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Cjpnirle k Ifntinrl. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDtEMDAV MORVIVti, MAY 9 CO!UI6 TO THEIR SEISES. We are gratified to perceive that a portion the Radicil Press are beginning to gee the utter hopelessness of a farther protraction of the struggle now pending between that party and the President fora restoration of the Union. Five months have elapsed since the assembling of Congress, and, as yet, the leaders there are oh much befogged about the situation ns they were on the first day of the session. Ail that they have as yet been able to agree upon has been to oppose the direct, manly and constitu tional course of the President, without offering HDy plan of their own for an adjustment of the difficulties. Early in the session a star chamber commit tee was appointed so devise and adopt a scheme for the restoration of the Union, and all the measures which have been introduced into either braich of Congress have been sub mitted to this committee, under the rule, with outdebate. This star chamber junto have made a great hullabe'loo in the newspapers—have examined hundreds of witnesses for the avowed purpose of ascertaining the state of the public sentiment in the bonth, but really to show, by on artful arrangement of the testimony of, pre judiced in many cases, totally Ignorant wit nesses, that the Southern people were still, in their hearts, at war with the Government, and anxious for its overthrow. No pains have been spared to bring before the committee te, timony which would give a show of reason at least for the refusal of the Radicals to per mit a restoration of the Southern States to their ancient relations to the Government. For this purpose men have l>een examined and their testimony published to the world, who were directly interested in preventing a reconstruc tion of the Government —men whose official positions and salaries would necessarily ht> ter minated a.s soon as the matters in dispute are terminated. Yet with all their interested wit nesses, testifying in their behalf, the Northern mind seems at last to be aroused to a cleurer conception of tho situation, aQd begins to evince a desire that these embarrassing ques tions should be settled on some basis which, while it contains security for the future, shall, at the same time, not subject tho South to terms, the acceptance of which would destroy their interests and disgrace their manhood. The recent elections in Connecticut, and in Illinois and Indiana have, no doubt, aided very considerably in producing this advancing tendency towards justice aud fuir dealing, The recent determination of the President to retain iu official positions only those who agree with his policy, has, no doubt, largely contributed to bring the Radicals to their proper senses. We l ave no doubt but that a large number of persons at the North aud West who, five mouths since, were disposed to adhere to the lino of policy advised by Sumner and Stevens, have become heartily tired of their constant clamor tor negro rights aud negro privileges, and begin to think that the interests of the white people of this country demand some recoguitiou and attention. < . Another very pressing reason why the Radi cals should not only come to some speedy agreement as to the terms upon which the South* ru States should be recognised as a compoueut part of the Federal Union, but that tiiis line should be speedily adopted, is the fear that the Conservatives will be enabled, through their wrangling aud disseutions, to to carry the fall elections aud overthrow their power. It Is the pressure of necessity which just now seems to be preparing them for an abatement of sorno of their extreme views. That the Radicals are in a dilemma as to their luture lino of policy is uppareut to the most casual observer. The main point which they must first secure, if they would win the race, is an agreement among themselves upon the issues which they make with tho President and the Conservatives. There is great danger just now that llieir party organization will be de. etroy.vl by tile defection of those leading men ot the North aud West who aided so largely in bringing it into power, if they continue their war upon the Administration. These men aud their I r finds are to be conciliated and their co-operation secured. This cau only be done by a modification of some of their schemes and a total abandonment of others. Among the latter, (lie first aud most prominent measure is that of universal suffrage. This they will he compelled to give up. The masses of the North cannot be brought to sustaiu them on this issue. The indications already are unmis takable of violent opposition throughout the North and Woßt in the Radical ranks to this destructive measure. The plan recently re ported by a majority of tho Reconstruction Committee does not promise to receive the sup port of their party. The mutterings of dlscou tent, l hough now kipt smothered by the force of party drill, will surely break forth and as sert their opposition and condemnation. The following article, from the Auburn (N. Y.) Advertiser and Union, shows clearly that the Northern mind is not disposed to wait much longer tho development of the Radical programme. It also shows in a very clear aud lucid manner the fallacy of -all the means, as yet proposed by the Radicals, for a restoration of the Union, and points out the great difficul ties which will have to be met iu any plan of adjustment which doee not recognize the rights of the States, and the iuauhood of the Southern people : “Wo had occasion to state in our issue of yesterday, that auy further indemnity tor the expenses of the war than we have already receivtd, is out of the question. Security for the future is the subject now uppermost before Congress and the country, lu respect to this the first question which arises is, whether Congress possess any power whatever to exact from the late rebels any security lor their future behavior. To consider this aright, we must first settle in our minds the precise status of the rebels as members of their respective States, and whether there exists any way of obtaining security from them as individuals. So far as the paroled soldiers are concerned, it seems to be admitted that there is not. All other rebels might be artested and put under recognizance the peace, if it were not for the Amnesty Pro clamation, which extends a pardon to some of them. A few of their leaders are now under arrest tor suspected complicity iu the assassi nation of President Liucoln, and for treason, and may yet be tried with the view to punish ment. But iu looking over the whole sutject, neither the President nor Oongtess havefouud any leasable constitutional way to exact any security from them th U they witl not rebel again when opportunity oilers. So we dismiss that idea from consideration as being o: no practical account. No security will be, be cause it cannot be, exacted of them as indi viduals. The uext question which arises is whether auy security can be obtained from them in tbeir collective capacity as members of their respective States. And here we must consider that these Statts are acknowledged and pro claimed to be inside the Union under the Con stitution, although some of their functions are suspended by the peculiarity of their situation. They are within the Union yet in certain re spects. although out of their proper practical relations to the Government. This being their condition, is there any way in which the Feder al Government can exact any formal guarantee from these States that their inhabitants will never again rebel? We suppose not. except .through an amendment to the Constitution, aud no such amendment would be likely to be ratified by three-fourths of tho States. We dismiss that idea aiso as one cf no practical account. This brings ns to the consideration of the question whether any security can be exacted by indirection as a logical resylt of any practical line of policy towlrd them. It has been suggested that since there appears to be no way to exact security for future behavior by direct means they shall be denied represen. tation in Congress and in National Convctions until they 60 amend their State Constitutions as to declare the Union of States to be per petual. Tnis idea seems to obtain favor with these who are without faith iu those who have been rebels. Those who, like Judge Shellabarger, of Ohio, continue to believe that the rebels have lost ali right to participate in the Government, and that “no good thing can come out of Nazarettf," maintain another position, namely: 1. That the people of the Southern States shall be excluded from representation in Con gress and participation in political councils until after the next Presidential election. 