proved himself worthy of the undivided support of the conservatives of the nation, and should have it. Merit not Destiny. —lt is frequently said that destiny regulates events. This idea owes its origin to the fact that the cause of events is not generally understood, The .defeat of Gen. Scott, the great military chieftain, for the Pres idency was not the result of accident or pre ordained destiny, but of the train of thought inculcated into the peoplo of the great Repub lic. Partiality for men is not one ol*tke char acteristics of the American nation. We are devotees of principle. Here, as iu no other country, the only solid foundation in public favor is to be obtained by a strict adherence to the right of the people, and an unfaltering devo tion to free government. We have frequent illustrations of the principle that the strength of men doos not depend on tho brilliant per formance in war, or eloquence on the rostrum; none more forcible than that of the present chief magielrate, who stands to dav, far above all other men in tho affection and confidence of the American people. No higher compli ment could be paid to us as a nation, than the fact that the power and influence of • military glory has been lost In the intelligence of the people. They, in their wisdom, are preparing to immolate radicalism, which j has been the chief source of evil to the Republic. Its bitte 1 fruits are too familiar to the peoplo to escape their revenge. The radical element involved the country in the late disastrous war. All of its baneful effects are to be laid to their charges. In the future the people will eschew radicalism as the greatest evil. The people have been purified by the late revolution, and a great conservative party will riso up in the country founded on the political ideas of the present chief magistrate whichc ontrol the coun try in future. Radicalism will be swept away by the tide of public opinion, not again to be revived until the horrors and woes of the late war pars from the memory of the people. Sbntimsnts o? President Johnson. —The bearing of Andrew Johnson, as a Constitutional President in ail his interviews with the numer ous Committees, almost daily presenting them selves at the White House, cannot, we think, fail to convince the reading public of the high qualities of thb man. Some points in his ad dresses must prompt every one to believe that his only wish is, while in public office, to main tain the Constitution of his country, and to serve, in the best manner Congress-will permit him, the whole people of the United States' of the President’s late remarks recall the high-toned words of Washington, who in a letter to Lafayette in 1781—the war being over and the independence and unity, of the country being secured—said: “ Ism solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments of which the soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all. * « ® Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all.” . His love.for the unity of the Government, and for equal and exact justice among the people, shows how deeply and profitably President Johnson has studied the example of the Presi dent of the Convention which framed the Con stitution of the United States. If Congress would borrow a little light from the seme high example, and act in the same spirit, the effect would be a blessed one for the peacß and pros perity of the country. Eeliif for the Basks.— We confess our sur prise that any man in the Georgia Legislature, claiming to be just, can withold his support from some plan proposing reiief for the stockholders of the State Banks. Tbs Gaver .nor has strongly recommended a measure, and the friends of just'ce most heartily con cur. The Banks are unable to pay their y Is, simply because the State borrowed their money and then under a political necessity repudiated the debt. Now, when the State has deprived the Banks of the means of meeting their obli gations, it .doubts, it would seem, the propriety of affording any relief. The Stockholders by the action of the State have lost all thsir in vestments. If there is to be further loss it ought to fall on the State. She took the assets which belonged to the bill holders and used them. Now it is no more than fair that the innnocent Stockholders should be relieved, and the innocent bill holders be paid—and ths~ State of Georgia who caused the existing con dition of affairs, is in honor bound to exhonorate the one and liquidate the claims of the other. Address oi Hon, Alex. S. Stephens BEFORE THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY CF THE STATE OF GEORGIA, FEBRUARY, 22d, 1866. Genthmen of the Senate and Souse of Eepre-eniai'.ves I appear before yon in answer to your call This call, coming in the imposing form it does, and under the circumstances it does, requires a response from me. You have assigned to. me a very high, a very honorable, and respon sible position. This position yon know I did not seek. Moat willingly would I have avoid ed it; and nothing