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I Htdistfi AUGPfTA, GA. IVSD«Eh»AV MOR*if«G. APRIL 11 THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION. The b .rtof . <>-ry worthy citizen of the f-i.it. • in:. v.,j will thrill with satisfaction at the manly aWo ran - contained in the Peace tr • am-: .1 the President, which we pub lisb ti.i ■: ts/.ug. We copy it, at we found it in iii .At v n prowl, somewhat obscured in its transmi.-Mon by teh graph; but it is sufficienly clear to t • sc cause tor genuine congratulation, and to show that the President is preceding with coiiHcicntiou fidelity and fearless bow in tho development of his plan ol restoration. It will be hailed as an omen of deliverance from the irksome ra f.tmii Is which have parahzed the arms of in dustry and v/eil-nub broken the spirits of a p - jj.l, -‘Ay to resume in good faith all the re, poriribiiitiei; and functions of citizenship in a common country, in th iangm . ;of a contemporary, the Pres ident has again struck the bell in the watch t v, r ■ liberty, and its tones are resounding through the lar.d, gladdening the hearts of r, 1 tA tru . admirers of Constitutional Gov ernment. We trust it may bo also the death ku • 1 ot that fell spirit of radicalism which is ahke deaf to the dictates of reason or justice. INFLUENCE OF THE WAR IN SOUTH AMERICA The conflict between the Paraguayans and the all; s is regarded as likely to exert an irn p .rtar.t iallu! a o in cementing and strengtheu i>- , .< publican interests ia South America. The 1 a.v. I'lyans 1. e accepted the arbitrament of the sword, end in the lab: battle on the Parana river., ei .1 a victory oi. oma importance.— I', i.i <i.\ mod probable that the neighboring si.;': will lona an alliance with the Paraguay ans ngu -t what they regard aa imperial dic tation, which may change the political rela tin' :■ of the whole i luntry. The popular mind in South America, ns elsewhere, is evi dently ia , ip .fiiy with republicanism, and v •:io it is u liki ,y that the imperial dynasty in lii'.z'd bo overthrown during the life of th :: . i:t cm!". i'or> it is not improbablo that when lie p ... .os away the Government will fall Into .. e w.lh the R l , übiLoan tendencies of the ago. Tl ■; giant t 'rides of our Government, under the form of a republican system, are like leav en to the plastic political institutions of conti guous States—and if we succeed in per petuating the spirit ol liberty, while we con tinue to press along in the grand march of material progress which has marked our na tional e i". r, it appears not unlikely that the ijl io; : g v. oats that have partially resisted the march of liberal Ideas will give way to republicanism, ~Tfio war in South Ameri ca certainly suggests to the most casual obser ver a io-awakening of republican power and icllueuce cn this continent. Eventho friends of liberal ideas are not without hope that Msxir —‘the sick man”—may yet be able to throw off the yoke of foreign imperialism, and establish a liberal government. The spark that hi> been kindled in Paraguay may yet grow into a liame that will illumine the whole continent. Lot us hope that it may not become a consuming lire, to blight and destroy th* vestiges of liberty which gleam, under the Southern Cross. SUPREME COURT. The Legislature, ftt the last session, made pom very striking changes iu tho Judiciary system of the State. These changes are in totuled partly to remedy defects existing, and partly to meet tho altered condition of society. Among others, aro those which relate to the Supreme Court. "Mils Court has been estab lished at the Capiiol. This, at once, gives it distinction, r.nd imparts dignity, by impress ing lipr n the public mind that it is permanent —th< tjreai Hmrt of the. Mate — the final arbiter of light. As before constituted, circling iu a proscribed orbit, it won the appearance of an Imyp .ition up. n the trials oi the lower Courts, instead ot a High Court of Appeals, where gi.Y,t piincipl-M Vi'rvi to be calmly discussed, carefully we.ghed and analysed, and finally settled. It was tbu custom, in referring to it, to style it, o’ esicuUy, “Peripatetic Justice." Bu; It always iu spile of tho high character and aee mptishmeuts of tho gentlemen who filled ih * seats • -appeared to us to wear the ttspn-l ol 1 'ddling Justice, and suggested the inquiry of “N toothache, uo corns" (in a legal wav, you know) in this community ? A v ; it: portent feature has been engrafted upon t tie prac' . of this Court. A special act or li Itor to file, with the hia written (or printed) argu ment ; and makes it tho duty of the Court to read it, or cause the same to be done. If this practi e is generally adopted, (for it is not com uilsory,) It will place the whole cause fully, fairly, and dispassionately upon the rye ;d ; l :.ve the effect of removing, as far as p a!i personal Influence ; make the de e's nos the can; e more dependant upon logic, lee Amity and principle; afford public opinion a fair opportunity to scrutinize plea, an ament and decision, and tho Legislature to apply a u iiugiy, the remedy of a spe cif < a , r.t on a decision based upon “mere authority save the client the expense nr 're li. - Alt' secy's attendance upon t!,. v ns of the Court; and above all. we h]> 1.-v.. •t . v tho policy of politics from •t in, by making the practitioner o . ■.l ;.■ h-.-.-.t upc a h .at attainments than popular influence. NORTHERN IMMIGRANTS, A . .wi'.ir iy arrived in Savannah wit'! i- - v -”' •% all save live of whom wcio K'Ttht- u men with their families, who wer>’ on their waj to Brunswick and ether locallt: 08 to cr. cg-» in the imnber trade. A pas- | eccuer v :o e-'.mo out v--Uu them informs the the Editor of tre Columbus Sun that they wore s mew hat anxious as to the manner in which they would be received. They were assured that Gee. l- 'c' l nnswtr before the Reconstruction Committee would apply to ad s-ch fears that i: Northern man or woman vr old bo molested as long as they obeyed the U „ and observed the customs of good society. The canards of radical emissaries and cor respondents have impressed the masses of the Korth with u very etroneous and mischievous idea of the ,tc of public sentiment at the South. No Northern man will l a insulted or iu \ iu Georgia, so long as he comes hero in the pur-uit of ..n honorable business and behaves like * -- cti.nio .. Those odious scions of rftdiccl'.sm who come here to misrepresent us, to in uh • in insulting taunts, and to clamor for vrr- ; canoe cn all who syepathised