2. ’io exclude the entire Southern vote for President and Vice-President, upon the pre cedent established by Congress in the last elec tion. ii. If the Southern and Northern Democratic vote together should elect a President, to be prepared to resist that election. Upon this the Democratic party of the coun try have already taken issue with the apparent hope of making it successful. The point we are discussing is indirect secur ity for the good behavior of the rebels in the future. The question iB whether this line of policy, if it shall be followed, will be likely, in view of the issue already made upon it, to secure it. We have seen no reason for believ ing that it will. The key note to the probable solution may be discovored in the testimony of Alexander 11. Stephens, of Georgia. lie said distinctly that the Southern people had com plied with all the terms originally offered them and all which Congress had the right to im pose—that they would not accept others as conditions precedent to admission into Con gress. It is reasonably certain that they con sider themselves withia the Union, and in prac” tical relations to the Government which entitle them to representation in Congress and in po litical coDvetions. It is reasonably certain that they will send delegates to the next national nominating con vention"', and that the Democratic nominating convention will admit them. It iB reasonably certain, moreover, that they will choose Elec tors ot President and Vice President, and ask to have them canvassed, and that if the elec toral votes of Southern and Northern Democrats together are enough to elect a President and Vice-President,and they are not allowed, there will be a political trouble of a very formidable character. With Johnson for President at that time, in command of the military forces, it cannot be reasonably expected that the can didates elected will or can be kept out of office. Wo are free to say that we cannot contem plate such a contingency Without the deepest concern. When we apply to this subject the logic of our own observation and experince of political campaigns iu by-gone years, wo are obliged to conclude that such an experiment will result in trouble, without any correspond ing benefits to the party and couutry. We fervently hope that such a contingency may be avoided.’’ South Carolina Railroad. I!y some mischance we were not until yes. terday, in possession of the proceedings of the annual Convention and reports of the officers of this Company, with whose interests Au. gusta has been so long and so closely dien titied. The South Carolina Railroad was commenced in tho year 182!) : aud it is an interesting fact in the history of railroad enterprise, that this load was the first—so constructed as to be wholly dependent upon and operated by lo comotives. This w3B before their use was es tablished in Great Britain, or known in the United States. In accordance with the re commendation of the Chief Engineer, Mr. Horatio Allen, the track was built upon pilings or upright stakes let into the ground and held in position transversely by “cross - beams, 1 ’ upon the cross beams were string pieces fastened, and along these light bars of li it iron wore laid. The first engine used was a Horse Locomo tive designed by Mr. C. E, Detmold, of Charles ton. It was operated by a horse working on an endless .chain platform, , and carried twulve passengers, at a speed of about ten miles per hour. In 1830 this gentleman made the drawings of the first locomotive ever built in the United States—from plans devised by Mr. E. T. Miller, of Charleston. This engine was built, we believe, in New Yoik—and put in operation about the close of the year. The in ventor gave it the uame of “ The Lest friend,” It was a small four wheel engiue with an up right boiler containing water flues closed at the bottom. The cars first used on this road were in the shape of huge rice tierces, heavily handed with iron, both within and without. In 1831, the enterprise of the Company introduced to the world the important arrangement ot two four wffieel trucks, for passenger cars and locomo tives, the invention of Mr. Horatio Allen, ot New York, and substantially the same as now used on all railroads the United States. The subsequent history of the road is "best illustrated by the following comparative state ment of the transportation of cotton, grain and flour : Year. Bales Cotton. Barrels. Bush. 1844 186,638 1848 274,364 15.447 203,485 1855 443,554 80,463 817.762 1858 428,452 140,06!) 282,369 IS6O 314,619 23,216 36,179 The proceedings of the Convention, which ate of generar interest, may be briefly summed np as follows—granting tiie requisite authori ty to fund the foreign debt, to unite in a com man depot with connecting roads at Columbia, and instructing the Direction to initiate such measures a6 will accomplish an extension to the State of Ohio by the shortest practicabl ■ route: The elaborate report of President Magrath discloses a paintul picture ot the havoc of war iu the destruction of the line from Orangeburg to Columbia, and so much of the line to Au gusta as lies between the Edisto and Johnson’B T. 0. Buildings, new and valuable tools and machinery, with all the appliances of as com plete a shop, just finished, as perhaps the Southern country could exhibit-cross ties, culverts, station-houses, water-tanks, and rails burnt, twi-teJ, and bent into shapes baf fling all eflorts at ‘ restoration—involving an estimated loss to the Company of $1,629,- 114.64. The foreign and domestic debt of the Com pany. which has reached maturity, is stated at S2,234,ooo—arrears of interest $495,799.47. The plan proposed as the best method of arranging for this, is to substitute new 20-year 5 per ceut bonds for the old—fund accrued in terest iu the same manner, and to provide by regular semi-annual payments out of earnings for retiring the entire sum at maturity: The whole of Mr. Magrath's report reveals a management unobtrusive but energetic, under excessive embarrassments from great losses, social and political disorgamzation and press ing demands ot public claims, and a sagacious policy, which, whilo it made daily earnings the efficient means, was yet able to meet with ordinary promptness ali the reasonable de mands of a business whose money vaiue was two-thirds the value of the largest average of past years, without having borrowed one del lar. Mr. Peake, the able Superintendent, sub mits, in his eleventh annual report, the details of tbe management which has resulted in the restoration to use of tbe entire road, except the short brarch to Camden, The shipments of cotton over this road, for the year ending Dec 31st, were as follows: Bv Augusta road, 2,682 bales. By Columbia road 32 854 baits. Total . 35,536 bales The shipments for the year ending 31st De cember, 1860, were as follows: From Augusta..*. 137,837 From Columbia 111,430 From Camden 25 491 Way Stations ’ ’ 39,801 Tota! 314,619 la chronicling the restoration of this road as another link in “Reconstruction,’’ i£ is pieasant to meet with the esteemed names of Trenholm, Gourdin, Caldwell, Mitehel, and others in the Direction. We are glad to learn that those prompt and courteous gentlemen, Messrs, 'Marley and Bolling, continue upon the efficient staff of company officers, as agents at Columbia and Augusta. VV. J. Magrath has been unanimously elected President of the company. TBE USES 0Y THE CEYTKiL DIRECTORY. The following arricle which we clip from the editorial columns of the New York Times, of the 30th Aptil, is indicative of the views which the conservative Republicans take of the plan for a reconstruction of the Union recently re ported by a majority of the Central Directory. We ventured, a few days since, the opinion that the views of the Extremists in the national Legislature did not meet the approval of the Republican masses, and the comments of the Northern press upon the recent report, goes far to confirm us in that conviction. Even the Thunderer of the ‘-Tribune” is displeased with tbe result of the Committee’s labours. It is true that Greely indicates that he is willing to adopt the programme proposed, yet he is far from being satisfied that it presents the proper mode of adjustment. Indeed, in his paper of the 30th ult., in noticing the action of the Congressional junta, he distinctly asserts his preference for a shorter and simpler plan. He have “universal suffrage and universal amnesty. 1 ’ We believe that the attempt to mark out a line of policy for the adoption of the party in power, will inevitably lead to dissensions and disagreements among themselves, wnich will in the end strengthen the friends of the Presi dent. As long as mere opposition to the con sistent and constitutional course of the Presi dent was all that was Required, the leaders found but little difficulty in agreeing among themselves, and of controling their followers It is very easy to oppose a measure or line of policy, but it is quite a different, and at all times a very difficult matter to inaugurate and agree upon a better. This difficulty is just now being telt by the enemies of the administration and of the Government. We hope and believe that through tbe dissensions of tbe Radical leaders the good men of the North will be able to defeat their plans and restore peace and har mony to the country. Well-informed persons at the national capital express the opinion that although tne report of tho Committee was concurred in by a large proportion of its members—twelve being for to three against it—yet that upon a call of the Houses, the friends of the report will fail to carry the measure prepared by the requisite majorities. We shall watch with interest, and, it must be confessed, some anxiety, the pro gress of these measures iu tho two Houses of our National Legislature. The Representatives of the people have always heretofore been ex tremely sensitive to the popular sentiment at home, and in their action haveusually adjust ed their course so as to catch the popular breeze. We think that in the case before us, like causes will produce like results. Asa plan of pacification and reconstruction, the whole thing is worse than a burlesque, it might be 6tyled a farce, were the country not in the midst ot a very serious drama. Its proper designation would be “A plan to pro long indefinitely the exclusion of the South from Congress, by imposing conditions to which tho Southern people never will submit.’’ Tin's boiDg tbe obvious scope aud tendency of the proposition, we are bound to assume that it clearly reflects the settled purpose of the Committee. So that the Joint Committee ap pointed nearly five months ago to take exclu sive charge ol the question of reconstruction, now offer as the result of all their labors what would in fact render reconstruction forever impossible. There is an anomalous feature in the affair as it stands, which of itself reveals the mon strous nature of the pretensions set up by the Committee. All the provisions of the proposed amendment imply the adoption of the extreme view in regard to the relation of the South to the Union. We must begin by assuming that what were States before the war are mere Ter ritories now; or this attempt to dictate terms as the condition of recognition becomes undis guised usurpation. We must assume, in fact, that the South is at this moment neither more nor less than an aggregate of Territories, wait ing for an admission as States, and from whose people Congress may therefore require com pliance with certain proposals. And yet the amendment, on its face, declares the existence, as States, of all the States recently in rebel lion, and presupposes the exercise by their several Legislatures of the highest constitu tionai attribute of State sovereignty. They have no right to representation ia Congress, forsooth. They may not say yea or nay on the most trivial questions that come before Congress. Ihey are not permitted to enjoy a particle of influence in matters affecting the fiuance, the trade, the industry, the foreign re lations of the country, or auy of its concerns, great or small. These privileges they are de nied on the pretence that they are , not within the Union, and therefore have no right 10 recognition as parts of the Union. Neverthe less, under the contemplated amendment, they are treated as Sovereign States, whose ratifica tion of the amendment is essential to its con stitutional validity. They are to vote for or against a change ia the Constitution of the Union, of which, on the Radical hypothesis, they arc not at present members ! Could ab surdity go further ? Cuuld the folly of this fanaticism be made more manifest ? From the dilemma into which the Committee have thus plunged there is no legal escape. If the Southern States are In a condition by their Legislatures to ratify or reject a constitutional amendment, they must of necessity lie qualified to send Senators and Representatives to Con gress, subject only to the judgment of either House as to the eligibility of the persons sent. A State which may assist in the sovereign task of moulding the Constitution under which Con gress acts, may surely demand a voice ia what the Constitution creates. The greater right covers the lesser right, in this as in other cases. On the other hand, if the Southern States are not entitled to admission to Congress—if the point be established, as the railroad doctors say it is. that these are States no longer, but Terri tories only, subject to the will of the con queror—then it follows that .hey are not enti tled to any lot or part ia the business of amending the Constitution. Upon which horn shall the “Central Directory" ba impaled ? Shall we take it that this prodigious amend ment— this mighty mouse brought forth by a mountain after five months" parturition—does not mean what it says when it speaks of the States lately in rebellion, as States still, with their sovereign functions unimpaired, though for the time Uninterrupted ! Or shall we con clude that the doctrine of State suicide is abandoned, the doctrine of subjugation given up, and the criminal blunder of which the radicals have been guilty, in excluding tbe South' trom Congress, at length confessed? Let there be explicit answers epoa these heads of the subject. As it at present appears, the position of the committee is utterly untenable. Aside from these points, the worthlessness of the Committee's proposition is obvious. It cannot by any possibility tffect anything. We may confidently take it for granted that the people of the Isoulh will never, under any cir cumstances, acquiesce in their own disfran chisement, for four years, in reference to all that relates to the Federal Government. There is room for difference of opinion on the gene ral merits of the reconstruction problem ; on this point there can be none. The South has taken its stand on the ground of a common citizenship, and it will never accept as the price of Congressional representation that which would be equivalent to an acknowledge ment of four years’ serfdom, or inferiority, as the penalty of rebellion. Nor should it be asked to accede to terms of this nature. Pun ish the rebel leaders, if necessary, by banish ment or otherwise. Bat propose to punish a whole people to suit the partisan convenience of those who dictate the penalty, is an outrage upon justice and common humanity. With ali their errors and faults, the southern people have shown that they are not cowards. They will not belie their nature by writing them selves down slaves, at the bidding of a com mittee appointed to consider the question of re construction. If we would do anght to hasten the result which all moderate man admit to be exceed - ingly desirable, it is necessary without more ado td discard the idea of constitutional changes as the condition precedent of the read mission of tho South to Congress. That is the primary step toward reconstruction, practically considered, and we should be prepared to take it on the ground of existing rights, subject only to the lawful test of individual fitness. To talk of wholesale and almost indiscriminate punish l ment as a preliminary measure—to call for concessions implying the relation of suppliants petitioning for favors, instead of citizens insist ing upon their rights—to demand a coniession of inferiority with one breath, while with an other admitting the existence ot constitutional equality—is to aggravate feelings already much too bitter, and to multiply difficulties which the Joint Committee have thu3 far vain ly endeavored to overcome. CHlilSTiiX POLITiCUYS. An Israelite, of high character and position in a neighboring State, remarked to us during the late war, that the events then occurring in this country constituted a stronger practical argument against Christianity than any that ever had been written. “Just think of it, sir,” said he, “hero are two nations, both oi whom acknowledge Jesus Christ as their Lord ; hun dreds of thousands of their citizens profess to be the disciples of the Prince of Peace. You have churches, bibles, pulpits everywhere, and yet the whole land is running with blood. What is a religion worth which does not pre vent its discip es from butchering each other?” It was easy enough to urge the common ar guments in repiy. There was no need in this case to adduce the famous plea of Do Maistre, showing the important place which war holds in tho divine economy and in the progress of civilization, for the objecior was familiar with the history of his own people, and knew with what exterminating swords they conquered their inheritance in the beginning, and with what uncatculating devotion and tragic sacrifice they endeavored to save it in the end. In ail in stances Providence overrules war ; iu many re ligions, justifies it. and we could have referred him to the brightest annals oi tbe Common wealth and the Monarchy, to the names of Joshua and Gideon, of David and the Macca bes, to prove that a pious hero is not an anoma ly. Again, it could have been said that when a war is conducted by tho professors of a re ligion upon principles which their faith con demns, then the fault is plainly in them, and not in their system. That would be a Btrange principle which would lead one to reject the right, because men who acknowledge its sanc tity, nevertheless, like the Roman Poet, “pur sue the wrong.’’ And yet, after aii explana tions and defences, the earnest remark of the objector produced a painful impression. It was sad to reflect that the conservative and placable spirit of Christianity exercised so slight an influence either in camp or cabinet, and that iu a Republic boastful, and justly so, of its religious liberty. It was unspeakably pain ful to remember how suddenly the roar of bat tle had intermitted the evangelical cry that sounded to our uttermost borders, “ Glory to God in the highest: on earth peace and good will to men.” Could we not have expected something different from this, something vast ly better ? But it Christianity did not interpose to pre vent the war ; if men of probity on either side were led by conscientious motives to contend with each other, until the great issue was de cided by a tribunal from which there is no ap peal ; if the conflict was even intensified by certain politico theological ideas, there can be, it seems to us, no question now as to the civil duty of those who submit to the teachings cf tbe New Testament. They are numbered by millions. They have the moral and political power of the country under their control. And this communion, so wide spread, so multitudinous so influential—this body of disciples baptized into the name and cousecrated to the service cf the great Philanthropist—this 'sacramental host enlisted under the banners of the Prince of Peace, has now, at the close of a bloody war, to reassert those beneficent principles which, like the laws, have been so long silenced by the clash of arms. The honor of religion requires the pacification of the Republic. Bick erings should cease; sectional scandals should be discountenanced. Kadica s, who seem to have no Other plan for the perpetuation of po litical power but the maintenance of social and public discord, should no longer receive tbe suffrages of Christian men. Why not bear to the ballot-box, as well as to the altar, the of ferings of that beautifnl Charity that “hopeth all things and thinketh no evil ?” And why not, also, from religious motives, support that high pehey whole adoption will at once restore all portions of the republic to a harmonious union l Is this asking too much of those who are re quired, in every relation of life, to “study the things that make for peace and the things wherewith one may edify another We are of those who believe that patriotism is as much a religions as a civil duty. And there is certainly no need of the country which mere urgently demands the service of the citizen than the preservation of civil Con cord. This is the normal state of civilized so ciety. If the movements of parties are the cir culating *b.ood of the body police, the compels of castes and classes are its convulsions— mvs terious and terrible changes which, unless speedily arrested, will destroy any system. It is a maxim of statesmanship that, when a people is ripe for utter destruction, it betrays its decay by its divisions. The widening crevices that can no longer be reunited, show that the great structure is tottering to its fall. Are we cot exposed to this danger ? What eye cannot dis cern the breaches which must be soon repaired, if they are to be repaired at all ? Here is one section of the Republic peaceable and law abiding. which is disfranchised of the political privileges enjoyed by all the rest. Is it to the advantage ot the Commonwealth that one of its constituent parts should continue thus bn- : miliated and stung with a sense of wrong ? It j has mads every sacrifice heretofore reqirred. and has cheerfully contributed to the public burdens, and has even framed its recent codes under the direction of the Chief Magistrate of the Union. If all this proves in vain, v. bat trust will be reposed in the public faith here after ? Here are two races, muscle and capita!, which must co-operate for the development of the resources of the South. The old associa tion which united them has been permanently broken. But anew system of labor might have been adopted had patron and client of former years not been alienated by political intrigas. Already conflicts between them have broken out in Columbus, Savannah, Memphis, the Virginia Peninsula, the Sea Islands. We need no pro phet’s kin to prognosticate the ruin in which a war of this sort must end. And yonder in Con gress is a real directory, whose untitled, yet not the less powerful, members can be num bered upon one’s fingers ; who are exercising now a resistless sway over the whole country, and whose aim it is to make that despotism perpetual ; a directory which cannot rule constitutionally and which is therefore seeking to mould the constitution to its purposes by every variety of amendments to that instru ment. How long can Republican institutions survive under such a manipulation ? In our honest judgment, the salvation of the country rests with the body of men whom, upon this sacred day, we may be permitted specially to address. Never did that fine text from the sermon on the Mount need to be more earnestly and frequently inculcated : “ Blessed are the peacemakers for they shall be called the children of God.’ ’ Peace is the require ment of every interest and every institution, civil peace, social peaco, peace for the enters prises of capital and the applications of labor, and the reign of order and justice, peace in the. city, the couutry, the State ; peace to speed the plough, to rear the factory, to rebuild the home,' to reinstate the altar and to spread the broad, white wings of commerce on the sea. Let those men who have the power to supply this want, recognize their high responsibility. It has been the boast of many of them that they maintained the war. Bat they have an other calling. They have been summoned to discharge the duties of peacemakers. And now that armies have negotiated for peace, now that the President has proclaimed peace it is Iheir high function to come forward, in the name of heaven, and make the peace effective and enduring Oltt WASHINGTON LETTER. NOTES AND COMMENTS ON THE POLITICAL SITUATION. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) Washington, April 30. After a stormy session of nearly five hours the Joint Committee of Fifteen yesterday agreed upon their final report, which will he presented to Congress to-morrow. Every member of the Committee was present, and the vote by which the report was adopted was twelve against three. The three members who voted no were Senator Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland, and Representatives Grider, of Kentucky, and Rogers, of New Je . The Committee, despairing utterly of being able to conceal their action from the newspaper folks, nuke a virtue of necessity, and voted to at once remove the injunction of secrecy from the report. reasons for the committee's action. The Radicals wore very loathe to lay down any fixed line of policy, as they have done in this report. It would have suited their views much better to have maintained a negative po sition and to have fought out the political bat tle upon the simple issue of opposition to the President. But their leaders saw that they were daily losing ground for lack of a de clared policy. The pressure of the great ques tion “ How they proposed to restore the Union” from Western constituencies- fc had become too gieat to be disregarded- So Thaddeus Stevens gave the key-note to his followers in the Com mittee, and in this report wo have the result. the gist of the report Has doubtless reached you by telegraph ere this. The plan which it embodies is one which was framed with the special pur pose of insuring an indignant rejection at the bauds of the Southern States. It practically denies them all political rights for years to come, unless they choose to have those rights vested in their negro population. And yet this monstrous proposition will almost certain ly receive the endorsement of Congress. TRUE POLICY OP THE SOOTH. la truth, the people of the South, if they be wise, will resign, for the present, all hope of representation in the councils of the nation. A complete political revolution mußt occur be fore they can have the slightest chance of jus tice at the hands of Congress, That revolu tion, I believe, has begun ; but many weary months must elapse before it can be consum mated. Meantime the Southern States will, ere long, be relieved by Executive proclama tion from the most galling of their present af flictions—martial law ; simultaneously with the restoration of civil law, capital will lose its proverbial timidity and flow in to the relief of our impoverished planters ; the returning pros perity of the agricultural interest will infuse new vigor into all the departments of trade and commerce, and busied as we shall be'with the reconstruction and development of our shattered business relations, we can well afford to smile grimly at the antics of the knaves and demagogues who rule the hour here, and trusting to the firmness of the Ptesident, pa tiently await the next turn in the political wheel of fortune. A NEW FINANCIAL SCHEME. Secretary McCulloch, who, by the way, is one of the ablest financiers that ever presided ever the United States Treasury, and withal a mod est, courteous and honorable gentleman, is now maturing a plan to rid tbo various classes of public securities which make up the public debt of that complicity of character which now forms their greatest disadvantage. The people of the South—l mean the masses—who have had little opportunity to note the successive phases of Federal finance during the war must be sadly puzzled to understand the relative value of the ‘'Five-Twenties,” “ Seven-Twen ties/’ Ten Forties” and other similarly named Government securities so constantly quoted. The Secretary, I learn, proposes, with his characteristic good sense, to fund all these va rious classes of United States securities into one uniform long loan, bearing five per cent, interest, which shall be payable in gold. The task will be a difficult and complicated one; but the object in view is one of vast importance to the national credit, and Mr. McCulloch is just the man to accomplish it. MERE MENTION, The President, lam glad to say, has inter posed to prevent the bloody work ordained to have been accomplished in Charleston on Fri day last, by General Sickles’ Military Commis sion. The approval of that brutal sentence j came wi»h an ill grace from one who once himself occupied the felon’s dock in this very city. Ex-Provisional Governor Parsons, of Alabama, is in the oitv. We are goiDg to have a magnificent temple of the drama here, built by subscription, and to be called the Academy of Music. Murdoch, the tragedian, has just closed a very successful engagement at Grover s Theatre here. „ Butternut. nctes and comments on events in the national CAPITAL. (FROM OCR OWN correspondent.) Washington, Wednesday, May 2. The semi-official announcement this morn ing that the Cabinet is a unit in support of the President’s policy, as opposed to the plan of restoration hatched by the Committee of Fifteen, after an incubation of five months, has fallen like a bombshell into the ranks of the Radicals. Amongst the friends ot the ad ministration it is a matter of equal surprise and gratification that Mr. Secretary Stanton, who has hitherto been considered one of the main pillars of the radical cause, has publicly and unequivocally given in his adhesion to the Executive. It is difficult to over-estimate the importance of the effect which this action of the Cabinet will have upon the pending struggle between the President and Congress. Nobody gives Mr. Stanton credit for being over-scrupulous or consistent in his political course ; but he is a man of undoubted power, and a shrewd and selfish politician ; and the enemies of the South regard his defection as a very disagreeable indication of the direction in which the political cat is about to jump. I hear the leading Radical Congressmen, this morning, cursing the inconstant head of the War Department as .“a second Benedict Ar nold.” ANOTHER GOOD SIGN. The President is coming out nobly, in vin dication of the rights and interest of the whole country. His order, issued through the War Department this morning, limiting the juris diction of courts martial and military com missions to the cases of persons attached to the military or naval service, will be hailed throughout the length and breadth of the South as the most important step which has yet been takon forward to the practical restora tion of civil law amongst our people. Hence forward the peaceable and orderly communi ties of the Southern States will not be sub jected to the terrorism of military rule ; and the Georgian and the South Carolinian, instead of being at the mercy of a court composed of the creatures of a department Gommander, will be as secure in his right to a trial by jury as any citizen of a Northern State. It is worthy of remark that this order of the President clearly covers the case of Jefferson Davis ; and renders certain what I have al-. ready mentioned as the President’s fixed de termination, namely, that the Ex-Confederate President must have a lair trial by jury, ac cording to the laws of the land. THE UNITY OF THE CABINET Insures the adherence of the whole and nu merically important body of Government em ployees to the President’s policy. Hitherto they have been hesitating whether to side with the views of Andrew Johnson or with the opinions ot the heads of their respective de partments, who were presumed to be in antag onism with the President. But the fact that the Cabinet officers have planted themselves upon the same platform as their chief, works a wondrous change in the opinions of office-hol ders everywhere, and the Radicals at ouce lose th3 countenance of all who draw their pay from the public treasury. ■ LEGISLATORS IN A DILEMMA. I heard one of the Radical leaders In the Lower House of Congress say the other day in conversation, that his party was in a very awkward dilemma about the time of adjourn ment. If Congress should adjourn early they iuuve the President, practically, master of the situation, without any check upon his power, and they have too much reason to fear that he will use that power with terrible vigor in thwarting the plots thnt they have so carefully concocted, and in pushing bis own policy of restoration so far towards its consummation that they will in vain strive to arrest it here after. On the other hand there is a grave probability-that if Congress remains in session new candidates will appear before the people in the summer and fall elections, and perhaps oust the present members in such numbers as to alter very materially the complexion of the House of Representatives. Then there are other considerations which bear upon this question of adjournment. Living is very high in Washington, and many Representatives are getting very low in pocket, and if the House rein .ins in session later than the Ist of July, their board bills will become a troublesome item. Then there is kieg cholera, whose pow er to dissolve Congress at any moment is uni versally admitted, and whose forbearance is a matter of doubt. MERE MENTION. The public men who regarded the burning of Columbia, S. C., with such complacency, profess to be very Indignant at the ‘’barbar ous” bombardment of Valparaiso by the Span ish fl -et and freely censure the commander of the United States South American equadron for permitting the “outrage.” I hear that the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs has voted to lay on the table the nomination of General Sickles as United St ates Minister to the Hague —which amounts to a-virtual rejection of the appointment. The House of Representatives has passed a bill appropriating nearly twelve million of dollars for the uses of the Freed men’s Bureau, “That’s the way tho money goes.’’ Butternut. Major Dick McCann. The friends of this gentleman will be grati fied to learn that he will be released upon parole, to appear for trial in a Civil Court. The gallant Major has been incarcerated in prison for several months, and we believe that a MHilary Commission Has recently been ordered to try him upon a charge involving the viola tion of the rules of civilized warfare. The grounds of his imputed offense consist, we belTfeve, in his having been for sometime dur ing the war in command of a partizan ranger organization. While in this branch of our service he doubtless caused the death of many Federal soldiers, and for this performance of duty lie has been charged with'thej murder of several persons in Tennessee; Through his friends, application has been made to Gen. Grant for his interference in the matter, and we are pleased to be able to lay before our readers the following character istic letter frem this most popular and con servative officer : Washington, D. C., April 19,J1866. Messrs, Cain, Koddie and McCann : Gents —I am directed bv General Grant to say to you that yours of the 15th came duly to hand, and he immediately forwarded it to the Secretary of War; with the recommeadation that the petitioners be released on parole, and if. upon investigation, it was ascertained that they had been guilty of any act not cognizable by the rules of civilized warfare, that they be tried by a United States Court, and not by a State Court. [Signed] J. S. Badlow, Bvt. Col. and Mil. Sec. Condition of tbe South. ‘■A loyal Georgian just arrfved here urges the Radicals in Congress to withdraw all Federal control, ai-s’stance or restraint, from any of the late rebel States for thirty days, and leave the reconstructed citizens entirely to them selves; he says the experiment will not only satisfy Northern Conservatives, but cause a wail for succor to come up from the people themselves. He thinks that in leas than ten days they would implore to be saved from themselves.” We cut the above from the Washington letter of tbe New York Tribune of a late date, and we beg to assure our Radical friends that we are perfectly willing, nay. anxious to have the experiment tried. By all means withdraw the armed occupation of onr country—recall tbe Agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau—dismiss the Agents of the Treasury Department, and give us a trial at self government. If we prove unequal to the task, as this well informed letter writer thinks we will, then we are willing to accept the guardianship of the Northern Radi cals and forever after bold our tongues. We hope that the Tribune will lend its influence in securing the support of its Radical friends to this very reasonable proposition. Let us alone—hands off, fair play and an open field is all we ask. Shall we have it ? Confederate Dead at Sumter, 8. C. Editors of the Chronicle and Sentinel : Qen'ltmen— lt waa my sad privilege, during the month of March, 1865, to have had the ex clusive ministerial charge of that large pro portion of the sick and wounded men of Gen. Hardee's army, which was removed from the hospitals of Cheraw. at the approach ofGeu. Sherman’s forces, and was quartered at the small but patriotic and liberal town of Sumter. The deaths wnich took place at this town were regularly published, over my signature, every week, in the local paper. The.a was, how ever, an interruption of mail cominunicaticn which, in many instances, prevented these notices from reaching the families of the de caased. Since the close of the war. I have been repeatedly applied