but an extraordinary sense cf duty coaid have induced me to yield my own disinclinations and aversions. to your wishes and judgment in the matter. For this unusual manifestation of esteem and confi dence, I return you my profoundest acknowl edgments of {gratitude. Os one thing only can I give you any assurance, and that is, if I shall be permitted to discharge the trusts thereby imposed, they will be discharged with a singleness of purpose to the public good. The great object with me now, is to see a restoration, if possible, of peace, prosperity, and-Gonstitutional liberty in this cnco happy, but now disturbed, agitated, and distracted country. To this end, all my energies and efforts to the extent of their powers, will be devoted. You aak mwziews on the existing state of affairs; our duues at the present; and the pros pects of the future? This is a task from which, under ordinary circumstances, I might very well shrink. He who ventures to speak, and to give council and advice in times of peril, or disaster, assumes no enviable position. Far ba that rashness from me which sometimes prompts the forward to rush in where angels might fear to tread. In responding, therefore, briefly to your inquiries, I feel, I trust, the full weight and magnitude of the subject. It involves the welfare ot millions now]!iving, and that of many more millions who are to come after ue. lam also fully impressed with the consciousness of the inconceivably small effect of what I shall a iy, upon the momentous results involved in the subject itself. It is with these feelings, I offer my mite of council at your request. And in the outset ot the undertaking, limited as it is- intended to be, to a few general ideas only, well may I imitate an illustrious example in invoking aid from on High; “that I may say nothing on this occasion which may cotnpromit, the honor, the dignity, or best interests of my country.” I mean specially the rights, honor, dignity, and best interests of the people of Georgia. With their sufferings, their losses, their misfortunes, their bereavements, and their pr- sent utter prostration, my heart is in deepest sympathy. We have reached that point in our affairs, at which the great question before us is —“To be or not to be ? —and if to be ? How ? Hope, ever springing in the human breast, prompts, even under the greatest calamities and adver sities, never to despair. Adversity is a severe school, a terrible crucible ; both for indivi duals and communities. We are now in this school, this crucible, and should bear in mind that it is never negative in its action. It is always positive. It is ever decided in its ef fects one way or the other. It either makers better or worse. It either brings oat unknown vices, or rouses dormaut virtues. In morals its tendency is to make saints or reprobates—-in politics to make heroes or desperadoes. The first indication of its working for good, to which hope looks anxiously, is tho manifesta tion of a full consciousness of its nature and extent, and the most promising grounds of hope for possible good from our present troubles, or of things with us getting better instead of worse, is the evident general reali zation, on the pait of our people, of their pre sent stituation. Os the evils now upon them, and of the greater ones still impending. These it is not my put pose to exaggerate if I could, that would be useless ; nor to lessen or ex tenuate ; that would be worse than useless. All fnlly understand and realize them. They feel them. It is well they do. Can these evils upon ns—the absence of law’; the want of protection and security of person and property, without which .civiliza tion cannq£ —be removed ? or can those greater*ones which threaten our very political Jexistence, be averted ? These are the questions. It is true we have not the control of all the remedies, even if these questions could bo satisfactorily answered. Our fortunes aud destiny are entirely in our own hands. Yet there are some things that we may and can, and ought, in my judgment do; from which no harm can come ; and from which soma good may followg in bettering our present condi tion. States and communities, as well as individuals, when they have done the best tney can in view of surrounding circumstances, with all the lights they have before them—let results be what they may—can at least enjoy the consolation—no small recompense that— of having performed their duty, and of having a conscience void of offence before j-od and man. This, i! no more valuable result, will I trust, attend the doing ot what I propose. The first great duty, then, I would enjoin at this time, is the exercise of the simple, though difficult and trying, but nevertheless indispen sable quality of patience. Patience requires of those afflicted to bear and to suffer with fortitude whatever ills may befall them. This is 4 o ften, faud especially is it the case with us now, essential for the ultimate removal by any instrumentalities whatever. We are in the condition of a man with a dislocated limb, or a broken leg, and a v ery bad compound fracture at that. How it became broken should not be with him a question of so much impor tance, as how it can be restored to health, vigor and strength. This requires of him as the highest duty to himself, to wait .quietly and patiently in splints and bandages, until nature resumes her active powers—uutil the vital functions perform their office. The knit ting of tbe bones and the granulation of the flesh require time. Perfect quiet and repose even under the severest pain, is necessary. It will not do to make too great haste to do well. An attempt to walk too soon will only make the matter worse. We must or ought now, therefore, in similar manner to discipline our selves to the same or like degree of patience. I know the anxiety and restlessness of the popular mind to be fully on our feet again, to walk abroad as we once did—to enjoy once more the free out door air of Heaven, with the perfect use of all cur limbs. I know how try ing it is to be denied representation in Con gress, while we are paying our proportion of the taxes—how injurious it is to the general interest and business of the country to be without Post Offices and mail communications; to say nothing ot divers other’ matters on the long list of our present inconveniences and privations. All these, however, we must pa tiently bear and endure for a season. With quiet and repose we may get well—may get once more on onr feet again. One certain, that bad humor, ill temper, exhibited either in restlessness or grumbling, will not hasienit. Next to this, another great duty we owe to ourselves is the exercise of a liberal spirit of forbearance amongst ourselves. The fi st step towards local or genera! bar mony, is the banishment from our breasts of every feeling and sentiment calculated to stir the discords of the past. Nothing could be more injurious or m’schieyous to the future of this country, than the agitation at present, of questions that divided the people anterior to, or during the existence of ,4he late war. Oa no occasion, and especially in the bestow nunt of office, ought such differences of opin- ion in the past, ever to be mentioned, either for or against any one, otherwise equally en titled to confidence. These ideas or senti ments of other tim»6 and circumstances, are not the germs from which hopeful organization j can now arise. Let all differences of opinion, j touching errors, or supposed errors, of the i head or heart, on the part of any, in the past, growing out of these matters, be at. once, in the deep ocean of oblivion, forever buried - Let there be no criminations or re criminations on account ot acts of other days. To can vassing of past conductor motives. Great disasters are upon ns and the whole country, and without enquiring how these originated, or at whose door the fault should be laid, let us now as common sharers of common mis fortunes, on all occasions, counsel only as to the best means, under the circumstances as we find them, to secure the best ends towards future amelioration. Good Government is what we want. This should be the leading desire and the controlling object with all ; and I need not assure you, if this can be ob - tamed, that oar desolated fields, our towns and villages, and cities now in mins, will>ooa —like the Phrosnix—rise again from ashes ; aud all our waste places wiri again, at no dis tant day, blossom as the rose. This view should also be borne in mind, that whatever diff.rencos of opinion existed b/fore the late fury of the war, they sprung mainly rom differences as »o the Wist means to be used and the best line of policy to be pursued, to secure the great controlling object ot all-- which was good Government. Whatever may he said cf tbe loyalty of any, iu the late most, lamentable conflict of arms, I think I mty ven ture safely to say, that there was, on the part of the great mass of the people of Georgia, r.nd ot the entire South, no disloyalty to the princi ples of the Constitution of the United States, To that system of representative Government; of delegated‘and limited powers; that establish ment in anew phase, cn this contingent, of ali the essentials of England’s Magna Charta for the protection aud security of life, liberty aud property; with the additional recognition of the principle as a fundamental truth, that all political power resides in the people, with us it was simply a question as to where our allegiance was due in the maintainence of these principles—which authority was paramount in the last resort—State or Federal. As for myself. I can affirm that no sentiment of disloyalty to these great principles of self government, recognized and embodied in the Constitution of the United States, ever beat or throbbed in breast or heart of mine. To their maintenance my whole soul was ever en* listed, and to this end my whole life has here tofore been devoted, and will continue to be the rest of my days—God willing. In devo tion to these principles, I yield to no man liv ing. This much I can say for myself ; may 1 not say tbe same for you and for the great mass of the peoplo of Georgia, and for the great mass ot the people of the entire South ? Whatever differences existed amongst us, arose from differences as to-the best and surest means of securing these great ends, which was the ob ject of ail. It was with this view and this pur pose Secession was tried. That has failed. In stead of bettering our condition, instead of es t.ibl!shiDg our liberties upon a surer founda tion, we have, in the war that ensued, come well nigh losing the whole of the rich inheri - tanco with which we set out. This is one of the Rad realizations of the present. On this, too, we are but illustrating the teachings of history, Wars, and civil wars especially, always menac) liberty; they seldom advance it; while they usually end in its entire overthrow and destruction. Ours stopped just short of such a catastrophe. Our onl y alternative now is, either to give up all hope of Constitutional liberty, or to retrace our Bteps, and to look for its vindication and maintaiaance in tbe forum of reason and justice, instead of in the arena of arms; in the Courts and halls of Legislation, instead of on the fields of batiie. lam frank and candid in telling you right here, that our surest hopes, in my judgement, to these ends, are in the restoration policy of the President ot the United S ates. I have little hope tor liberty—little hope for the suc cess of the great American experiment of self government—but in the SUCC3SB of tire present efforts for the testoration of the States to their former political relations in a common govern ment, under, tho Constitution of tho United States, We are without an encouraging example on this line in the history of tho mother country— in the history of our ancestors from wbom we derived, in a great measure, the principles to which we are so much devoted. The truest friends of liberty in England once, in 1642, abandoned the forum of reason, and appealed, as we did, to the sword, as the surest means, in their judgement, of advancing their cause. This was after they had made great progress, under the lead of Coke, Hampden, Falkland and others, in the advancement of liberal principles. Many usurpations had been checked; many of the preogatives of the crown had been curtailed, the Petition of Right had been sanctioned; ship-money had been abandoned; court martial had been done away with; Habeas Corpus had been re-estab lished; High Courts of Commission and Star- Chamber had been abolished; many- great abuses of power bad been corrected, and oth er reforms established. But not satisfied with these, aud not satisfied with the peaceful work ing of reason, to go on in its natural sphere, the denial of tbe Sovereignty of the Crown was pressed by the too silent reformers upon Charles the First. All else he had yielded— thie he would not. The sword was appealed to settle the question; a civil war was th 3 re sult; great valor and courage «were displayed on both sides; men of eminen virtue aud pa triotism fell iu the sanguinary and fratricidal conflict; the King was deposed and executed; a Commonwealth proclaimed. But the er.d was the reduction of the people of England to a worse state of oppression than they had been in for centuries. They retraced their steps. After nearly twenty years of ex haustion and blood, and the loss of the greater portioaaof the liberties eDjoyvd by them be fore, they, by almost unanimous consent, call ed for restoration, The restoration came. Chailes th 9 Second ascended the throne, as unlimited a monarch as ever ruled the emp’re. Not a pledge was asked or a guarantee given, touching the concessions of the Royal preroga tive, that had been exacted and obtained from his father. The true friends of liberty, of reform and of progress in government, bad become convin ced that these were the .offspring of peace and of enlightened reason, and not of passion nor of arms. The House of Commons and the H'Jbse of Lords were henceforth tho theatres of their operations, and not the fields of New berry or Marston-Moor. The result was, that in less than thirty years, all their ancient lights and privileges, which had been lost in the civil war, with new securities, were re established in the ever memorable settlement of_l6oß ; which for all practical purposes may be looked upon as a bloodless revolution. Since that time, England has made still fur ther and more signal strides in reform and progress. But not one of these has been af- footed by resort to arms. Catholic Emancipa tion was carried in Parliament, after years of argument aguint the most persistent oppo sition. Reason and justice ultimately pro vailed. So with the removal of the disability of the Jews—so with the overthrow of the Rotten Borough system—so with the exten sion of franchise—so with the modification of the Corn Raws, and restrictions on Commerce, opening the way of the principles of Free Trade —and so with all the other great reforms by Parliament, which have so distinguished English history for the iast half century. May we not indulge hope, even in the alter native before U3 now, from this great exam ple of restoration, if all but do cs the friends of liberty there died ? This is my hope, my only ho ; .e. *lt is founded on the virtue, intel ligence and pari ctism of the American people. I have qpt lost my failh iu the people, or in their capacity for self government. But for these great essential qualities of human nature, to be brought into active and efficient exercise, for the fulfillment of patriotic hopes, it is essential that the passions of the day should subside, that the causes of these pas sion should not now be discussed ; that the embers of the late strife shall not be stirred. Man by nature is ever prone to scan closely the errors and defects of his fellow man—ever ready to rail at the mote in his brother’s eye without considering the beam that is in his own. This should not be. We all have our motes or beams. We are all frail; perfection is the attribute of none. Prejudice or prejudgment should be indulged towards none. Prejudice! What wrong, what injuries, what mischief, what axi table eonsequeness, have results at all times from nothing but this perversity of the intellect! Os ail the obstacles to the ad vancement of truth and human progress, in every department—in science, in art, in govern ment. and in religion, in all ag a and c.aimes, not one of list is more formidable, more diffi cult to overcome and subdue, than this horrible distortion of the moral as well as intellectual faculties. It is a host of evil within itself. I could enjoin no greate duly upon my coun trymen now, North|and South, than the exercise of that degree of foibearance which would enable them to conquer their prejudlcss. One of the highest exhibitions of the moral sublime the worid ever witnessed, was that of Daniel Webster, when in an open barouche in the streets of Boston, he proclaimed in sub stance, to a vast assembly of his constituents —unwilling hearers—that “they had conquer ed an uncongenial clime ; they had conquered a sterile soil ; they had conquered the winds and elements of the ocean ; they had coilquer ed most of the elements of nature ; but they must yet learn to conquer their prejudices!'’ I know ot no more fitting incident or scene in the life of that wonderful man, “clarus et v:r fortissimus,” for perpetuating the memory ot the true greatness of his character on canvass or in marble, than a representation of him as he lljea a.nd there stood and spoke ! It was an exhibition in moral grandeur surpassing that of Aristides when he said, “Oh Athen ians what Themistocles recommends wouid bo greatly to vour interest, but it would be ur. just ”! I say to you, and if my voice could extend throughout this vast country, over hill and dale, over mountain and valley, to hovel, hamlet and mansion, village, town aud city, j would say, first of all, locking to restoration ct peace, prosperity and harmony in this laud, is the great duty of exorcising that degree of forbearance which will enable them to conquer the prejudices. Pr< judices against communi ties as well of individu ils. _ And next to mat, tne tnduigenco of a Chris tian Epirit of charity. “ Judged not that ye be not judged,” especially in matters growing out of tbe late war. Most of the wars that have ecturged the world, even in tho Christian era, have arisen on points of conscience, or differences as to the surest way of salvation. A strange to Heaven, is *it not ? How much disgrace to the Church, and shame to mankind, wtu'd have been avoided, if the ejaculation of each breast had boon, at ari times, as it Should have been. “Let not this weak, unknowing hand, Presume thy bolts to throw ; And deal damnation round tho land, On him I deem thy foe.” How equally proper is it now, when tho spirit of peace seems to be hovering over our war stricken land, that in canvassing the con dnet or motives of others duriDg the late con' diet, this great truth should bo impressed up on the minds of all: “Who made the heart ? “lis He alone, Decidedly, can try us ; He knows each chord its various tone, ' Each spring, its various bias ; Then at the balance, let’3 bo mute, Wo never can adjust it ; What’s done, we partly may compute, But know not what’s resisted.” Os ali the heaven descended virtues, that elevate human nature, the highest, the sub - limest, and the divinest is charity. By all means, then, fail not to exercise aud cultivate this soul-regenerating element of faden nature. Let it be cultivated aud exercised not oniy amongst ourselves and towards ourselves, on all questions of motive or conduct touching the late war, "but towards all mankind. Even towards our enemies, if we have any, let tbe aspiration of our hearts bo “Father, forgive them ; they know not what they do.” 'The exercise of patience, forbearance and charity, therefore, are tbe three first duties I would at this time enjoin—and of these three, “the greatest is charity.’