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—ii i■i i ■ 11 'r~ '-i n ii !■ 111 ii —vr Tg-mwnnMriTigMrrTfr sjkttf ru*wg»:.™- 4M^xatarn^KbSi,^-wrtm«~-^mem-~ . ~v, P 1 *—■———■—■W— OLD SERIES, VOL. L V. Chronicle A Sentinel. A I'CU'H'I’A, (CA: WEDNESDAY MORNING, JILY 18, 1866. * Enter the Eagle. For one thing let us be thankful. Let us contemplate and adore. Jjet us raise up tuneful voice* and wing once more an ancient and a long fiirgotten song. The American Eagle has come to light. He is in Georgia. He may be seen in the late letter of Hon. B if. Hill, approving the Philadelphia Convention, where he ap pears—in the interrogative form —as brood ing like a dove over the late hostile sec tion of this country. His old time fierce ness is gone. He no longer clasps the Rocky Mountains in his claw and, drinking out of the wild Atlantic, exposes a full view of his noble tail to the grateful eye of the setting sun. This time he is all mild ness, all mercy, all conciliation, all grace, air frna protection. His alabaster \ving is only unfolded to save and the lightning of liis eye is melted into the lustrious corus cations of hope. Proud, proud bird. Let a Georgia journalist hid thee all hail. Thou wert, seldom, he knows, evoked in olden time hut thou earnest in the guise of a buzzard, hut he has faith, he has hope, lie has charity, he will believe that now thou comest in less questionable shape, and will trust that thou hast a better suc cess in saving the Constitution than thou hadst. in preserving the Union. Rrood on, great bird, with unabated fire. Cover each section alike with thv labyrinthine pinion and thus shalt thou natch a most rampigi nous fowl from out this bad Convention egg. Brood on, brood on.- — (Jonstitu tionalist. We believe that just such utterances as the above, which we clip from our city co temporary of the Bth inst., are doing the South more harm than all the hireling penny-a-liners who have been sent among us to manufacture Southern sentiment and magnify Southern resentments. If the South ever recovers her constitu tional rights under the Federal Govern ment, it will not be effected by the publica tion of such sentiments and the indulgence of such feelings of ridicule and contempt for the National emblem. Neither do we believe that such a course is likely to lead to harmony and good feeling even among our own people. The people of the South —thosfl who perilled their lives upon the many well contested battle-fields of the war —those who abandoned wifo and children, and kindred and friends, and for four long years, in rain and storm, cold and heat, half clothed, hare-foot and half fed — stood in the “Imminent deadly breach, endeavoring to win, by force of arms, a nation's liberty—these men to whom the young nation looked for support and defence, and whose heroic deeds have given ample proof of their fidelity and courage—the men who never quailed be fore the “Proud bird” as long as there was a gun left unslung or a sword un sheathed ; the men who faced death and the Eagle on the bloody fields of Shiloh, Sharpsburg, Coal Harbor, Chancellorsvillo, Frederiesbnrg,- Gettysburg, Spottsylvauia, and the Wilderness—these are not they who would now causelessly provoke and keep alive the (jl-feelings which wore en gendered by the progress and results of the war. They feel that having done till that mortal men could do, to establish an inde pendent Government —having staked their all upon the issue, which was decided against them —that they can with honor tp themselves and justice to their section, ac cept the situation and abide the results. For ourselves, wo, cannot so far forget our duty as public journalists as not to en ter, in the name of our honored soldiery, our solemn protest against such untimely utterances. • Who are Loyal Men ? There seems to be some difference of opinion among the Southern people as to meaning of the term “loyal men. It is feared by some that these words used in the call for the Philadelphia Conven tion, in a sense which would exclude from representation the great body of our South ern people; that it was intended to apply to those only who had never resisted the Federal authority. . We do not believe that such was the in tention of those who inaugurated this movement. Neither do we believe that the organization of the Convention would like to see represented there only those who could take.the irou-elad test oath. On the contrary, we have good reason to be lieve that the truly conservative men of the North and West, desire that we should send men to the Convention who would truly represent the sentiment of the South ern people at thin time. Loyal men arc those who tire true in their allegiance to the Constitution of the United States aira the laws passed in pursuance thereof; those who abide by and sustain the laics of the land. Those who do not in good faith accept the present situation with the deter mination fully to conform to the principles of the Constitution and obey the laws, are excluded in the call from participation in the proposed Convention. None other in our judgment are excluded. The following paragraph from our Washington letter of the 2d inst.. shows that we are right in our interpretation of what is meant in the call by the term loyal. Our correspondent is. we know, in a situa tion at Washington, which euables him to speak by the card in what he says of the President’s position: *• v report is being circulated that it is ex pected that the Southern States will send none but men who can take the list Oath to the Philadelphia Convention, such is not the ease. The South are nmhdto send her best and most discreet nun, pro vided they sustain the policy of him whom Tennessee sustains ‘Our Ant. . What Writings Require a Stamp. Ist. Instruments of writing dated before October l. 1862. do not require a stamp. 2d. Those dated between October 1. 1862. and August 1, 1864. may be stamped either before or after use by the court, register or recorder. 3d. These dated since August 1. 1864. and not twelvemonths old. may lie stamped before a United States Collector without payment of the penalty of SSO. 6th. Those dated after August 1. 