to for information, in regard to the fate of these gallant unfortun ates, many of whom came from the State of Georgia, and concentrated the admiration of the whole Confederacy by the undisciplined yet triumphant valor which achieved the victory, at Honey Hffl, Will you allow me the use ot your columns to communicate with the friends and families of the deceased ? At the time of the evacuation of Charleston I did not leave the Distributing Hospital (Ist Louisiana, under charge ot Dr. Robt. Lebby,) until the enemy had occupied the cily. At that time, all the sick and wounded who could not be transported, were left under tho charge of this efficient officer—tho others were trans ferred to Cheraw, where three hospitals were organized onder the charge of Dr. W. S. Law ton, now of Savannah. In a few days, how ever, the approach of Sherman's army neces sitated another removal. In two days and three nights the patients, a number of whom perished in the cars, were taken down by rail road from Cheraw to Sumter, a distance of 6ome seventy miles; they were in want of everything—food not excepted ; deserted even by the skirmishers who crossed the railroad in our sight a mile below Society Hill, at which place the Depot wa3 already in flames ; kept a night and a day within four miles of Darling ton, which was then occupied by ferocious raideis:—nothing interposed between them and the on -rushing Rapine, hut the Providence of God! Tho privations and anxieties ot this journey destroyed many precious lives. We found at Sumter our hospital, the Ist Geoigia, already established under the charge of Dr. J. R. Jervey, now of Charleston. Three new hospitals were opened—the Encampment Hospital, at the Baptist Church, under the charge of Dr. Wilson ; the hirst South Carol! ua Hospital, at the Court House, under the charge of Dr. Stone; and the First Virginia Hospital, at the Presbyterian Church, under the charge of Dr. Wm, Huger, now of Charles ton. Appended is a list of the persons who were buried from these Hospitals during the period of my stay in Sumter. It will be con soling to the relations of the deceased, to know that the soldiers were tenderly cared for while living. The citizens of the place, es pecially the ladies, allowed no one to suffer for want of anything that they could command. And, briet as was my stay, the liberal contri butions which I had been accustomed to re ceive at .Charleston were already beginning to pour in from the surrounding country, at the time when I was ordered to report at Augusta, and resigned the sacred charge to Rev. Mr. McCullough, who maintained it until the war came to a close. The bodies of the dead were enclosed in neat pine coffins, stained with red ; and, no doubt, can be recovered if their remo val is desired. There were funeral services, with a discourse, at every intorment, which not only the soldiers who were convalescing, but the citizsns also, attended. Every sick man, except some who died in the crowded care, was conversed with, furnished with delicacies and clcthing and religious reading, and solemnly commended, with exhortation and payer, to the Divine Guidance and Blessing. Many pro fessed conversion, and died with such sweet rapture that it would have been a privilege to their dearest friends to witness their transla tion. I regret that it is impossible, after this lapse of time, to recall their various exptrien ces—sometimes expressions of love for par ents, wives, children, after whom the dying soldier yearned—not less frequently pious as surances—which were his rod and his staff when his weary and painful march conducted him into the Valley of the Shadow of Death I •This general statement is all that I can give to the afflicted families of the two Carolines and Georgia, to which most of the soldiers who died at Sumter belong. E. T. Winkler. RECORD OF BURIALS AT BUMTKR. Mch B...Jervey’s Hospital, R M Martin, Mat thew’s Artillery. “ 8.. Jervey’s Hospital, Jno Scott, Foreign Legion. “ 5..1n cars, Private Lomenack, Cos K, 20th SC V. “ 8. .Field Hospital, J A Ewbanks,Co H. Ist 8 C Cav. Mch 8, In cars, J F Knight, Cos E, 22d Ga Batt “ 8. .In cars, (Dr Huger) W M Duke, Cos A, 22d Ga Batt. “ . .In cars, (Dr Wilson) T MPannel, Cos E. 60 th N O V. “ 12. .(Dr Wilson) G H Blacksans, Cos C. Ist Ga Reg. Mch 12, do. J W Derry, Cos R, 2d S C V. Mch 12, do. Alex Watson, Cos F, 50th NOT Mch 13, do. S B Smith, Cos A, Ist S C Reserves Mch 13, do. P G Gilbert, Cos C, Ist S C Art’y Mch 14, (Dr Huger) J CLapride, Mathews’Ar. Mch 14, (Dr Stone) T Bramlette, Cos D, Ist S C Reserves. Mch 14, (Dr Jervey) Sgt W E Barnes, Cos G, oth Qft 1v66 Mch 15, (Dr Wilson) W E Sykes, Cos C, 22d Ga Batt Art Mch 16, (Dr Jervey) T Ashley, Cos H, 2d S C Arty Mch 17, (Dr Wilson) A White, Cos H, 4th S C Militia Mch 17, (Dr Stone) C C Park. Cos D, 31 S C Res Mch 19, do. L A J Whitlev, Cos F, sth Ga Res Mch 20, do. Sgt T R Tant, Cos A, 20th S C V Mch 20, (Dr Huger) T J Cox, Cos A, 20th S C V Mch 20, (Dr Stone) H Tizemore, 20th S C V Mch 21, do. W W Young, Cos E, 21 S C Res Mch 21. (Dr Wilson) S Shopton, Cos B, 2d S C Res Mch 22, (Dr Stone) E Harold, Cos E, 2d S C do Mch 22. (Dr Wilson) Jas A Mock, Cos A, 6th Ga Res Mch 24, (Dr Jervey) I Green, Cos C. Ist Batt SC Res Mch 24, (Dr Huger W M Martin, Burnett’s Batt A Father’s first Interview with his Child. The poet Campbell, soon after the birth of bis first child, wrote as follows to a near friend. The passage teems with all the tender fervor of a father's heart. Our first interview was when he lay in his crib, in the midst of white muslin and dainty lace ■prepared by Matilda’s, hands long be fore the stranger’s arrival. I verily believe that a lovier babe never was smiled upon by the light of heaven. He was breathing sweet ly in his first Bleep. I durat not awaken him, but ventured one kiss. He gave an infant murmur, and opened his little azure light. Since that time, he has continued to grow in grace and stature. I can take him in my arms, but still his good nature and his beauty are but provocatives to tbe affection which” one must indulge; he cannot bear to be hugged, he cannot yet stand a worrying. Oh ! 'that I were sure he would live to the days when I could take him on my knee and feel the strong plumpness of childhood waxing into vigorous youth. My poor boy ; shall I have the ecsta cy of teaching him thought and knowledge, and reciprocal love so me ? It is bold to ven ture iDto futurity so far. At present his love ly little face is a comfort to me ; his lips breathe that fragrancy which is one of tne loveliest Rindnesseß of nature that she has given to infants ; a sweetness of smell more delightful than all the treasures of Arabia. What adorable beauties of God and Nature’s beauty we live in withont knowing ? How few have ever seemed to think an infant beautiful. Bat to be there seems to be a beauty in the earliest dawn of infancy, which is not inferior to the attractions of childhood, especially when they sleep. Their looks ex* cite more tender train of emotions, it is like the tremulous anxiety we feel for a candle new lighted which we dread going out. Os all compliments, envy, though the m'gt undoubted, is the most ungracious. United states Census of IB6o.—Ucorgia. We do not think that we could givo our readers a more desirable article than the lel lowing. Ihe Census is from Ist June, 1859, to 31st of May, 1860. It is interesting as to tho showing our State will make in 1870, four years hence. File away this copy lor future reference. Area in square miles, 58,000. Population, 1,057.286. Population per square mile, 18 23. Absolute ratio increase of population per square mile from 1850 to 1860, 2, 61. Whites in ISSO. 591,588; colored—Free 3 - 500; Slaves, 462,198—t0ta1, 1,057,286. ’ Ratio of increase from 1850 to 1860, 13.42 ; Colored—Free, 19.41; Slave,s 21 10—Total 16.67. Ratio of increase from 1790 to 1860, White, 1.018.60 ; Colored—Free, 779.40 ; Slave 1 - 479.41—T0ta1, 1,180.81. Representative population, 872,406. Repre sentation under the apportionment in the 38th Congress, 7—Loss, 1. . White Males, 301,066; Females 290,484 ; Colored—Free Males. 1.669; Females, 1.831; Staves, Males. 259,193; Females, 233 005. Deaths from Ist of June, 1859, to 3!st May, 1860, Males, 6,651; Females, 6,156—T0ta1, 12,807. Deaths by accident—Males, 500; Females, 428. Suicides —Males 14; Females, 7. Homi cides —Males, 15; Females, 5. Murder -Males, 17; Females, 2. Executed, I.—Total, Males, 647; Females, 442. Deaf aud Dumb —Free, 345; Slaves, 83. Value of Agricultural Implements produced during the year, ending June 1, 1860, 8252,-. 075. Value of Steam Engines and Machinery pro duced in the state during the year ending Ist June, 1860, $375,325. Iron Founding in the State, for the same pen riod, $79,000 Bituminous Ccal produced—bushels 48.000; value $4,800. Value ot sawed and planed Lumber, $2,- 064,026. Value of Flour and Meal produced, $3,323,- 730. Spirituous Liquors distilled—number of establishments, 8; total gallons, 10,620; value, $11,804. Cotton Goods produced—number of estab lishments, 32; Capital pyuuds of cotton, 12,977,904; value oi iAw material, $1,689,075. Number of Spradles, 44,312—L00m5, 1,058 — Hands employed, Male, 1.376; Feipaie, 1 909; annual cost of labor, $482,520; aunt al product, $2,215636. Wooien joods, mixed, &e.—Number of es tablishments, 28; Annual product, $465,000. Leather produced, $393,184. Boots and shoes manufactured— Number of establishments, 117; Capital invested, $153,- 430; Value of raw material, $173,666; Hands employed—Male, 349; Female, 10; Cost of labor, $92,904; Annual produo's, $357,267. Banks in the State, 29; Capital, sl6 689,560; Specie, $3,211,974; Circulation, $8,798,100; Deposits, $3,738 289. Assessed value of Real Estate and Personal Property—Real Estate, $179,801,441; Personal Property, $438,430,946 - Total, $645,895,237 Productions of Agriculture—Linds im proved, acres, 8,062,758; Unimproved, acres, 18,587,732. Cash value of Farms, $157,072,803; Value of Fanning Implements and Machinety, $6,- 844,387. Horses, 194,972; Mules, 120 069; Sheen, 633,- 214; Swine. 2,411,466; Milch Cows, 299,088; Oxen, 74,487; other cattle. 893 089. Value o! Live Stock, $38,372 734 Grain—Wheat, bushels, 2,544.913; Rye, 115,- 532; Corn, 30.776 293; Oats, 1231,817; Rice, pounds, 52,507,652; Tobacco, 919.316 Ginned Cotton, bules, 400 pounds each, 701,- 840, at SSO a bale, $35,092,000 Wool, pounds, 946,229; Peas, bushels, 1,- 765,214; Irish Potatoes, 316,552; Sweet Pota toes, 6,508,541; Barley, 14,682; Buck Wheat, 2,023. Value ot Orchard Products, $176,048. Wine, gallons, 27,646. Value of Market Gardens. 70,500. Butter, pounds, 5,439,765. Cheese, 15,587. Hay, tons, 46,448 Caue Sugar, hhds., 1,167; Cane Molasses, gallons, 546,770; Sorghum, do., 103,450 Value of home-made Manufactures, $1,431 - 413. Value of Animals slaughtered, $10,908,204. Newspapers, Periodicals, &c , 79; Number of copies, annually, 13,415,444. Number ol miles of Railroads, 1,404; Cost of construction, $29 057,742. Population of the principal cities in tho State—Augusta, 12.493; Columbus, 9,621; Sa vannah, 22,292. —MiMtdgemUe Recorder. The Internal Revenue and the National Debt. On the 18th instant the Secretary of tho Treasury addressed the following letter lo tho chairman of the Treasury Department, April 19, 1866. “Sir ; A bill has been reported for the ac tion of Congress in respect to the equalization of soldiers’ bounties, which will, in my opin ion, will require an expenditure on the part of the Government of from two hundred to two hundred and fifty millions of dollars, thus adding an equivalent sum to the principal of tho public debt and requiring an additional annual payment for interest ot from fifteen to eighteen millions of dollars. “As the relations of the national debt to the industry aud resources of the country have been especially referred to you for considera tion, I desire that you will inform me, at your earliest convenience, what effect this proposed increase of the national debt and annual taxa tion is likely, in your opiuion, to have upon the finances and development of the couutiy, and what changes may be necessitated thereby in our future revenue system and policy, I am most respectfully, Huou McCulloch, “Becreiary of the Treasury. ‘Hon. David A. Wells, chairman United States Revenue Commission.’’ Mr, Wells replied with an argument, against any immediate increase of national liabilities— his main points being as follows . ‘‘The largest amount of revenue ever drawn from the British people, in any one year, in e spective of loans, has never exceeded $375,- 000 OQO, while the amount of revenue which the United States has drawn during tbe first three-quarters ot tbe cuirent fiscal year, by the various forms of direct and indirect taxa tion, has been $4lO 000,000, or at the rate of upwards of $540,000000 per aunum. This im mense sum, in opposition to the settled policy of all other nations, and in defiance of their experience, has been taken tnaimy troai the industry of the country. The present large receipts of revenue cannot, however, be ac cepted as any suifl indication of the futuie; and so long as they are drawn maiiily trout taxes on industry they are nor satisfactory indi cation of the prosperity of the couutiy. For the next fiscal year, moreover, a large falling off in receipts arising from diminished impor tations, changes in values aud quantities >4 in dustrial products, and from otn< r causes, may be expected. This deficit cannot now be easi ly estimated ; but that it will be lauge cannot be doubled, especially if the country, as now seems nrobable, is to be visited by pestilence. “ It would seem as if the mere statement of these facts ought to snffice as an argument againßt any immediate increase of our enor mous burden ot debt and taxation. If, how ever, we further consider the manner anil dis tribution of the taxation by which the nation is at present raising itß revenues, the argument becomes even more cogent and unanswerauie.. ‘‘ The condition of the revenue will not at present allow of an exemption of all the necessities of life and all the common foims of industry from taxation, and that no princpie of political economy is better established tban that a tax upon one of the necessities or indis pensable forms of industry is in fact a tax upon all.” The Savannah Firemen held their annnal festival on Tuesday. How Sugar is Made White. —The way in which sugar is made white, it is said, was found out in a cations way. A hen that had gone through a clay mud-puddle, went with ber muddy feet into a sugar-house. She left fi er track on a pile of sugar. It was observed by someone that, wherever the tracks were, the sugar was whitened. This led to some experi ments. The result was that wet clay came to he nsed in refining sugar. It is used in this way: ‘'The sugar is pat into earthern jars, shaped as yon see the sugar loaves are. The large ends are upwards. Tbe smaller ends have a hole in them. The jar is filled v.ith sugar, the clay put over the top and kept wet. The moisture goes down through the sugar and drops from the hole iu the small end of "the jar. This makes the sugar perfectly white.’’ The public debt statemenes to be isssned in a day or two will show a decrease of about six millions during the month of April. General R. B. Mitchell, the newly aDpointed Governor of New Mexico, has arrived in the Territory. Most lives, though their stream is loaded With sand and turbid with alluvial waste, drop a few golden sands 7of wisdom as they now along.