wiih a cause that is 1 st an t abandoned, are not vrdvm , uUu ought not to attempt to li\e j in the South. FRENCH INDEBTEDNESS—A NEW FINANCIAL SENSATION. M Chf. do Saint Ncvant has just published at Brussels, a pamphlet which the New York Journal translates, announcing the some what startling fact that the Government of t lance ia entitled to recover from that of Great Britain, the snug little sum of about SI3O,CGO,OuQ, as money rules at this mo ment. “By virtue of the treaties of peace and con ventions of 1814, 1615, and 1818,” says the discoverer, “signed and guaranteed by all the Great Powers of Europe, France, condemned by the fortunes of war to every imaginable kind of expense and indemnity, had to inscribe in her great book of the public debt, au annu al rent capital of 130,000,000 francs, to indemnify British subjects damaged by the acts of tha Republic and the Empire ; but, it was formally stipulated that “when all the payments due to the creditors had been completed, the surplus not assigned with the proportion of interest accnmulated thereon, should be given over to the disposal of the French Government. The clause was a pru dent one, for there remained in the hands of the British Government, a surplus of 64,776,- 112 francs and 71 centimes. But this guaran teed sacred deposit instead of being handed over to us, was applied by the Lord3 of the Treasury, to a variety of uses, some of which are known, although they are, in all, too many to enumerate. Wo shall content ourselves with stating, for the satisfaction of the public, that 3,250,000 francs of our money, were ap plied to the coronation fetes of George IV , 6,250,000 francs to the construction of Buck inham Palace ; 1,250,000 to relieve distress in manufacturing districts, &c.’’ In brief, the Lords of the Treasury retained the deposit, and it *s the original capital which, with the compound and accumulated interest, to-day, forms the total of 611,700,000 francs. The French journals very reasonably ask with some surprise, how it happens that France, which has passed through some trying mo ments since 1815, when a few millions would have helped her immensely, has never thought of claiming this remainder credited in favor of the French Government, while it has been ly ing idle in the British Exchequer. The great difficulty, it seems, was to prove the genuiness of the claims and the facts therewith connected. In 1817, a memorial signed with the names of some of the ablest and most eminent jurists of Frauce, bore testimony to the correctness of this claim. Among the eminent signers, were Messrs. Marie, Rerryer, Chaix d’Est Ange, Dupin Gditon, Barrot, Gremeiux and Duverger, But in England also, some of the most cele brated legal authorities, such as the Grand Chancellors, Lord Truro and Lord Lyndhurst, have solemly recogn’zad the propriety and jus tice of the French claims, and even went so far as to Hligmatize the conduct of the Government in reference to this matter, in the severest terms. Lord Lyndhurst used the following language in the House of Lords, when speak ing on the subject: “It is a stain upon tho nation ! It is a stain upon every individual that composes it! I would rather sell my last garment, than sub mit to such an imputation—the charge of hav ing abused a sacred trust ” The Patne of Paris, states that some recent information has been obtained concerning the matter. At an interview obtained upon re quest by a member of the House of Lords, an official communication was made to M Belmotet by an agent of the British Government, askffig for explicit information to enable Parliament to discuss the question thoroughly. This being given, the agent declared that both Houses of Parliament would treat it in a manner worthy of a subject that so deeply interests the honor of Great Britain. There is also a proposition to refer the entire business to a sworn mixed Commission, to consist of two French and two English Commissioners. This is, assuredly, a nice little nut for finan ceers on both sides of tho channel to crack, and the method of its picking may give rise to moro than one political tooth ache, in France aa well aa in England. The Entente Cordiale has withstood many attacks from wind and wave, but the sum of one hundred aud thirty millions or so, is no trifle in the present condi ion of either tho French or English Exche quer. Among the many curious historical revelations that the overhauling of the subject u two great National Legislatures, and by a joint Commission, will elicit, none probably will bo more amusing than the various uses aud applications to which the funds have been put from time to time in periods of difficulty by the hands in which the original was de posited. THE CABINET. The New York Herald claims that the policy which has been reiterated by President John son in his second veto has forced a Cabinet cri sis, whioh must speedily bo terminated. It is well kuown that the President is sustained by ali his Cabinet with the exception of Mr. Stanton, the Seoretary of War, Mr. Harlan, the Secretary of tho Interior, and Mr. Speed, the Attorney-General. These gentlemen adhere to the radical wing of the Union party in the issue between the President and Congress, and consequently must soon be brought into direct antagonism with him. The union of the Cabinet is a matter of ab solute necessity to the administration. No leading pxilicy can bo carried out, and no har mony ot action can be expected unless the Ex ecutive counsels are harmonious. The differ ences which now exist between Congress and the President, are so wide as to preclude all hope of reconciliation. The prospect is rather that it will become more open and bitter, than otherwise. Under these circumstances a proper respect for themselves and the President would seem to diet e the propriety of these opposition ele ments tendering their resignation, and thus leave the President free to reorganize his Exe eutivo household In accordance with his de* dared policy. In au other civilized countries, such a ministerial antagonism would at once bring about a change of ministry, and we can see no reason why the proprieties of political life should not be equally observed with us. . .t» mm- PRESIDENT BAEZ GOVERNMENT. St. Domingo advices state that the Govern ment. of President Baez had hardly been isau unrated before an effort was made to over throw and destroy it. A revolt had taken place in the province of San Crietocal, and various towns, headed by General Cabrot. Congress, which was in session, prompt'y voted men and means to suppress the revolt, and by a few vigorous blows, Baez had defeat ed and routed the rebels aud obtained the mastery in the revolted districts. The rebel leader, General Cabrot, who had been pro minent in placing Baez in the Presidential chair, had asked permission to leave the conn try. THE DEMANDS OF THE HOUR. The recent proclamation of President Johnson is an cffieiai announcement to the world, that tho war between the United States and the so called insurgent States, has terminated. Wei como peace ! We should have preferred inde pendence first and peace afterwards. But since it has seemed right in the eye of the Great Disposer ol all human events, to order othorwiae.we acquiesce, and still cry. welcome, peace. Henceforth our duty, our policy, (for heie at least the two are most manifestly coin cident,) require uj to cultivate such relations of amity towards our fellow-citizens, in a com mon country, as are intimately connected with domestic tranquility and the general weal. Ibis it is conceded, is no easy enterprise.— From our point of observation, there never was a war more unjust in its inception, and more unscrupulous in its prosecution than the one now offic ally closed. To our optics, the case stands thus: Certain States which entered into a political league with their equals in 1788, becoming aggrieved and fearing that the compact would be used for tbe’r oppression, withdrew from the association by means of the very same agencies, which they had originally used in becoming members of tha fraternity. They meditated no damage to their iato broth ers. They demanded no division of the com mon assets. They proposed merely to retire, and to seek in a separate nationality the repose and the development which were denied them n the administration ol ’ the original union. We begged for peace. The answer came in the discharge upon our fair land of those vials of wrath, which are poured out when war stirs up the fierce and merciless passions of angry men. To ignore the past, to forget the blood, and death, and mourning, and dtsolution which of late oovered the land, and whoso ter rible mementoes are still spread ali around us, and to reach out the hand in fraternal em brace towards thoso so recently mot in deadly strife, demands a sacrifice of no common mag nitude. But difficult as may be the work, it cannot be doubted that the requisitions of Christianity as well a3 our own interest, call us to its performance. The only condition on which any man is au thorized to hope, that his cry lor mercy will reach the hearer of prayer is, that ho extends to offenders against himself the same clemency which ho seeks for his own delinquencies. He can only ask that his trespasses may be for, given, aa he forgives those who have trespassed against him. To pray with hatred and ven geance in our hearts, towards our feliow meu, is in effect to ask that the Divine Being would blast us with all those calamities which, were it in our power, we wculd inflict upon the objects of our indignation. Whatever the pro vocation, Christianity demands a forgiving heart, on the part of all those who worship at its shrine. Let it serve to raodily the stern ness of this demand, by bearing ia mind that the Divine founder of our religion has most powerfully illustrated tho spirit which Ho prescribes for Ais followers. 'When we find it hard to forgive those at whose hands we have suffered so many injuries, let us consider the Man, who amidst tho insults, and derisions and scoffings of the dying hour, freely for gave the offenders, and in addition prayed to his Father to forgive them ! With our atten tion fixed upon such an example, it cannot be so difficult to cultivate that spirit of charity whioh the gospel enjoins as our duty towards men, and especially towards, the fellow resi dents of the same country. In this respect it has been said that policy is found in the same line with duty. Our per sonal happiness demands the repression of those disturbing anticipations which are pro duced and nursed by strife. We cannot—such is the moral constitution with which we have been endowed—hate another, without suffer ing, in our own persons, a painful recoil of the temper which is indulged. To yield to the temptation, (powerful as we concede it to be,) to cherish emotions of malice and revenge to ■ wards our late civil enemies, is to suffer the inoursion of a passion which must fret and chafe our own bosoms, whilst it cannot be of the slightest damage to those against whom it is directed. Rage, like the viper which bites the file, often wounds itself, whilst its object is even unconscious of the assault. As we would liberate ourselves from thoso disquiet udes of which we have been the prey during the bloody days of strife, and secure for our selves that internal quiet, without which the cessation cf outward hostilities avails but little, we must, in fact as well as in name, seek to carry out the inspired precept which calls us, “as much as lieth in us, to iive peaceably with all men.” It cannot be denied that there are public as well as private considerations that recom mond the conduct which is now suggested.— We ore now, politically, one people. Our in terests are interlinked. And just as sound policy dictates the cultivation of friendly feeling between those who, of necessity, are members of the same household—an amicable understanding of all the members of which is the true wisdom of those who live under the same laws. Should the South now say, the Northern States desire cotton—it is absolutely essential to their prosperity—but w’e will do nothing which can, in any way, contribute to their wealth ; not one pound of cotton shall be raised on our land ; who does not see that she would Impoverish and distress herself, whilst aiming a blow at the prosperity of the North ? No less true is it that, in declining the exercise of that confidence and regard which the differ ent sections of the same country should extend to each other, we may, to some extent, dam age those whom we seek to injure, but it will be at a cost to ourselves quite as serious as that which may be inflicted upon others.— Should it be said that multitudes at the North still hold us as enemies, and that, even at this moment, an unscrupulous Congress at Wash ington contemplates our degradation, it would still be our policy to be forbearing and chari table. In a eontest between meanness and honor—corruption and honesty, poitroonery and manliness, tortuousness aud cacao-, false hood and truth—the latter is inevitably the winner. Let us pity the violent men who can see nothing in our profeesions or our conduct but that which illustrates what they are pleased to term the “barbarism of slavery," and let us silence their constantly repeated denunciations by the exhibition of those virtues which are inculcated alike by true manliness and genu ine religion. Circular ro Custom Otficsrs —The Secre tary of the Treasury, has issued a circular to custom officers, in which he states that as a large amount of spiritous liquor is imported into the United States puporting to bo medi cine, but in reality being but slightly tinc tured with essences ; they must exercise un usual vigilance iu the detection and preven tion of snch frauds on the ..revenue in every instance where such merchandise is entered, and there must be a thorough inspection to satisfy themselves that the liquors thus tino tured are intended for medical use. INSIDE VIEW OF POLITICS AT WASHINGTON. A Po'iticM Cr si* at hand—Ga h rin* cf tlie Political Forces The Kalieil Leader*—Thvd. S evens and h a Club Fo.t— A P« n Sketch of the GreU Rtuiica’—liifamous Measures of tbe M;tJ rities ii Congresj—Tj ePr spect—lhe President and L s “Orgau”—Tht Connecticut Election, &e , &C., &c. [FROM our OWS CO URL? PON dent,] Washington, D. C., March 31. Politically, the fate of the country is trem bling in the balance. The President’s last veto has clearly and sharply defined the dividing lines of party, which were previously a little doubtful; and the various elements of party strength as represented here, are rapidly ranging themselves, on one side or tho other, for the struggle which all feel to be at hand The contest will not be an unequal one. The Contervatives, under the leadership of the President, and supported by the powerful and all-pervading influence of Executive patron age. include in their ranks the entire strength of the Democratic organization, with a very considerable proportion of the more moderate Republicans, and, in fact, tho whole body of the sincere and earnest “Onion men,” properly so-called, all over tho North. They are, more over, fortified by the conviction that the honest maeses of the people are rallying to their sup port, and by the consciousness of a latent power, iD the strength of an undivided South, ready to back them the moment its fetters are unbound. Their opponents, on the ether hand, with less real strength, have the advan tage cf a party organization far more perfect and compact; they have also an overwhelming majority in both branches of Congress, if not two-thirds of those bodies ; in nearly all the Northern States they have the prestige of suc cess daring ail tho elections of the last tew years, and the control of the present Stats governments; and last, but not least, they are ruled by a cabal of desperate politicians of the revolutionary stamp—men who are un principled and unscrupulous to the last degree, but withal gifted with remarkable enoTgy and shrewdness, and who care so little to disguise their real aims, that they openly, and on all occasions, glory in the name of “Radicals” Tho arch-plotter of these leaders is Thad deus Stevens, of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Although this hoary demagogue has filled a seat in Congress for nearly a quarter of a cen tury, never until recently has he risen to any prominence. But in these, as in all previous times of turbulence, the scum rises to the sur face of the political cauldron, and the cunning and vigor with which this bad, wilful old man rules his followers, gives the Radical element in Congress a cohesive strength in which the Democratic minority is sadly lacking. Stevens is nearly seventy years of age; but his bald head is cover ed with a flowing dark brown wig, and but for the evident tremor in his motions, you would not suppose him to be over fifty. His features are large and harsh in outline, and his delivery measured and dis tinct, though he generally epeaka in a low tone. His tall stature gives him a rather com manding presence, a3 he stands and addresses the House from his desk; but the moment he moves into one of the aisles or lobbies, he be comes sadly disfigured by his club-foot, which renders his movements slow and ungainly. It is a common saying on the floor of the House, whenever he rises to oppose any proposed measure that “old Thad is about to put his club-foot on it!” Stevens has never been married, and there are hard stories afloat about the doings of his younger days; the democratic papers of Pennsylvania assert that he has always been and to this day remains a practical amalgamstionist. Probably the best instance of the boldness and effrontery, which has uniformly marked bis public course of late may be found in his rejoinder to the Presi dent’s 22nd of February speech. He refused, for a long time to answer the speech at all; and, when he did, he simply denounced it as a copperhead hoax, and broadly declared that no such speech had ever been delivered and that he was that anybody should, for a moment, have supposed the President capable of any utterance stigmatizing him (Stevens) as a traitor and disunionist. Here in Washington, where the authenticity of the Presidents remarks were altogether beyond question, of course Steven’s reply was palmed off as a delicate bit of sarcasm and political pleasantry; but amongst the benighted deni zens of the interior of Pennsylvania, it has been circulated in vast numbers, and I am credibly informed that the people there are fully persuaded that President Johnson’s on slaught on Sumner and Sievens was, in fact, a copperhead invention and nothing more. But the last veto has put an end to all doubt or equivocation as to the President’s true posi tion, and the Destructives will make a desper ate effort this week to pass the infamous “civil rights bill” over the veto. I fear that their ability to do this in the House of Representa tives is but too clear; while, ia the Senate, the struggle will be close indeed, and bitter. To gain the requisito two-thirds, tho Radical ma jorities are using fair means and foul; and woe to any conservative Senator or Representa tive, no matter how indisputably legal his election may have been, if his seat happen to be claimed by a Radical contestant. You have already learned by telegraph of the shameful ousting of Senator Stockton, by a strictly party vote, although the Committee appointed to investigate the circumstances of his election had reported strongly in his favor. This infamous measure, however, has partly failed in its effect; for the .Democrats in the Ne v Jersey Legislature, by good management, and with the aid of a few conscientious Re publicans have so arranged matters, that either no Senator will be returned in Stockton’s place this session, or Stockton himself will be sent back and a fitting rebuke thus be admin istered to the insolent action of the majority in the Senate. The House of Representatives, following the lead of the Senate, is about to expel Hon. James Brooks of the New York Express, and admit the contestant, Dodge, al though Brooks’ majority over Dodge was fully six thousand. It is by such iniquitous pro ceedings as these that Congress is bracing itself for the forthcoming struggle with the Executive. If the Radicals should prevail, you may look for revolutionary measures in quick succession. The first step will be the adoption of a Constitutional amendment to enable Congress to lay a tremendous export duty on cotton ; the next, universal negro suf frage. Meantime the President exhibits a pluck, in tegrity and firmness that render him worthy to rank amongst the ablest of his predecessors. You may generally rely upon his views being accurately set forth in the Editorials of the National Intelligencer. That paper is now generally conceded to be his “organ,” and I know tbat its condnetors hold the most in i Umate personal relations with the President. The Frecdnen’s Bureau of the District of Columbia has just announced that the Govern ment rations heretofore issued to the thou sands of negroes now idle here are to be stop ped. This is a terrible blow to cuffee, who likes to eat Uncle Sam’s bacon and to sit aV 1 day in the cushioned galleries of Congrtsi, listening to the debates. The approaching Connecticut election is all the talk here, just now. If the Conservatives cau carry the State, tho death-knell of Radi calism will have sounded ; and even if they should fail, the fight here still affords good grounds for hope. %* WHO ARE QUALIFIED VOTERS 1 This is a question which is exciting consider able interest in cur ccmmuuity at this time> in view of the approaching city election. Mmy persons of foreign birth, who havo never been naturalized under the Constitution and Laws of the United States, but who have ex ercised the elective franchise under State and Confederate laws claim that, under those laws, they are still entitled to exercise the privilege. It is asserted that those who have, during the existence of the Confederate Government, be come naturalized, according to law, and have voted, unchallenged, for delegates to the late State Convention, are still clothed with this high privilege. In yesterday’s issue of one of our city papers, in answer to “Inquirer," the following opinion is given: “In reply to ‘lnquirer, 1 we would state that our impression is, that such foreigners natural ized under Confederate administration as voted, unchallenged, for delegates to the State Cdu veation ol Georgia have an equal right of suf frage now.” Now, we believe such is not the Law. No person who is not a citizen of the United States at the time of voting is authorizsd to vote in our Charter Election. By the first section of the fifth article of the amended Constitution of this State it is declared that: “The electors of members of the General Assembly shall be free white male citizens of this State, and shall have attuined the ago of twenty-one years, and shall have paid all taxes which may havo been required of them, and which they have had an opportunity of paying, agreeably to law, for tho year preceding the election, shall be citizens of the United States," &c. The recent Legislature, by act passed Feb ruary 9th, 1866, prescribed the oath to be administered to voters for members of the General Assembly, Governor of this State, and members to Congres--, which oath Is as follows: “I swear that I have attained the age of twenty one years —that I am a citizen of the United States," it, c. Thus it appears that one of the necessary qualifications of voters now for effioers of the State Government, is that they be citizens of the United States. It is perfectly immaterial whether they wero “naturalized under Con federate administration,” or “voted, unchal lenged, for delegates to the State Convention of Georoia;” they must be citizens of tha Unit ed States now. It is only necessary for us to inquire further whether tho qualifications required of voters in our charter elections are differ ent from those for members of the General Assembly and other State officers, and if different, to noto that dif ference. By reference to the 25 th section of the act of the General Assembly of this State, passed oil the 15th day of February, 1856, it will be seen that there is no material difference in the qualifications required. The section above referred to, is as follows : “ Sec. 25. And be it further enacted, That all persons who are citizens of the United States, havo resided within the State of Georgia for twelve months immediately preceding, aud for the last six of theso in the city of Augusta, and who are twenty-one years of age, and have paid all city taxes and assessments, who have made all returns required by the city ordinances, and whose names have been regie tered according to the provisions of this act, and none other, shall be entitled to vote at any election for Mayor and Members of Council in said city.” No provision is made in favor of those who were “ naturalized under Confederate admin istration” and “ voted unchallenged for dele gates to the State Convention of Georgia.” Hence, we do not believe that such are entitled to vote at our city elections now. Gur view of the law is strengthened by reference to section 32 of the act last referred to, which prescribes the oath to be administered to chal lenged voters at the charter elections, and which is in the words following : “ You do solemnly swear that you are a citizen of the United States, that you are twenty one years of age, that you have resided in this State for the last twelve months, in this city for the last six months,” &c. We hesitate not to say, that no one is enti tled to vote in the city elections who is not a citizen of the United States,- and we believe that upon this question there is no conflict of opinion amongst the legal minds of the country. However much we may regret that those gallant men who perilled life and pro perty for the Southern cause in the late terrible war, are excluded from tho rights of citizenship, and the consequent loss of the elective franchise, the law is imperative, and must be enforced. It is not necessary for us, who witnessed their feats of daring upon many bloody fields, to say that, if we could, the laws should be altered and their rights restored. In tho meantime, let us all submit with as much of patience as we can to the laws of the land. EDUCATION OF YOUNG MEN FOR THE MINISTRY. The last session of the Florida Conference adopted a man for the education of young men who feel that they aie called to preach. The Committee on Education were authorized to receive and act upon applications, to placo those whom they judged suitable in proper schools, and to furnish such pecuniary assist ance as they may deem adyisabie in each case- The object of this eerarauffication is to call public attention to this subject. Ministers and Churches are earnestly requested to loak around for young men who are pious, endow ed with good nutural gifts, and feel called to the work of the work of the Ministry, and to .recommend them to the Committee. Those who are too poor to obtain an education with out assistance, will be aided as far as may be necessary. The Committee are prepared to receive applications. In every case rocom mendatioas will be required, and references as to character, &c. Addr»s3 the undersigned at Tfcomasviile, Ga 1 JOSEPHUS ANDERSON. Charman Committee on Education. lallahassee Horidan. New Portrait of the Empkbor cr >lons. Alexander Dumas gives this portrait of the Emperor of Austria : “He is a man some thirty-six or thirty seven years old. He is tali, thin, bat evidently possesses great bodily vigor ; his fixed eye, weil aiched eyebrow, straight nose, and well marked chin, give him the appearance of a man of determined will, to which his thick whiskers and long moustache contribute additional evidence. His complexion is brown, but this dark coating must have been spread on his face by the san and wind. He is fond of field sports, and to pursue them he disregards the worst weather. He is, with all this, handsome, but with tht t masculine beauty in which strength is more prominent than graca. Women may discuss his beauty ; men cannot. He rises at five o’clock A. M. ; reads all ths letters, de mands and petitions addreasect to him, and makes notes on them. His wonted residence in Schoenbrun, where bo occupies the apartment occupied by the Emperor Napoleon in 1805 and 1809. This double legend of Napo'eon's visits and the dc3ib of the Duke do Reiehstadt, fills the whole of this palace, which has nothing remarkable about it- The young Emperor of Austria lives amid this double souvenir, having, it is said, real admiration for Napoleon and a pious pity for the I)oke de Reiehstadt.” SIR JOQN HERBCHEL ON THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH STANDARDS OF MEAS UREMENT. The following is the substance of a letter communeated during the past year to the London Times by Sir Johu Hetscbel, in refer ence to the proposed introduction of the French metrical system into Great Britain iu place of the present English standard of meas ure. After stating that he considers the change on purely scientific grounds to be a retrograde rather than au advance movement, he proceeds to give the following as his reasons: “ Whatever be tho histoiicai origin of our staudard of weight, capacity and length, as a matter of fact, our British system reters itself with quite as much arithmetical simplicity, through the medium of the inch, to the length of the Earth’s polar axis (a unit common to all nations) as tne French does through tiiat ot the Metre to the elliptic quadrant of a meridian passing through Paris (a unit peculiar to France) It does so as regards our actual legal standards of weight and capacity with much more precision than the French system, and as regards that of leugth (with a correc tion which, it legalized, would be absolutely imperceptible, from the smallness of its amount, iu any transaction of life, and which can be applied, currente calamo, almost without calculation to any statement of lengths,) with even still gieater, and indeed with ail bat mathematical exactness. If the Earth’s polar axis be conceived divi. ded into five hundred million inches, and a foot to be taken to consist of twelve such inches, then one hundred of our actual legal imperial half-pints by measure, or cue thousand of our actual imperial ounces by weight, of distilled water at our actual standaid temperature of 62 deg. Fahr., will fill a hollow cube having one such foot us Its side. The amount of error in either case is only one part in eight thou sand. The theoretical French metre is one ten millionth part of the elliptic quadrant above mentioned; the theoret.cal litre is one thou sandth of a cubic metre; and the theoretical gramme, one-iniliionth part of a cubic metre of distilled water at 32 deg. Fahr. The actual error of the French legal, or standard or litre or gramme, or the deviation of there standards as they actually exist, from their true theoret ical value, is one part in 2730, and ia conse quently relatively nearly three times a3 great as the error in our standards of capacity and weight when referred to the Earth’s polar axis as their theoretical origin in the manner above stated. Our actual Imperial measures of length de viate, it. is true, by more than this amount from their theoretical values so defined ; that is to say, by one part in one thousand ; bo that a correction of one exact thousandth part subtracted from the stated amount of any length in Imperial measures suffices to reduce it to its equivalent in such unilß as correspond to similar aliquots of the polar axis : a correc tion pertormed, if needed, as already remarked, instanler aud currente calamo requiring no tables and aimost no calculation. So corrected, the outstanding error is only one part of 64,000. The actual legal metre, in use iu France, is, however, not immaculate In this respect, its amount of erior being one partia 6 400, which is ten times that which our British measures so corrected would exhibit. If it were worth while to lsgaliza so trifling an alteration (and an act passed, rendering permissive the decimilizition of our own sys tem, it would be necessary to do so aa a means of bringing the natural units of length, weight, and capacity into exact decimal correspon dence), no mortal would be aware, practically speaking, that auy change bad been made in our rniie, yard, foot, or in’ph. I have in common use, two foot-rules, bought at respectable shops, neither the worse for wear, which differ by more than the amount of change required. In addition to North America, which em ploys the British system ot weights and mea sures, British commerce extends to Russia, British India, aud Australia, all of them su perior in area, aud the last two at least, ot equal importance, commercially speaking, with the totality of the. metricized nations. The Russian sagene is an exact multiple of the English foot (imperial). The Hath (the legal measure of length in British India) is 18 im perial inches. Tho Australian svtem is identi cal with our own! Taking into consideration this immense pre ponderance, both in area, in population, and in commerc \ we are not only justified in tak ing out stand against this innovation, but en titled to enquire, if uniformity be insisted on, why, with an equally good theoretical ’oasis (to say tho least), the majority is called upon to give way to the minority ENGLISH POLITICIANS. If office has its cares and anxieties, its never ceasing labor, its disappointments, its baffled aspirations, its subdued jealousies, its mortifi cations and bitternesses, it also has its enjoy ments, which, to a man of active and ambi tious mind, are perhaps greater than are to be found in any of life. Judging from the politicians of our time, one might say that high office in a free country like this is a kind ot success which less than any other experiences the vanity of attained wishes and the course of granted prayers. Routine does not seem to disgust, Parliamentary work does not soem to exhaust, or the attacks of op* ponents to sour the thoroughly trained English statesmen. Our higher class of politicians seem always to be in good case, to be satisfied with themselves, their neighbours, their col leagues, even their rivals, to be perfectly cheerful about the state of the country, ever ready to point out a patch of blue sky in the most lowering heaven, and, if that is impossi ble, to pursuade us that clouds and tempests are more healthy than uninterrupted sunshine. Ihe gay optimism of our Parliamentary leaders, and the absence of all Irritability from their speeches, lorm a striking contrast to the tone in which men of other callings ad dress the world. A Bishop’s charge, for in stance, generally assures us that these are most perilous times, and that Satan has of late been fearfully successful in all his schemes. The world is falling off in spirituality, in truthfulness, in forgetfulness of self, and other episcopal viitues; husbands, wives, parents, children, are not what they were; clergymen are less inteileetual, and sceptics are morecon- fident and aggressive than at any previous time. Then, look at what are called literary men. They are generally as touchy as a set of old maids, and come maundering to' the public weekly or monthly about the unfair criticisms on their works *or the unhandsome behavior of this person or that person. A Cabinet Minister, on the other hand, who has all a nation’s difficulties to deal with, who sees as much of men and tiie'r motives as any body, and is accustomed to bo assaulted with every misfile of rhetoric two or three times a week for six months in the year, loses neither his courage, his good opinion of his fellows, nor his courtesy in fulfilling public duties This excellent moral discipline of which our statesmen give evidence, and their general evenness of temper, are, no doubt, the result of tne system of popular government. A British Minister is not merely a functionary, the living appendage to a bureau, nor is he, on the other hand, merely a political sophist, discussing questions which he will never be called upon to solve practically. He ha* enough routine work to make him a man of business and to sober his brain when it has been excited by oratorical canfl'cts; and he has enough sharp employment of his wits to take the pedantry and priggighnesa out of his character. Add to this the soothing influence on his mind of (he social esteem in which ho is held, and you have a reason why a politi cian of the higher class generally appears be lore the world not only as au able, but also as a contented, sanguine, and rather amiable personage.—isndon llniea. From Canada. —The Herald’s Toronto spe cial says : The order disbanding the volunteers has been rescinded, and troops arc still being sent to the frontier. There is a great deal of mystery in this matter. The Government pro fesses to intend to muster men out, yet un der cover of night, they sent new companies to the frontier. Many believe that the Govern ment is endeavoring to make Americans believe that they are disbanding the troop?, while secretly calling oat more. An attempt was made to burn the City Hall at Ottawa, a few nights since. i THE PRESIDENT’S LEVEE A Washington disp itch of the 26;h Murth says: The Presidential levee of to-n ; ght differed somewhat from tho previous receptions at the White House, and, notwithstanding the chilly and forbidding aspect ot the weather, was largely attended by officials and fashionables of the city. Passion week seemed to have been foigotton in tne genera! desire to be pro. sent, ami throngs of ladies and gentlemen in full dress were arriving and departing contin ually from an eariy hour in the evening until the time for closing tire doors of the main entrance. The marine band were present as usual, and its leader more than ordinarily feli citous in selecting airs for tho occasion, and securing their faultless execution. The East Room and adjacent passages wero crowded by young and old to listen to the delight ful strains, where misses and matrons of every degree promenade to measured cadences.— Aristocracy and democracy were alike re presented, and titled dam sand republican wives and mothers were scarcely distinguisha ble in the crowded rooms of the Presidential mansion. The ladies displayed a large variety ot toilets, from the plain parlor to the extreme evening, or party dress. There were velvets, satins, pearl, lavender, crimson, garnet and black silks in profusion, as well as tu les and tarletans. These, adorned with diamonds and other ornaments, with their neatly arranged coiffures, presented an attracting and fascina ing scene. The President, as usual, stood near the en trance in the Blue Room. Tho guests were introduced by Marshal Gooding Mr. John son was dressed in plain black, with straw col ored gloves. His daughters, Mrs. Patterson and Mrs. Stover, assisted in receiving tho guests. They stood at the right and rear of the President. The former was attired la black velvet low neck and short sleeves, with illusion bodies, hair ornamented with flowers and back curls. Mrs. Stover wore a rich black silk trimmed with lace, iow neck with hair tastefully arranged and back curls. Many of the guests loitered around tho Blue Room, but the larger portion immediately found their way into the East Room. Among those who remained in the Biue Room were Secretaries Walies, Denison and McCulloch. Promi nent among the promenaders were Mr. and Mis. Gen. Banks, tha latter attired in a rich salmon silk, with pink flowers, low neck and trail, and coral necklace. Governor Sharkey and lady were also quite conspicuous. Mrs. Sharkey was dressed in a rich pearl c ored silk, long trail, with velvet border and trim mings, with steel edging, with an elabo rate coiffure. Sir Frederick Bruce and Lady Thurlow were iu the East Room most of the evening. Ho was dressed in tho plain republican st>io, without any decorations, while Lady Thurlow’s attire was of the same simple style. She wore a dark watered silk. Se’nor Romero, the Mexican Minister, escorted the lady of Presi dent Juarez. She was attired in a rich laven der silk, richly trimmed, and long trail, with diamonds, Hon. L. D. Campbell also had a Mexican lady on his arm. She was attired in a blue si’ik, long trail and fluted trimmings around the bottom, with diamond pin. Mr. Labantree, of the State Department, also es corted a Mexican lady, who attracted consider able attention. The brunette countenances and well forme ) features of these Montezuma ladies furnished a contrast with the American ladies, and made them the centre of attraction. It is useless to attempt to dorcribe all the lad : es’ toilets. A few cf the most conspicu ous must suffice. Ther# wore, however, many others equally as brilliant and attractive as those narrated above. The army was well represented. Generals Howard, Fry, Bryce, Dyer, Rickefts, Robinson and many others were present, with and with out their ladies. Among the Senators and Con gressmen present were Steward, of Nevada ; Davisand McKee, of Kentucky; Saulsbury and Riddle, of Delaware; Darling, Tyler, Brooks, Humphrey and many more from New York. Tee evening wore away pleasantly to al), and by eleven o’clock, the crowd was rapidly de parting. SENATOR STOCK I ON’S CASE. If anything could have deepened the dis grace with which the present Congress had al ready covered itself, it would have been the action of the Senate in depriving Mr. Stockton, of New Jersey, of his seal, after its own Judi ciary Committee (composed of a large ma jority of his political opponents, and embracing Us best legal talent) had felt constrained to re port wish only a minority of one, that he wa3 justly entitled to it. To accomplish the shame ful deed, advantage was taken of the absence aud sickness of several members; aad another (Mr. Morrill, of Maine) was persuaded to vio late his own plighted word to secure a party triumph. The coureo of this Senator deserves and must receive the condemnation of every honorable man, and, in tho former aud belter days of that once pure and dignified body, would have subjected him to immediate ex pulsion from his own seat. He had paired iff with Senator Wiight, of New Jersey, who, iu reliance on his honor, was absent on a visit to his family. On tho resolution to reject Mr. Stockton, he abstained from voting-a confes sion that he was obliged to do so by personal good faith to his absent colleague; but o®»ho motion to admit the Senator from New Jersey, he was dragooned into voting against it by Mr. Sumner, thus making a tie. It took even tho Senate by surprise, and he felt obliged to make some kind of excuse for thus abjuring the ob ligation of honor. It was the poor one that “such a lenght of time had elap.-ed since he paired with Mr. Wiight that bo did not feel himself bound by it;” and that he had told Mr. Stockton, not Mr. Wright, that “he would teal constrained to vote on this question.” Mr. Stockton stated to the Fenate, and Mr. Morriii, did not deny it, that the intention of the latter to vote was not communicated to him until it was too late for Mr. Wright to arrive and vote. Under such circumstances—to prevent the con summation of a gro-s wrong to hi3 State— Senator Stockton without hesitation, and with high moral eourage, deserving all praise, determined to vote for himself, and thu3 secur ed his seat for the time. The brave act took the Radicals by surprise, and Mr. Sumner, among others, was heard in the galleries to say very excitedly. “It is a part of tha law of nations that a man shall not voto in his own oase.” They consequently succeeded in their nefarious purpose, and Mr. Stockton, with much dignity, immediately retired from the Senate as a piivate citizen—a far higher post of honor thau the station occupied by those he left behind, Mr. Sumner hopes by such means to subordinate the Executive to tbo Cor /res sional majority, by.necuring the necessary _vvo thirds of the Senate, when he and his party will reign supreme. We shall see. FROM MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. By arrival of the steamer Vera Cruz at New York, from Vera Crnz, March 22nd and Ha vana 28, news from the city of Mexico to ihe 19th ult., is received. General Ogason had proclaimed himself President of the Mexican Republic, by viriue of the Constitution of 1857, in the of town Cu tiacon. The assassins of the Belgian Envoy were being vigorously pursuod by tho French police, under the direction of Mr 1 Maury. The Imperialists, under the command of General Mandaz have sustained a severe reverse in the Plains of Urahon, where it is stated 209 prisoners weie shot in retaliation for the execution of Liberals. Under the recent decree of Maximilian, a secret agreement had been entered into be tween Maximilian and the children of Iturbhie, by which the latter have been sold into exile. We are also informed (hat French troops have been recently seat from France to Mexi co. Advices from Caraccas. Venezuela, to March 13th, had arrived there. Both Houses of the Venezuela Congress assemble lon the 2d. The President announced in his message that measures were in progress for the adjustment of the Spanish claims. Several shocks cf an earthquake, soma of them violent, had occurred in various parts of the owntry, Advices from Aniiqua, West Indies, March 12!h, repo: t the Rugar and cotton crops com ing on plentifully. A bam was burned onThe 3d, near Chica go. A man, his daughter, and six horses were, with the building consumed,