1864 and morcThan twelve months old, can be stamped upon the payment of the penalty yf SSO. Treason—Traitors. Our neighbor of the Constitutionalist is sorely perplexed about the word “treason. He devotes nearly the whole of a two column article, in his issue of yesterday, in a violent diatribe against one of the sec tions in the platform of the National Union Club at Washington, which is in these words: Reoohied, That treason is a crime that should be punished, and that we are op posed to compromising with traitors by bartering “universal amnesty” for “uni versal suffrage.” For ourselves, we endorse every word of that resolution. We believe that treason is a crime. We have been taught that it is a crime of the very highest magnitude. It is so declared by the Constitution of the United States, framed and adopted by the purest and ablest men of this or any other country. The Constitution of the United States (article 3, section III) says: “Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies by giving them aid and comfort.” * * * “The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment for treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attained.” The Act of Congress, passed April 30th, 1790, declares that the punishment of trea son shall be death. From the date of the passage of this law to the present time, we have never heard any sane man deny that treason was a crime, until we read the heavy two column artiole of our contempo rary. We admit that treason is a crime of the very deepest dye; one that all Govern ments are bound to recognize and punish if committed against their authority. We deny that the peoplo of the South were guilty of treason to the United States, in their late attempts to establish an inde pendent Government. We deny that a State can, in its sovereign capacity, com mit treason. Neither are the deeds of its citizens, acting under and through its or der, and in obedience to their paramount allegiance thereto, treasonable. We took up arms in obedience to. the call of our State, and for four years confronted the State’s enemies in the tented field. — Were we guilty of treason ? Does the Con stitutionalist believe that our participation in the late war made us guilty of treason ? What is meant by our contemporary in parading before the public the name of one of our most quiet and respectable citi zens, in connection with his strictures upon treason? He certainly does not mean to insinuate that the gentleman referred to, is open to the charge of treason on account of his distinguished services to the State during the late war. We doubt if the gallant officer alluded to, is very much pleased with the liberty thus taken with his name in that connection. And espe cially does it seem to us ungracious to con nect his name in any way with the infa mous plotter of insurrection and violence — the man Bryant. Our contemporary very exultingly asks “what if the Convention proclaim, as does the National Union Club,” that treason is a crime that should be. punished, and that we are opposed to compromising with traitors, by bartering universal am nesty for universal suffrage?” We answer for ourselves, that we cannot see that treason would thereby become any more to crime than it is now. Nor would it be less so were the action of the Convention, tlo be silent upon this point. The cause of the South will not in our humble judg ment, be promoted by the expression of such sentiments, and the exhibition of such feelings as are too plainly manifested throughout the whole of the article under reviow. We regret and deplore the publi cation at this time of all such illtempercd strictures. They can only provoke angry recriminations from the North and West. We are anxious to allay all asperity of feel ing between the two sections, and ardent ly desire to see built up a strong Conserva tive and National party , based upon the principles of the Constitution, whose aims and objects shall be to restore peace, harmony and good will among the peo ple of all sections of this great coun try. We shall continue to labor for the accomplishment of this end, and de sire the co-operation of our esteemed con temporary in the good work. We are not afraid of tlie words loyal and treason. They are good words, and convey, when properly interpreted, no meaning prejudi cial to the honor, the patriotism or good faith of the Southern people. Cotton Planter's Convention. A writer in the Southern Recorder re commends that a Cotton Planters Conven tion bo held at Nashville, on the first Wednesday in September. lie says : The success of nearly every branch of industry and the general prosperity of our people depend, in a great measure, upon the success of planters. The destruction of that system of labor to which Southern planters were educated and anew system thrust upon them about which they know nothing, and which they have yet to learn to manage successfully, together with many other considerations, all point to the importance of a Cotton Planters' Conven tion. Our lands, stock, provisions and agricultural knowledge is'our only capi tal. How to work it to the best advantage, is yet to l>e developed. The fate of Ja maica may be averted by timely steps. The system of free labor may lx 1 made a success. Wise counsels and concert of ac tion would doubtless result in great goixl to tlie cotton planting interests of the Southern States. Asa general thing, we regard sucli as semblages useful only in the good cheer they dispense. It is always pleasant for intelligent members of the same pursuit to meet and. interchange views. At this time we believe a Planter's Convention would be unusually productive of good results. It would afford an opportunity to compare notes, and to devise organized agencies for changing the old farming system. Planters must yield their cherished routine of cultivating immense tracts of land, and lease or sell to tenants and small farmers. The gang system is not the thing for free labor. We believe a convention would j confirm this impression, and lead to united 1 efforts to secure immigration, which is the only hope for the development and real prosperity of the South. The large plan ter has lost his monopoly of labor, and will lose alllprofits from his broad acres, if he attempts to cultivate them with the unre liable “help” now available.! Would not Montgomery be a better place a convention than Nash ville? Since the above was written we have seen a call for a meeting of the “Cotton Planter’s Convention of Georgia,” to meet in Macon, on the loth of August, issued by J. V. Jones, Esq., of Burke, Vice- President of the body. Admission of Southern Representatives and their (piuliiicalions. Some of the Southern newspapers are laboring to prove to the people of the South, that none hut those who can take the test oath are considered eligible to seats in the National Legislature, even by the President and his friends. The impres sion is daily sought to be made upon the Southern mind that President Johnson is opposed to the admission into of any one who cannot take, in good faith, that most detestable oath. This is done with the view of lessening the President's influ ence in the South, and of keeping up and encouraging a feeling of bitterness and re sentment towards his Administration. We honestly believe that there are Edit ors in Georgia who are gratified with the existing state of asperity and bitterness which is exhibited by the Disunionists of the North towards the Southern States. — We have, on more than one occasion, given it as our opinion that the President and the party which supports him only require or desire that Southern Representatives should be true to the Government now , ir respective of their position during the war. He and they require that our Represen tatives should be loyal men note. Congress has no right to exact any degree of qualifi cation on the part of its members, except such as are fixed by the Constitution. The National Intelligencer, which is regarded as the peculiar exponent of the President’s.views on these questions, in its issue of the 7th inst., has an able and well timed article on this Subject. To the ex clusion of much valuable matter we make place for the following concluding portion of that article: The highest duty of this Congress was and is, the completion of the restoration of the Union by the admission of the South ern Senators and Representatives. Until this representation shall have been admit ted there can be no perfect restoration of tlie Union. The Constitution imposes up on Congress the duty of admitting these applicants for seats in that body. It does not leave to them the right to" determine whether a State shall he entitled to repre sentation. It does not accord to them even the priviledge to go behind the record of election and inquire into any other quali fications than those fixed by" tho Constitu tion itself. These are determined by that instrument: “Each House shall be the judges of the election, returns, and qualifi cations of its own members.” The qualifi cations are accurately defined: No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the Uni ted States, and who shall not,.Whenelected,- be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall he chosen;” and, “No person shall lie a Senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, he an inhabi tant of that State for which he shall be chosen.” These simple qualifications, proscribed by the great charter of our liberties, are al l with which Congress has any concern. These provisions of the Constitution com prises all the authority and all the privi leges of Congress over the subject. The eleven Southern States, now unrepresen ted in Congress, have been reorganized as States of the Union by the executive, judi cial, and legislative departments of tho Government. It lias been repeatedly as sorted by all these departments that they have never been out of tli.e Union ; that, during the rebellion, theFederalauthorities therein, and the legitimate State govern ments thereof, were only suspended—not destroyed. The present Congress has been obliged to admit this fact. This was the sole basis and the reason of tile war—-the restoration of tho Union—the establish ment of the Constitutional Government in the States in rebellion. It was, and is, not only the right, hut the duty of Congress to examine and judge of the election, returns, anil qualifications of the applicants for seats in that body from tlie Southern as well as from the Northern States. This duty, its extent and limita tions, are plainly and unequivocally set forth in the Constitution itself. In the per formance of this duty Congress has no right to go beyond the qualifications therein expressed. It lias nothing what ever to do with the question of loyalty. That is a qualification to he determined only by the people—the constituents of tlie Senators and members of Congress-who present themselves for admission. In alluding# few days ago to tlie com ments of theTNew York Post upon the re cent speech of Governor Morton, of In diana, we had no intention to endorse or adopt the heresies of Governor Morton upon this subject. In speaking of tlie power of Congress, we did not mean the right of that body to inquire into the ex tra-constitutional qualifications of appli cants for membership. Congress lias, in very many instances, exercised power where it had not a shadow of right. It had the power to eSpel Joshua R. Gidilings for disloyalty; hut the people of liis dis trict, in Ohio, proclaimed themselves the rightful judges of this qualification. They sent him back and Congress submitted to the judgment. It had the power to expel benjamin<l. Harris for disloyalty; hut liis people sent him hack, and this same Con gress admits the right of the constituency to determine that question. So far as Congress is concerned, the only “qualifications" for membership into which it has any right to inquire are those expressly laid down in the Federal Consti tution. It is not probable that any South ern State would present here for member ship either in the Senate or the House, anv nian notoriously disloyal; hut, even if such were the case, Congress lias no right to try him beforehand upon his loyalty, much less to fix an arbitrary definition of loyal tv by which to conduct the trial. Loyalty lheahs obedience to the lairs —nothing'more nor less. A man may have committed an offence against the law, but until convicted thereof he is hot accountable for it; and, even after conviction, a full pardon from exeutive authority will free him from all accountability incurred. