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OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXV. Cljronirlf k ftntind. HENRY MOORE, A. R. WR IGHT, TKKMh: JJAiLT, 1 Mouth • It CO 3 month! - 800 '* ft month! • 6 00 *' 1 year * • 10 00 T*i~ Weekly, 3 month! - - 200 •* 6 months * 850 - 1 yfar - - - 7 00 WKRKLr, atth«* rate of $3 00 per annum. Auoihta. April 17, W>*. HAVE HE A BROUALIW AliOVfisT IS ? Start not, gentle reader, at the inquiry which meets your eye at the top of this article. We shall not attempt to lead you through the in- tricate maze of fancy, or Rax your reasoning powers with a display of facts, remote, contin gent, or inferential, like that under which, a few years since, Putnam’s and the groat North ern Weeklies tried for a brief season, to show to the ignorant and benighted world that we bad a“a Bourbon amongst us.” Oh no! We wish in our soul that our own investigations were upon a subject as harmless as that which brought "Putnam’s” into notice and furnished appropriate pabulum to the American taste. We had thought, aud wo stlil think that the people of Georgia have laid down their arms and surrendered to the power of the Fedora! Government. We havo neither seen nor heard of any resistance to the authority of the United Htates. On the other hand, we know that our people have been earnest and persis tent in their efforts to secure a restoration of the State to its ancient relations. All the laws, orders or regulations of the United States authorities, iegal or otherwise, havo been ob served and complied with. Our Legislation has been conformed, in a great degree, to the demands of Government made upon us, and everywhere, throughout the length and breadth of the State, the people clamor for a time of law, order and harmony. From every section of the State comes the gratifying intelligence that the whites and negroes are living in great harmony—the latter disposed to do fair work, and the former paying them fair wages. By order of General Tillson, the Agent of the Freedrneu’s Bureau for the State, the civil courts have been permitted to take cogniztnce of all criminal violations of the law by black people, and that class of persons r. mitted for a redress of grievances to the same tribunal. Tliis is as it should be. Yet wo are pained to see in the published evidence, taken before the Reconstruction Committee, a statement, under oath, aud that from a man ouce houored by the people of the State with a high and re sponsible position, that, "in my judgment and opiuiou, it is proper at thejproseut time that the .Bureau F(reedman’s) or something akin to it, should bo continued in tho State for a time ; in my judgment, when tho District aud Circuit Gourts of the United States are properly or ganized in tho State, and when our owu Legis lature shall have perfected their system of luw in reference to negroes, then the bill which has already passed one branch of Congress, which proposes to declare and secure the civil rights of prisons, if passed by the other branch, will dispense with the necessity of the presence of tho Freedmen s Bureau, or ol the troopß of the United States; but until that is done I think it iH proper that both should bo coutiuued." Here we have theevidenoe that our inquiry at the head of this article is not without point. We bud not thought that there was a respect nb e mau with a white skiu, a citizen of the State, within its broad limits, who could give uttoruuce to such proscriptive and vindictive feelings. In the judgment oi this (as wo shall presently see) unprejudiced aud impartial wit ness it would not bo safe to relieve the oppress' ed people of the State from the operations of tho Bureau, which all intelligent and fair minded men believe to be the only aud main obstacle to a perfect, fair and mutual agree ment between the two races in the State. We have not heard of a single ease of disturbance on the plantations between the negroes and their owners that cannot be fairly and clearly traced to the presence oi the Freedman's Bureau. But, says this Georgia Brownlow, the Freed hhu's Bureau should be continued until the District and Circuit Courts of the United States are property organized, and tho Stato Legisla ture shall havo perfected thoir system of laws iu reference to negroes. We are not disposed to be hypocritical, or wo might say that the terms prescribed, when it might be safe to remove tho Bureau from the State, can never be accomplished. There is no such thing as a perfect system of human laws, and, conse quently, it we are to have the Bureau saddled upon ns until our legislation in relation to the negroes is perfect, it will be a fixture in the State for all time to come. If, however, the witness intended to say that the Bureau should be coutiuued until there were other aud fur ther concessions made to the black race, we would like to know what further rights and privileges he wishes them to have! Are they not. by our I'reseut laws, endowed with all the right* which an inferior and servile race can be safety entrusted with s Have we not thrown open our Courts to them as fully as to the whites? Are they not allowed to convey and hold property, to make devises, to contract marriages aud to iuherit property f What more would he havo our Legislature do for the benefit ot his black friends? He would have all distinctions, ou account of color or race, stricken from our statute books : he would repeal the law which forbids the intermarriage of the two races ; he would have their social equality declared, aud, no doubt, he would have them sit upou Juries, and endow them with the elective franchise. This Georgia Browutow is m favor of re taining the Freedman’B Bureau, until theUivil Rights Bill shall secure the blacks all ol their civil rights, lie is in favor of that most infa mous and degrading law, and wants the Baureau retained until its diabolical machi nery can beset in motion throughout the State' Doolittle and Raymond and Cowan, Republi cans of the deepest dye, and a host ot true hearted men of all parties in the North and West denounce this measure as a violation of the Constitution of the United States, an invasion of the rights ot the States, and an outrage and •rime upou the white people of the country. Our Brownlow hails its passage as the harbin ger of joy, peace and good will to all the in habitants cf our good old State, and no doubt will welcome with becoming hospitality the swarm of spies and robbers which it will dis tribute throughout our borders. He would have our Ordinaries fined and imprisoned under its operations, for obeying a law of the State which prohibits the granting of a license for the intermarriage of a wnito and black per son. He would have our Church sextons in carcerated in prison and mulct in fines of a thousand dollars, for relating to seat a black> buck negro with our wife and daughters. He would have our Hotel keepers suffer in liberty j and property for refusing entrance t > their dining halls to the sweetscented sons and daughters of Ethiopia. Our Brownlow—Geor gia's Browniow, perhaps would not object to having a free association and connexion of the dear sweet-tmelling blacks with his own fami ly, but in the name of justice, humanity and common decency, we protest against the ap plication of such a system to the white people of this country. Our Brownlow is in great doubt whether the war is yet ended. Indeed he rather thinks that we are only “progressing” towards the end. Hear him again : "My own jugdment is that the people are progreesing towards a state of peace and harmony, and reconciliation as rapidly as could be expected after such a conflict of paesion and arms, aDd I have no doubt that pedtee will be fully restored before any great length of time.” Thank God! he thinks that peace will be fully restored after a while. One whole year has elapsed since our people laid down their arms, abandoned their government, and renewed their allegiance to the Federal authority. One year of vituentim, obloquy, and scorn has been poured upon ub ; one year of official in solence aud tyranny has been submitted to from Government officials ; one year of manly, noble forbearance ha3 marked our conduct, and yet this modern Daniel pronounces hi3 judgment upon us as rebellious and intoilerant still. The President thinks the war ended, and has issued a formal proclamation declaring the rebellion terminated. The Government thinks the war ended, and havo sent tax gatherers, post masters, and mail carriers, together with all the usual paraphernalia of civil government into the different sections of our State. The Northern tradesmen think the war ended and have sent their goods, wares, manufactures, and merchandise into every hamlet and eve- ry country town. North«rn farmers think the war ended, and have bought lands,.cleared plantations and stocked farms in every county of tho State. Yet, despite all thesejmanife sta tions and indications of peace, our Brownlow cannot discern in our political firmament one single ray of the mild and gentle star of peace. During the session of the late Stato Conven tion our (trownlow found that Georgia rebels were becoming a little stiff necked; they could not be made believe that our Brownlow was the eul Ire “Law and tho Prophets” lor the State of Gooigia, and that all wisdom, justice> right and goodness were concentrated in his immaculate person, and hence a dispatch was sent upon the wings of the telegraph, to the President of the United Slates, suggesting, (what a sweet word) that no more pardons be granted to Georgia Rebels. This he thought would bring about a change of their feelings and a modification of their line of policy. Our Brownlow was a candidate for U. S. Senator before the last Legislature, and our representatives had the temerity to overlook his merits and ignore his claims. Can this inconsiderate action of our Legislature havo furnished our Brownlow with a reason for tho “faith that in him is ” THE RADICAL PROERAIIME DEVELOPED. After more than four months time consumed 5n the examination of witnesses as to the tone, temper and disposition of the people oi the Southern States, the Reconstruction Com mittee have agreed upon a plan for the restor ation ol the Union, or, more properly, for a reconstruction of the Government. Our dispatches from Washington of the 22d inst., and published iu yesterday’s issue, con tain the leading features of this most import ant document. Wo believe the plan proposed is, substantially, the one submitted a short time Bince in tho House of Representatives, by Robert Dale Owens, and embraces several radical amendments to the present Constitu tion. The most important of which are: Ist, Declaring that, in future, no Stato shall make any discrimination in its Laws or Constitution on account of color. 2d. Extending to negroes the elective franchise after the 4th of July> 187(1, 3d. Fixing representation upon quali fied voters until 1876, and after that time upon population. These are tho terms upon which the Southern. States are to bo ro-admitted into tho Union We are not as yet advised whether this Report is likely to meet the views of Wilson, Chase, Sumner & Cos,, but we presume that in so im portant a matter they have been already con sulted, aud their approval secured. Be this as it may, (he destrudionists in both Houses of Cougross, hayo a large majority, aud may do able to carry through this most nefarious pro ject by the proper majorities. We confess that our fears are, that some of the more moderate Republicans may become so wearied with the agitation upon this subject, and the almost end.ess clamor for new guarantees from the States seeking to renew their ancient relations to the Government, that they may be induced to give these measures their support, in order to restote peace and quiet to the country. We say we fear this may be done by a few of those Republicans who havo hitherto supported and sustained the President ia his policy of recon struction ; and our fears are produced by the conduct and votes of several in both Houses on the passage of the Civil Rights Bill over the President’s veto. • It is useless to attempt to disguise the fact that the Radical leaders have acquired and still possess great power over the weak, timid and time serving of their party. No means will be left unemployed ; no effort relaxed cn the part of those bold, bad men to retain their influence and control. It remains to be seen whether the late manly, consistant and Constitutional course of the President will enable him to draw to his support a sufficient number from the Republican ranks to enable the frieuds of the Constitution and the country to defeat the Radicals in this wicked attempt to emasculate the Constitution of our fathers. We do not believe that a single Southern State would accept the conditions offered, however great their anxiety must be for a re storation of their former political rights. In deed. in our opinion, there should bo no further yielding on the* part of our deeply injured and oppressd people, to the demands of the mad tauatlcs who now run riot at Wash ington. The honest, Conservative people of the North ate satisfied with the evidences we have already furnished of our good faith in all that we have done. They are also content with the terms which have already been imposed upon us, and which have been so exactly com plied with on the part of every Southern State, she great Northern heart has not, in our opinion, demanded of Congress the imposition of the degrading terms which the Reconstruc tion Committee have recommended. The people of the South would do well to nerve themselves for a still severer test of their patience and fcrbearance than they have yet encountered Conscious of having done all. and yielded all. that an honorable foe could demand, or that a gallant, though unfortunate people could submit to, let them submit their I cause to the honest, conservative iriends of the I Union at the North, and await the result. me t>reat southern Railroad. We condense from the Enquirer of the 20th inst., an account of one of the most important meetings ever held in Cincinnati, convened in the Merchants’ Exchange. The chamber was well filled by the substantial, or better known as the monied men of the city, and it was soon discernible that their business element was there for a purpose, namely: the fulfillment of a request that the city of Cincinnati subscribe $1,000,000 to the Great Southern (Knoxville) Railroad, Hon. W. S. Groesbeck, upon taking the Chair, stated the object of the meeting: That the city had no special or direct communication with the South; that Cincinnati had been named as belonging tb a Northern State, wbeD, in fact, she is more a Southern than a Northern £tty— was started and established by Southern trade —and -bfspoke for the enterprise a liberal and general reception. The Committee reported in favor of the early construction of a line oi railroad from the city of Lexlegton, Ky ~ via Nicholasvllle and Danville to the East Tennessee and Georgia Railroad, at Knoxville and Chattanooga, or some intermediate point. The next speaker r Hon. Stanley Matthews, said the subject was not anew one, having been urged thirty years ago by the well known Dr. Drake, who strongly and strenuously urged the consttuction of tho Cincinnati and Charles ton (Blue Ridge) Railroad. Judge Matthews, after a review of the two great sjstems of railroads north of the Ohio River, said: “ If the word politics could be blo'tfd out, and the business arts of peace, cultivation of the soil, building of roads, canals, &c., and changing commodities for their equivalents, forgetting that there is a North, South, East or Wast, or politics, then would be seeu tho beneficent results of such construc tions as is proposed here tp night. * * * Whei e would Cincinnati be without her numer ous rail roads ? She would be a nameless village. * * * “i’here is anew world open to ns— created for the first time, and now open to emi gration. It is a rich mineral wealth, copper, &c.; is unsurpassed as a grazing and agricul tural region, and enjoys the monopoly in the great staple—cotton.” Judgo Matthews concluded his remarks by urging the meeting to take hold of this under taking in earnest and construct the road with rivets of steel, so that the idea of future Separation may never enter iuto the heads of American citizens. Mr. Win, Enst announced that the Kentucky Central Railroad would subscribe $300,000. Mr. Daniel Stinton stated that the Nicholas ville Banch Road would eubscriba $500,000. Books of subscription were then opened and subscriptions to the amount of $558 500 were received from individuals and corpo rations iu Cincinnati. A committee was then appointed to extend the subscriptions, which, at last accounts, had reached $1,500,000. The Enquirer thinks the Road a certainty. Legal Effects of the Peace Proclamation. The Philadelphia Ledirer very justly obser ves that tho recent, proclamation of the Presi dent possesses greater importance than may be generally understood. There are several acta of Congress that have their existence dependent upon the duration of tho war. The joint resolution of Congress, approved February 8, 1865, excluding eleven States from participation in Presidential elec tions, because they had been declared in in surrection. The act of March 3, 1865, creating the Freedmen’s Bureau, expires by its own enactment one year after tee end of the rebel lion. An act of March 3, 1863, authorized the President “during the present rebellion, when ever in his judgment the publio safety might require it,” to suspend the writ of habeas cor pus, and President Lincoln’s proclamation of September 3, 1863, suspending the writ, de clared that the suspension should “continue throughout the duration of such rebellion, or until the proclamation shall, by a subsequent one to be issued by the President of the Uni ted States, be modified or revoked.” The present proclamation of President Johnson also changes the army and navy from a war to a peace footing, reducing officers pay for com mutation, for rations, forage and horses, to which those of high grades in the army are entitled. In addition to the laws mentioned above, there are quite a number of other acts} such as those relating to the militia, the Na tional forces, drafting, etc., which have refer ence only to the continuanco of the war. On the same subject a Washington letter says : the peace proclamation is generally under stood as abolishing the recent order of the Lieutenant-General against the press, which, by the way, has not been executed in a single instance. There are the best reasons for be lieving that the President has never given his countenance to the order in question, as he is known to be in favor of the most liberal dis cussion both North and South, upon all mat ters of public policy. Agricultural Didress in France. One of the prominent matters discussed in the French Assembly was one having rela tion to the condition cf the agricultural popu lation. At the present time the laud owners or farmers of France number somewhat over 8,000.000. by which the amount of land falling to each is very small, so much so, that, accord ing to some statements made by the debates on the address, nearly one-third of their pro prietors are not liable to taxation on account of their poverty. A late writer states that in respect to pro prietorship, England and France pursue ex actly opposite courses. The one concretes and the other divides the land. In the one case tho workings of primogeniture are concentra ting land in the ownership of a constantly de creasing number. In the other the subdivis ion ot property is proceeding so tapidly, that in a great number of cases the land is insuffi cient in quantity for the support of the owners. One of these systems goes to one extreme and the other to the opposite one. As extreme heat and extreme cold produce the same sen sation, if not the same result in a more ex tended sense, so do the system of France and England produce the same effects upon the masses of the agricultural communities. The majority of the 8,000,000 land-owners of France are reduced to very nearly the same condition as the agricultural laboring classes of England. An infant was born in Wilmington, Vt., re cently, with ite nose and uper jaw united in one common mass, and void of upper lip, but otherwise a pretty well developed child. A i pbisician operated upon it a few weeks since, taking out one-third of the jaw, dissecting it ! from the ncse. and making a good upper lip. | The boby is now in perfect heaih. with a very ! handsome nose and lip. AUGUSTA, GA„ WEDNESDAY MORNING, MAY 2, 1866, 13 SIDE VIEWS OF POLITICS \T WA'HIsGIOV. TLe President Crows firmer—liis Political Sagacity—he J-o'diere and f*ai ors ra'.lying to his support—Emancipation Celeb-atio: —L bit of J'exae Impertinence—What < o thought about it—CJay and Davi*—'J he Reconstruction Ke port. &c., Ac. (FROM OCR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) Washington, April 19. Our President, instead of bending, is stiffen ing under the pressure of the Radical press and politicians. I was in the crowd, last night, which assembled in front of the White House, to hear him speak to the soldiers and sailors who had gone thither in procession, headed by the Marine band, to tender him the compli ments of a serenade, His speech, of which I send you a verbatim report-herewith, will ex' plain itself to your readers; but words can hardly convey any adequate idea of the inten sity and firmness of purpose which marked the President’s manner, while he was addressing the crowd. No one that heard him could es cape the conviction that he is in dead earnest, and means to uphold his policy against all op- position, to the bitter end. While Andrew Johnson is honest and pa triotic in his motives, he is a cautious and wily politician, and there are those who be lieve that he has not entered upon this strug gle with the dominant faction in Congress, and the powerful party which supports it, without a careful estimate of the strength and bottom of his antagonist, resulting in the consciousness of his ability to win, in the end. The blows of the Executive axe, lopping off tho official heads of prominent Radical office holders, though long delayed, have at last begun to fall, and I hear that the work of decapitation which so far has been confined to obnoxious postmasters, chit fly in Pennsylvania, will go steadily on. But mark how cautious has been the President’s action in this matter! A week ago he put foith a proclamation directing that, in filling all vacant offices in the gift of the Executive branch of the Government, where the qualifications of applicants were otherwise equal, preference should be given to those who had fought for the Union, by land or sea, during the recent war. In accordance with this general policy, thus publicly and officially declared, the President has, in every case since, in which he has removed a blatant Ra dical, installed in his place some hungry sol dier or sailor who supports the plan of Restore tion. The sagacity of this course is already making itself apparent. The soldiers and sailors who served in the war, with their friends and sympathizers are everywhere rallying to the aid of the conservative or Johnson party, though hitherto their decided tendency was to act with the followers of Stmner and Thad. Stevens. Had the President been rash enough to replace the ousted officials by any of the friends of his Administration, no matter how unexceptionable their record as Unionists might have been, instantly the cry would have been raised that, instead of “making treason odious,” he was elevating “copperheads” to office. As it is, however, sore as the Radicals may feel at the removal of their dupes and daquers, they scarcely dare howl their indigna tion, when the popular pets of the hour, “tne heroic defenders of the Union,’ ’ are made the recipients of the places thus vacated. So much for the President’s lest stroke of policy. This balmy spring morning opened a great day for the vast multitudes of lazy and shift less blacks, who throng the suburbs of the capital, and indeed all parts of the District of Columbia. The anniversary of emancipation has come round, and a grand celebration of the same is in progress. In point of numbers, at least, the procession is a very imposing af fair. In the first place there is the "escort,” consisting of all the black troops that can be mustered hereabouts—about two regiments— these followed by the colored masons, these by the odd fellows and other societies, in full regalia and with a multitude of banners ; then the pupils of the colored schools rejoicing in an abundance of 6tars and stripes; and lastly, "the colored citizens generally.” Tho line was quite a mile long, and when I tell yoif'that it was attended by about a dozen colored brass brands, and commanded by innumerable black marshals (mostly hackmen) well mounted, and who Beemed resolved to divert attention from the dusky hue of thoir facts, by tho dazzling aud immaculate whiteness of their satin sashes when I tell you all this, and also that the Pre sident made them a little speech, and that the War Department ordered an artillery salute to be fired for the delectation of the blacks, you will have a very good idea of what the “Emancipation Celebration” in Washington was. In the House of Representatives yesterday, a sharp little debate sprang up in consequence of the Speaker having laid before that body a communication, in tho iorm of a series of reto lutions, from the Texas State Convention. The resolutions simply called for Congressional assis tance, in the shape of a land grant, to aid in the construction of a Southern branch of the Pacific Railroad. The Radicals evidently con sidered the resolutions a bit of Texas imper tinence; but they were not agreed as to wha disposition should fee made of them—some wishing them referred to the Committee on Reconstruction, while ethers (foremost amongst whom was Thad. Stevens) were for laying them upon the table. Amidst this division ot the Radical counsels, more moderate views prevailed, and the resolutions were referred to the Committee on Public Lands. The same disposition that would have been made of them if Texas were a State represented in Con gress. As I predicted in my last letter, Hon. C. C Clay has been released on parole. There is a deal oi talk about the approaching trial of Hr. Davis, but you may rely upon the statement that no definite conclusion on that subject has yet been reached. The examination of Mr. Stephens has closed the evidence to be taken before the Recon struction Committee, and it is now said that we may expect thß final report of the committee early next week. Then you may look for stir ring times in Congress. Bctterxct. The Masons in Council. —ln the Supreme Council of Free Masons of the Southern Juris diction at Washington, on the 17th, a long report was read on the conflicting claims of the two bodies at the North, each claiming to be the Supreme Council of that Jurisdiction, It was shown that, under the Constitution of 1786, neither body numbered among its origin al number a majority of these previously recognized by the Northern Jurisdiction as members of its Supreme Council, and that consequently neither one is legitimate. A reunion of ihe legitimate Thirtyt-birds in each Council is recommended as the only way to heal the difficulty. In the evening a banquet was given at tho Metropolitan Hotel, by Mar tin Collins, of St. Louis, to all of the Thirty third in the city, uniting brethren from almost every State in the Union, some of whom were, not very long ago, opposed to each other in arms. » |ESrniOA¥ OF COYEttiIOR J)H\SO!f. We have already published an abstract of the testimony ot Governor Johnson of Georgia. The following will be found more indetail : GOVERNOR JAMES JOHNSON, EXAMINED BY BODT WELL. The condition of public affairs in Georgia, in mjt estimation, is improving ; our people are becoming better and better satisfied with the lapse of time, and their passions are grad ually abating ; as an evidence of this fact I could’pomt to the legislation of the State on particular subjects ; the provisions which are beingmrde by law for the protection of freed* men and securirg their rights ; immediately after -emancipation went iuto actual effect, there wr.s some hostility manifested towards the negroes by some classes of persons, but that hostility is abating, particularly on the part of those who owned slaves ;in my judgment, a few troops of the United States should still be kept in Georgia for the present, for the pur pose of keeping in restraint evil disposed men, and to aid and assist the freedmen’s Bureau while it remains ; in my judgment and opinion it is at present that that Bureau, or the Mate fora time 1 tn my judgment, when the district and circuit courts ot the United Stabs are propeily organized in the State, and when our own Legislature shall have perfected their system of law in reference to negroes, then the bill which has already passed one branch of Congress, which proposes to declare and secure the civil rights of persons, if passtd by the other branch, will dispense with the necessity of the presence of the Freedmen’s Bureau, or of the troops of tho United States ; but until that is done I think it is proper that both should be con tinued : I think that it would be good policy to withdraw the black troops ; their presence is irritating, and tends to bring about collisions. A majority of the people are now willing to submit to the Constitution of the United States, and desire that peace should be restated throughout the country. While they aie thus anxious on that subject, and willing to obey the laws, still, as is very natu ral, in all their political arrangements for office, &c., they prefer men who have co-op erated with them during the prosecution of the war to those who were opposed to them.— My own judgment is that the people are pro gressing towards a state of peace, and har mony, and reconciliation as rapid,y as could be expected alter such a conflict of passions and of arms, and I have no doubt that peace will be fully restored before any great length of time; but animosities have been generated and passions have been inflamed to such an extent that in certain localities we shall still see manifestations of them for some time to come; I know both gentlemen elected to the United States Senate from Georgia, and have known them tar many years; Mr. Stephens and myself were classmates and graduated togeth er; it is known generally to the country that Mr. Stephens was opposed to secession, but af ter the ordinance of Secession was passed, un der the pressure of circumstances, I suppose and i believe, because he thought it would bring about a conflict at home if he did not do So, be fell in with the current after the com mencement of hostilities Mr. Johnson, his colleague in the United States Senate, was aK so opposed to secession; he was a Douglas man, as was Mr, Stephens, but, like Mr. Stephens, fell in with the current to a certain extent after the commencement of hostilities. Mr. Johnson accepted the place of Confederate States Senator under the Confederate Govern ment, being elected while the war was in progress ; but I have reason to be lieve that, for some time before the termination of the Confederacy, he insisted that negotiations should be had so that an end might be put to the strife, but his representations were unheeded. I think that this is his present status ; that at present, while he may object to certain Congressional and administrative measures, ho would submit to them, and is well affected towards the Gov ernment ; ho must tie satisfied, as a man of judgment, that an effort to separate this Un ion will not succeed ; that our destinies are to be those of one nation ; he was the President of the State Convention that recently assem bled and adopted anew State constitution ; he co-orperated iu the line of policy suggest ed by the administration for the purpose of restoring the State ; Mr. Stephens was the Vice President of the Confederate States, and he acted some time in that capacity, and I be lieve he continued to hold the office until the downfall of the Confederacy; but while that is true of him, 1 believe he became satisfied dur ing the war that the effort to establish the Con federacy would be a failure, and he would gladly have terminated the strife long before it was teiminated, and in a different manner from which it was terminated ; he has been using his efforts to get our people to lay aside their prejudices and passions and accept the results of the war, and I have no doubt he will do everything in his power to restore harmony throughout the wbole iengthjjand breadth of the land ; in fact, I feel sure that he is extremely anxious that such a state of things should be brought about at an early a day as possible ; he has been an open advocate of giying the freedmen their civil rights and maintaining them in those rights, and I have no doubt he will continue to advocate those measures ; I cannot answer as positively of the members elect to the House of Representatives ; I can answer about some of them; Mr. Wofford was a Brigadier General in the Confederate service; he was a Union mau before the war, and a Un ion man during the war, and is a Union man still, but the current of public feeling was so strong that he went into the war; I sup pose ho wouid have been conscripted if he had not done so; in my judgment he is as well affected towards this Government as any mm North or South; he is a well behaved man, not at all violent. General Philip Cooke was another Confederate general who was elected to the House of Representa tives ;he was opposed to the war, and was termed a co-operationist ; he was violently opposed to the war ; after the war was com menced he likewise fell in with the current and cast his lot with the war ; during the progress of the war he was severely wounded several times, and was finally captured ; he stated his positi an aud feelings tothe Federal officers who had charge of him, and I belive they made representations to the proper department here, asking for his pardon, and he was released ; he came to visit me at Milledgeville after his release, and told me that he was willing to co-operate with me to carry out the wishes of the Administration as far as he could do so. I think he is a proper man, notwithstanding he has committed errors ; he is a man of good feelings and liberal sentiment!. Mr. Christie was a co-operationist ; I cannot speak positi vely about hua ; I can oniy speak of him from reputation, and I think he i3 well disposed to wards the Government now ; I do not know what part he took after the commencement of hostilities. Mr. Buchanan was in favor of se cession ; he says he accepts the result of the war and is willing to submit to them ; I will not say farther in regard to him, because I do net know. As to Mr. Cohen, of Savannah, my impression about him are these ; he is rather relracto'-y in spirit. The other member elected to the House of Representatives, I do not re collect his name at this time ; I cannot toil his present status, but he was opposed to the war at its commencement. Q. If tho establishment of the Confederacy were now possible, how many of the people of Georgia would prefer the Union to the Con federacy '? A. If the power of the Federal Government and its influence were entirely withdrawn, I think a majority of the people would express a preference for a confederacy ; immediately after Lea’s surrender our people were uncertain as to what might happen in the future ; very uncertain as to what course the Government of the United States would pursue towards them ; they were a little un certain about expressing their sentiment and declaring their opinions ; now they are less reserved than they were before ; a great many of them feel more disposed to take part in public matters than they did at that time ; but, notwithstanding they speak more freely than they did then lam of the opinion that the real opinion of the people of that State has much improved since that time. Q. Was the amended constitution of Geor gia submitted to the people for ratification; A. It wa ; not :it was known to the people beforehand what was expected of the conven tion ; there was no mistaking the public mind about that, except so far as the war debt was concerned ; that was not so well understood by tee people as the other part was ; they knew that slavery had to be abolished, and a provision to that effect put in the constitution; but it was not so distinctly made known to them that the war debt would have to be re pudiated ; upon the assembling of the con vention a majority opposed repudiating .the war debt, but when the necessity of so doing was shown to them they consented to It. Q. Was there any other important change made in the constitution except this ? A. Yes, sir; particularly in reference to the State rights theory which formerly obtained throughout the country ; the constitution of Georgia now dec’ares that the Constitution of the United States, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, are paramount—in other words, that the first allegiance of the citizen is due to the Govern ment of the United States, thus settling the disputed question which was at the bottom of this whole difficulty. Q. So far as your observation extends, what is the disposition of the negroes in regard to going to work if they are properly treated ? A. Generally, very good; they behaved re markably well during the war, and now they are doing very well as a class • generally they are making contracts and going to work. X would state that our people are very much averse to having negro suffrage imposed upon tfiemV they would not submit to that wiih a good grace ; in fact, I think myself, it would bring about collisions. Q Would they object as much to a qualified suffrage, such as an educational test or a prop ty test, as they would to universal negro suf frage ? A. I rather think it would be equally as strong to the one as to the other ; they would look upon it as the incipient step to the ruin of the whites ; I do not think tho rightrof voting is necessary to the protection atid secu rity of the freedmen in the end ; the law de claring their civil rights aud giving the district and circuit courts of the United States jurisdic tion will eecuie their rights, and before long our people would consent to accord them all their rights ; I think the individual cases of outrage and wrong have been magnified ; the tendency is to give them their rights, though there aie some few people who hate them, and would do them wrong if it were not for the law, THE PRESIDENT ON THE SITI lflOY. Washington, April 18. In reply to the crowd of soldiers and sail ors, assembled at the White House this evening to pay their respects to the President, Mr. Johnson said: I confess that, in the peculiar position of public affairs, your presence and address give encouragement and confidence to me in my efforts to discharge the duties incumbent upon me, as Chief Magistrate of the Republic; and in what I have to say I shall address you in the character of citizens, sailors and soldiers. [Applause.] We are to-day involved in one of the most critical and trying situations that has occurred since the Government came into existence—a nation has still another test to undergo ; and is to give evidence to the nations of the earth, and to its own citizens that it has power to restore internal unity; that, it has strength enough to put down treaohoiy and treason within its own borders [Cheers.] We have commenced anew ordeal, and I trust in God that we will pass through it successfully. [Cheers.] I feel complimented by the allusion of one present to the fact that in the Senate, in 1860 and 1861, when the nation was entering on th : s ordeal, I raised my hand against treason, treachery and traitors at homo. [Cheers and cries of good ] I stand here to-day opposing traitors and treason, whoever they be, in the South or in the North. [Cheers.] I stand here to-day as I then stood, using all my powers, mental and physical, to preserve the nation in passing through the third phase of its existence. The oiganized forces and combined powers that recently stood arrayed against us are disbanded and driven from the field; but it does not follow that there are still no enemies against our present form of Govern- meat and our free institutions. [Applause]. I then stood in the Senate ol the United States denying the doctrine of separation and secession. I denied then, as 1 do now, that any State has the right, of its own will, to separate itself from the other States and the right to destroy the Union and break up the Government. I think I have given some evi dence that I have been sincere and in earnest. Now, I want to know why it is that the whole train of slanderers and calumniators have been barking and snapping at my heels ? [Cheers]. Why is it they have arrayed them selves against me ? Is it because I stand on the side of the people ? and when I say the people, 1 include sailors and soldiers. [Cheers!. Why is it that they are arrayed in traducing and villifying, and calumniating me? Where were they during the rebellion ? I answer, at home in bed ! [Laughter]. In the Senate I raised my voice against it, and when it was believed that it would be to the interest of the nation and would assist in putting down the rebellion, did I not leave my place in the Senate—a place of emolument, ease and distinction—and taka my position where the enemy could be reached, and where men’s lives were in danger ? [Cheers, and cries “That’s so.”] While thus exposed personally and publicly, some of my present traducers and calumniators were far removed from the foe, and were en joying ease and comfort. [Cheers and laugh ter] But I care not for them ; I care not for that slander, the foul wheip of sin, has been turned loose against me ; 1 care not for all that, and let me tell you here to-day, that al though pretty well advanced in life, I feel that I shall live long enough to live down the whole pack of traducers and slanderers. [Ap plause.] They have turned the whole pack loose to lower me in your estimation, (“verily they can’t dolt.”) Tray, Blanche, and.sweetheart, little dogs, and all, come along snapping and snarling at my heels, but I head them not. [Cheers,] The American people, citizens, soldiers and sailors, know that from my ad vent into public life to the present moment, I have alwavs stood the unwavering advocate and defender of their rights and interests. [Cheers.] We are now in the nation’s third ordeal. We are not yet through ; we denied that States could go out of the Union ; we denied the doc trine of secession, and have demonstrated that we were right. We demonstrated it by the strong arm ; yes, the soldiers and the sailors, God bless them, have demonstrated by their patriotism and strong arm that States have not the power to leave the Union.’’ [Applause.] The Confederate armies were overpowered and disbanded, and there was a wiiiingness on the part of the people of those States to come back in obedience to the law, and acknowledge the supremacy of the constitution of our fathers. , , ... For what have we passed through the tned ■“ordeal ? It was to prove the principle that no State had the power to break np the_ Govern ment. It was to put down the rebellion. The rebellion has been put down, and what for .' Was it to destroy the States ? Verily, never . For what have all these lives been sacrificed, and ail this treasure expended ? Was it for the purpose of destroying the States .' No . It was for the purpose of preserving the union ot the States. That is what we have been con tending for, and to establish the fact that tne nation can lift itself above and beyond internal wars and treason, and establish a home. When the rebellion in Massachusetts was put down, did that put Massachusetts cut of the Union and destroy the State ? Wnen the rebellion in Pennsylvania was put dowD, did that destroy the State and put it out of the Union ? So, when the receDt great rebel.ion was put down, and the constitution and laws of the country restored, the States engaged m the rebellion being crushed, tho !aw restored, and the constitution acknowledged m them, they stand in the Union, under the constitution, as a part of the glorious and bright galaxy or States,. [Loud cheers.] In passing through this ordca , what has been done m them under the direction of my lamented predecessor ? We commenced the work of repa r. We succeeded, heir re I earns here, in restoring the relations which had ex isted betw66n uod thcjjißet of ths Union, with one exception, and that was the relation of representation. i came to Washington, and under extraor dinary circumstances succeeded to the Presi dential chair Ihe Congress ot the United States had adjourned without prescribing any plan. I then proceeded as I had dorie in my own State, in the reconstruction of the Gov ernment, to restore the other States. How did NEW SERIES, VOL. XXV NO. 19. we begin ? We found that tho people had no courts, and we -aid to the Judges, District At torneys, and Marshals : “Go down and hold courts. The people need the tribunals of jus tice opened.” Was there anything wrong in that? The courts were opened. What else? We looked out and saw that the people down there had rto mails. They had been interrupted and cut off by the operations of the rebellion. We said to the Postmaster General let the people have facilities for mails, and let them again under stand what we all feel and think, that wo are one people. We looked out again, and saw that there was a blockade—that the custom-houses were all closedi Wo said, open the doors of the custom-house, and remove the blockade. Let the pursuits of peace go on. It was done.— We thus traveled on. step by step, opening custom-houses, appointing collectors, and es tablishing mail faeilitiss, and restoring all railroads that had been interrupted by rebel lion. Was there anything undertaken to be done here that was not authorized by the con stitution, that was not justified by strict neces sity of the case, that has not been clearly con sistent with the constitution and with the gen erous spirit of our Government ? [Cheers.] What remained tu Be dour ♦ oue oiner thine remained to show the civilized world that we had passed successfully through the tried ordeal on our national existence, and proved that our Government was popular. A great principle was to he restored, which was established iu our revolution, when our fath ers weie contending against the power of Great Britain, What, was ono of the principle, causes of their complaint ? It was, that they were denied representation, and they com plained of taxation without representation.— [Cheers,] One of ths great principles laid down by our fathers, and which fired their hearts was, that there should be no taxation without representation. How, then does the matter stand ? Who has been usurping power ? Who has been defeat ing the operation of the constitution ? And what now remains to be done to complete the restorati: nos these States to all their former relations under the Federal Government, and to finish the great ordeal through which we have been passing ? It is to admit repre sentation. [Cheers.] When we say admit representation, what do we mean ? Wo mean representation in the constitutional and law abiding sense which was understood at the be ginning of the Government. The constitution declares, in express term, that each House, the Senate and Lower House -of Representatives, each acting for itself, shall be the judge of the returns of the elec tions and qualifications of its own members. It is for each House to settle that question un der the constitution and under the solemn sanction oi an oath ; and can we believe that either House would admit any number into its body to participate in the legislation of the country who is not qualified ? They have power—not the two Houses, but one House for itself. The Constitution further that no State shall be deprived ot its equal suffrage in the senate of the United States without its consent. Where do we stand ? Ail that is neederi to finish the great work of restoration is for the two Houses respectfully to decide the question. Oh, but someone will say, a traitor might coma in. The answer to that is,each House shall be the judge of it ; and if a traitor presents himself, I cannot help it. The House knows that he is a traitor. [Applauses] If ho is traitor, can they not kick him out of doors and send him back, saying to the people who sent him. “You must send us a loyal man.” [Cheers.] Is there any difficulty about that ? [Cries of “No, no,’’ and cheers.] If a traitor presents himself to either House, cannot that House say to him : “No, you can not be admitted into this body. Go back ;we will not deny your people the right of repre sentation, but they must send a loyal repre sentative.” [Cheers.] And when the States do send loyal Represen tatives, can yon have any better fidelity to the constitution'and laws T There-is no one learn ed in the eonstitatton and laws who wilt say that if a traitor happened to get in Congress, that body cannot expel him after he gets in. That makes assurance double sure, and con forms the action of the Government to the Constitution of our fathers. Hence, I say, let us stand by that Constitution, and in standing by it, this Government will be preserved.— Whiie I have been contending against traitors and treason and sßcessionion and the dissolu tion of the Union, I have been contending at the same time against the consolidation of power here. I think the consoli dation of power here equally dangerous with separation [Cheers.] The one would run into anarchy, while the other would concentrate and eventuate into a monarchy. But there is an idea abroad that one man can be an usurper. Mr. Jefferson, the apostle of liberty, teils us, and so dors com mon sense, that tyranny and despotism can be exercised by many more vigorously andj more tyrannically than by one. What power has your President to attain ? What can he do ? What can he originate ? Why, they say he exercises the veto power. [A voice, “to put down the negro”—Laughter.] Who is your President ? [Several voices “Andy Johnson.”] Is he not elected by the people ? The Presi dent is the tribune of the people. In olden times, when tribunes were first elected in the Roman Republic, the people chose a tribune and placed him at the doors of the Senate so that when that body ventured an oppressive act, ho was clothed with the power to say "veto ! I forbid !” Your President now, is the tribune of the people. I thank God I am, and intend to assert tne power which the people have placed in me. [Cheers.] Your Presi dent, standing here day after day, and dis charging his duty, is like a horse on a tread wheel ; and because he dares differ in opinion in regard to public measure?, he must be de nounced as a usurper and a tyrant. Can he originate anything under the .veto power ? I think the veto power conservative in its cha acter and operation. All that can be done by the veto power is to say when legislation is improper, hasty, uowise aud unconstitutional; stop action ; wait till it can be submitted to the people, and let them consider whether it is right or wrong. [Applause.] That is all there is in it ; hence I say that tyranny and power can he exereised some where else than by the Executive. He is powerless. All that he can do is to check leg islation ; to hold it in a state of abeyance un til the people can consider and understand what i3 being done. Then what has been done ? I have done what conscience, 1 believed, re quired me to do. [Applauso.jgSo believing, I intend to stick to my position, relying on the judgment and intelligence of the people—the soldiers and the sailors especially. [Cheers.] Then, for my life. I cannot see where there is any tyranny. It is very easy to impugn mo tives and suspect the purest and best acts of a man’s life. If you come forward and propose a certain thing, your motives are suspected and condemned ; and if you withhold your opinion, you aro regarded as being opposed, to the matter. So that it is very hard to move one way or the other, so* far as certain persons arc concerned. In the American people is my hope for the salva tion of the country. I am with yon, soldiers, sailors and citizens. Who has sacrificed or periled more ? Has not my all been put on it, m 7 life, my property, and everything sacrei and dear to man ha3 been staked upon it; and can I now be suspected of altering at the close ot this third ordeal of the nation ? Where is be who in public or private life has sacrificed more, or who has devoted more of his time and energies to the great „ead than I ? From the promptings of my own heart I believe I was right, and with your hearts, your countenance and your encouragement, I shall go through on that line. [Gneers and Laughter ] And when I come to talk, sailors aud soldiers, about this to be done and that to be done, all I want is for you to wait and gee. So far as you are concerned, wait and see if I don’t stand by you, although every other man may falter and tail. [Cheers.] The Trade in Sails* At a meeting of the leading nail manufactu rers of Pittsburg, Wheeling and Ironton, neid on the 12th inat., it was stated that the present stock of nail3 does not exceed fifteen thousand keg 3 , whiie at this time lart B*/OC£ was one hundred and sixty thousand. Anew woolen factory and large manufacto ry of clay and stone ware are to go into ope ration atJMount Crawford, Rockingham county, ! Ya. Mexico* Important Letter from Gen. Early—Lands and Land litles—Difficulties in the way of Colo nists—Their Dissatisfaction—Advice to Emi grants, Havana, April 15th, 1865. To the Editor of the New York News : Sir : I have just returned from Mexico, after a sojourn of three months in that country. Having received from Virginia several letters of inquiry in regard to the prospects for emi grants to Mexico, and having learned that many persons in that as well as the other Southern States desire to emigrate, I will state through your columns, the result of my own observation and the information received from others on whose judgment I could rely. I must state, in the first place, that my personal observation of the country was confined to what I saw in passing and repassinr over the stage route trom Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico; the greater part of my time having been spent in tbe latter city. The lands in the Cordova district and about Orizava, through which the stage route passes, are unquestion ably rich, and intelligent gentlemen, who had seen other parts of the country, informed me mere were inner aicuicto •»- were very rich, and capable of being made very productive by the proper use of capital and labor. But colonists will have many diffi culties to encounter in all of them. There has been no systematic effort to survey or ascer tain the locality of the public lands, until that recently made under the superintendence of General HcGruder, Chief of the Land Office. All the lauds at Cordova which have been surveyed as public lands have already been parceled out and have supplied but u small number of colonists. Land titles in Mexico are in a very unsettled condition, and but few men know the bor'" uries of their own lands. So uninformed is tna Government itself in regard to the lands to which it has claims that, mauking a 'contract with General Hardeman of Texas for the survey of the public lauds in Durango, the whole risk and expense of dis covering those lands have been thrown on him, and he is to receive compensation only in the event of his being able to find and sur vey the lands, the Government not even undertaking to furnish him protection against guerrillas and robbers, while he is fulfilling his contract. The lands offered by private individuals in alternate sections to colonists, so far as I am informed, are in remote districts, where the Liberals, or Dissidents, as they are called, have control, and tbe Government can afford, no protection. The very highly colored accounts ot the country and its resources which have been published, aud the expectations of a large influx of emigrants which have been excited, have caused propritors having lands for sale to increase enormously the prices asked for them, and many persons who have recent ly arrived in tho country, have been unable to procure lands, either from the Government or from private individuals. The legitimate consequence of all this has been, that many are returning in a great state of dissatisfaction while others, who relied on the delusive promises of aid from the Government, find themselves not only without means of obtain ing lauds but of returning to their former homes. It is exceedingly difficult for those who have succeeded in getting lands to pro cure labor to put them in a State of cultivation, as the native population cannot be relied on for that purpose. All idea of procuring assistance from the Gov ernment must be abandoned by those who desire to emigrate to the country. I have no doubt that Mexico has resources which, under a stable government and with capital and labor suffici ent, are susceptible of a very considerable de velopment ; but those who go there expecting to find the beautiful and fruitful land which is described in some of the published accounts, will be doomed to as sad a disappointment as that experienced by tbe old Spanish conquer ors in their search for the tabled Eldorado. On the railroad which is being constructed from Yera Cruz to the City of Mexico practical and experienced engineers, contracture and me chanics may find employment, but otherwise very few positions are open to those who do not wish to cultivate tbe soil. Physicians who can speak the language, can get permission to practice their professions, but beyond this there is no opening whatever for any of the learned profession. As to tbe stability of Government, I will state that I have no informatian, except what may be obtained by any si journer in the coun try who cannot speak the language. Though I remained in the national capital for nearly three months, I did not see, even casually, so far aR I know, the Emperor, Empress, or any minister of the Government, nor did I seek to see them. IJthink, however, lam warranted in saying that any one who desires to make Mexico his permanent home, must do so with out reference to the duration of the present Government. Information ub to the length of time which that Government is to be maintain ed in the country is not to be obtained in Mex ico. I have not advised any of my personal friends to emigrate to the country, and my knowledge is not sufficient to justify me in now giving my positive advice either way ; but, though my own determination to remain in exile is unchanged, I feel a deep interest in the welfare of all my countrymen of the Southern States, and the knowledge which I obtained from my own observation, as well as from the information of others, is sufficient not only to authorize me, but. in my estimation, to make it my duty to advise all those who are desir ous of seeking new homes not to give up their prosent ones and emigrate to Mexico, until they shall have examined the country in per son, or ascertained, through some friend on whose judgment and experience they can rely, that their situations will be bettered. Above all, let no man who has a wife and children carry them to Mexico until he has secured a certain homo and a fair prospect of support for them. By observing this caution much disap pointment and suffering will be avoided. I send this communication to your paper for publication, as I have no doubt that in that way it will sooner reaeh the mass of the readers for whom it is intended than in any other. Respectfully, J. A. Early. Tbe Riot at Fortress Monroe. The following are the names of those killed and wounded in the riot at Fortress Monroe : Robt. Whitehurst, killed ; his step mother mortally wouned ‘. John Whitehurst, danger ously wounded ; Wm. Mosely, a City Watch man, badly beaten and his son so dangerous ly injured that his life is despared of. L. Hampton, (colored man), who was seriously wounded by a bayonet in the hands of one of the negroes. The blame of the whole affair is divided be tween the municpal and military authorities for allowing negroes to carry firearms and other deadly weapons with them in the pro cession. Major Stanhouse, commanding a company of the 12th U. S. Infantry upon the scene in the height of the melee and succeed ed, with the aid of his force, in quelling the Hot. Considerable anxiety was felt by many citi izens over the events of the 18th, and a gener al outbreak was deemed not impossible ; in the meantime, as a precautionary measure, Gen. Miles sent over this evening a detach ment of tbe sth U. S. artillery and the 12th infantry, to meet any events that might pos sibly transpire. Disbursements. On the first of May, twenty two millions of dollars in gold will be disbursed from the Treasury of the United States. In connection with this fact, it should be borne in mind that the loan bdl has been sign ed by the President, and is therefore a law. This means a gradual contraction of the cur rency, a gradual diminution of the premium on gold, and a gradual fall in prices. It also means a steady appreciation of U. S. securities, and steady progress toward a sound financial and commercial condition of the country, pro vided, of course, nothing take place at Wash ington to shake public confi lence in tbe main tenance of tranquillity and the successful carrying out of tho President’s policy of resto ration. If that go on steadily and uninternp tediy, we may soon expect to reach a condition of business solidity and stability such as we have not had since 18>j0, with a reasonable prospect of erelong touching bottom and— ! specie.