* But to proceed. Another one of oar present duties, is this ; we should accept tho issues of the war, and abide by them iu good faith. This, i feel fully persuaded, it is your purpose to do, as well as that of your constituents. The people of Georgia have iu Convention re voked and annulled her Ordinance ot 1861, which was intended to sever her from the compact of the Union,of 1787. The Constitution of the United States has been re-ordained as the organic lav? ot our land. Whatever differ ence of opinion heretofore existed as to where our allegiance was due, during tho late state of things, none for any practical purpose can exist now. Whether Georgia, by the action of her Convention of 1861, was ever rightfully out of the Union or not, there can be no ques - tiou that she is now in', so far sis depends upon her will and deed. The whole United States, therefore, is now without question our country, to be cherished and defended as such, by alt our hearts and by all our arms. The Constitution of tho United States, and the treaties and laws made in pursuance there of, are now acknowledged to be the paramount law of tills whoie country. Whoever, there fore, is true to these principles as now recog nized, is loyal as far as that term has any le gitimate use or tores under our institutions. This is the oniy kind of loyalty and the only test of loyalty the Constitution itself requires. In any other view, everything pertaining to restoration, so far as regards the great body of the people in at least eleven States ot the Union, is but making a promise to the ear to be broken to the hope. All, therefore, who accept the issue of war In good faith, and come up to tho Ust required by the Constitu tion. are now loyal, however they have hereto fore beeu. But with this change comes anew order of things. One of tho results of the war is a total change in our whole internal polity.— Our former social fabricating been entirely sub verted. Like those convulsions in nature which break up old incrustations, the war has wrought anew epoch in our political existence. Old things have passed away, and all things among us in this respect are new. The relation heretofore* under our old sys, tem, existing between the African and Euro pean races, no longer exists. Slavery, as it was called, or the status of the black races their subordination to the white, upon which all our institutions rested, is abolished forever, not only in Georgia, but throughout the limits of the United States. This change should be, received and accepted as an itrevocable fact. It is a bootless question now to discuss, whether the new system is better for both races than the old one was or not. That may be proper matter for the philosophic and philanthropic historian, at some future time to inquire into, after the new system shall have been fuliy and fairly tried. All changes of systems or proposed reforms, are but experiments and problems to be solv ed. Our system of self-government was an experiment at first. Perhaps as a problem it is not jet solved. Our present duty on this subject is not with the past or the future. It is with the present The wisest and the best ofien err, in their judgments as to the probable workings of any new system. Let us there fore give this one a fair and just trial, without prejudice, and with that earnestness of pur pose which always looks hopefully to success. It is an ethological problem, on the solution of which depends not oniy the best interest of both races, but it may be the existence of one or the other, if not both. This duty of giving this new system a fair and just trial, will require of yen, as Legisla tors of the land, great changed in our former laws iu regard to this large class of population. Wise and humane provisions should be made for them. It is not for mo to go into detail. Suffice it to say on this oocasion, that ample protection should bo secured to them, so that they may stand equal before the law in the possession and the enjoyment of all rights of person, liberty and property. Many tions claim this at your hands. Among these may be stated their fiielity in times past. They cultivated your fields; ministered.U* your personal wants and comforts, nursed and rear ed your children; and even in the hour of dan ger and peril, they were, in the main, true to you and yours. To them we owe a debt of gratitude, as well as acts of kindness, This should also be done because they are poor, untutored, uninformed; many of them helpless, liable to be imposed upon, and need it. Leg islation should ever look to the protection of the weak against the strong. Whatever may be said of the equality of races, or their natural capacity to become equal, no one can doubt that at this time the race among U3 is not equal to the Caucasian This inequality does not lessen the moral ob ligations on th 9 part of the superior to the inferior, it rather increases them. From him who has much, more is requited than from him who has little. The present generation of them, it is true, is far above their savage pro genitors, who were at first introduced into this country, in general icteliigence, virtue and moral culture. This shows capacity for improvement. But in all the higher charac teristics of mental development, they are still very far below the European type. What further advancement they may make, or to what st ndard they may atta'D, un ler a differ ent system of laws every way suitable and wisely applicable to their changed condition, time alooe can disclose. I speak of them as we cow know them to be, having no longer the protection of a master or legal guardian ; they now need all the protection which the Bhield of the law can give. But above all, the protection should be se cured, because it is right and just that it should be, upon general principles. All governments in their organic structure, as well as in their ad ministration, should have this leading object in view: the good of the governed. Protection and 1 security to all under its jurisdiction, should he the chief end of every government. It is a mel ancholy truth that while this should be the chief end of all governments, most of them are used only as instruments of power for the aggrandize meut of the few, at the expense of, and by the oppression of, the many. Such are not our ideas of government,never have bten and never shouiu be. Governments, according to our ideas, shou’d look to the good of the whole, and not a party only. “The greatest good to the greatest num ber,” is a favorite dogma with some But you know this was never my doctrine. Tiie great est good by all, without detriment or injury to any, is the true rule. Those governments oniy are founded upon correct principles of reason and justice, which look to the greatest attainable advancement, improvement and progress, phys ically, intellectually and morally, of all classes and conditions within their righilul jurisdiction. If our old system was not the best, or could not have been made the best, for both races, in this respect and upon this basis, it ought to have been abolished. This was my view of that sys tern while it lasted, and I repeat it now that it is no more. In legislation, therefore, under the. new system, you should look to the best inter- ests of all classes'—their protection, security, advancement and improvement, physically, in tellectually and morally. All obstic'es, if there be any, should be removed, which can possitdy hinder or retard the improvement of the blacks to the extent of their capacity. All p-oper aid should be given to their own efforts. Channels of education should be opened up to them.— Schools, and the usual mean 1 of moral and in tellectual training, should be encouraged amongst them. This is the dictate of not only what is right and proper, and just in itself, hut it is the promptings of the highest considerations ot in terest. It is difficult to conceive a greater evil or curse than could beiall our country, stricken and distressed as it now is, than for so large a portion of its population, as this class will quite probably constitute amongst us, hereafter, to be reared in ignorance, depravity and v'cc. In view of such a state of things, well might the prudent, eves now, look to its abandonment.— Let us not, however, indulge in such thoughts of the future. Nor let us, without an effort, say the system cannot be worked. Let uswiot, standing still, hesitatingly ask, “Can there any good thing come out of Nazareth V’ but let us rather say, as Gamaliel did, “If this counsel or this work be of men, it will eoine to naught, but it it be of God ye cannot overthrow it, lest haply ye be found even to fight against God.” The most vexed questions of the age are social prob lems. These we have her-toforc had but ’little to do with ; we were relieved from them by our peculiar institution. Emancipation of the blacks, with its consequences, was ever considered by me tvith much more interest as a social question, one relating to the proper status of ihe different elements ot society, and their relations towards each other, looking to the best interest of all, than in any other light. The pecuniary aspect of it, the considerations of labor and capital, in a politico-economic view, sunk into insignificance in comparison to this. This problem, as one of the results of the war, is now upon us, present ing one of the most perplexing questions of the sort that any people ever had to deal with. Let us resolve to do the best we can with it, from all the lights we have or can get from any quarter. With this view, and in this connection, I take the liberty of quoting for your consideration some remarks even from the Reverend Henry Ward Beecher. I met with them some months ago while pondering on this subject, and was as much struck as surprised with the drift of their philosophy, coming from the source they did.— I give them as I find them in the New York Times, where they were reported. You may be as much surprised at hearing such ideas trom Mr. Beecher, as I was. But however much we may differ from him on many questions, anil on many questions connected with this subject, yet all must admit him to rank amongst the master spirits of the age. And no one perhaps has con tributed more by the power of his pen and voice in bringing about the present state of things, than he has. Yet, nevertheless, I commend to your serious consideration's pertinent to my present object, what he was reported to have said, as follows: “In our laud and time facts and questions are pressed upon us, which demand Christian settle ment—settlement on this ground and doctrine: We cannot escape the responsibility. Being strong and powerful, we must nurse and help and educate and foster the weak and poor and ignorant. For my own part, I cannot see how we shall escape the most terrible conflict of classes, bye and bye, unless we are educated into this doctrine of duty, on the part of the su perior to the inferior. We are told by fanatical individuals, that all men are equal. We know better. They are not equal. A common broth erhood teaches no such absurdity. A theory of universal, physical likeness, is no more absurd than this. Now as in all times, the strong go to the top, the weak go to the bottom. It’s natural, right, and can’t be helped. All branches are not at the top of the tree, but the top docs not despise the lower: nor do they all despise the limb or the parent trunk ; and so with the body politic, there must be classes. Some must be at the top, and some must be at the bottom. It is difficult to foresee and estimate the develop ment of the power of classes in America. 'They are simply inevitable. They are here now, anil will be more. If they are friendly, living at peace, loving and respecting and helping one another, all will-bfrWell. But it they are selfish, unchristian; if the old heathen feeling is to reign, each extracting all he can from his neigh bor, and caring nothing for him ; society will be lined by classes as by seams—like batteries, each firing broadside after broadside, the one upon the other. If, on the other hand, the law of loVc prevails, there will be no ill-will, no envy, no disturbance. Does a child hate his father be cause he is chief! because he is strong and wise 1 On the contrary, he grows with his father’s growth, and strengthens with his strength. And if in society there should be fifty grades of classes all helping each othor, there will be no trouble, but perfect satisfaction and content. ’This Christian doctrine carried into practice, will easily settle the most troublesome of all home present questions;” What he here said of the state of things where he spoke in the State of New York, and the fearful antagonism of classes there, is much more applicable to us-. Here it is true, only no great classes exist, or are likely to exist, but these are deeply marked by distinctions bearing the impress of nature. The one is now, beyond all question, greatly superior to the other.— These classes arc as distinct as races of men can be. The one is of the highest type of humanity, the other of the lowest. All that he says of the duty of the superior, to protect, to aid, to en courage, and to help the inferior, I fully and cordially endorse and commend to you as quite as applicable to us and our situation, as it was to his auditors. Whether the doctrine, if carried out and practiced, will settle ail these most troublesome home questions with us as easily as he seemed to think jt would the home questions with those whom he was addressing, I will not undertake to say. I have no hesitancy how- ever, in saying that the general principles an nounced by him are good. Let them be adopted by us as far as practicable.' No harm can come from it, much good may. Whether the great barrier of races which the Creator has placed between this, our inferior class and ourselves, shall prevent a success of the experiment now on trial, of a peaceful, happy and prosperous community, composed of such elements and sustaining present relations towards each other, or even a further elevation on the part of the in ferior, if they prove themselves fit for it, let the future, under the dispensations of Providence, decide. We have to deal with the present. Let ns do our duty now, leaving results and ultimate consequences— To that “divinity which shapes our ends, Rough hew them how we will.” In all things on this subject as in all others, let our guide be the admirable motto of our State. Let our counsels be governed by Wisdom, cur measures by Moderation, and our principles by Justice. So much for what I have to say on this occa* sion, touching our present duties on this absorb ing subject, and some of our duties in reference to a restoration of peace, law and order; with outwhich all must, sooner or later, end in utter confusion, anarchy and despotism. I have, as M said I should, only glanced at some general idea-. , Now as to the future, and the prospect before us ! On this branch of the subject 1 can add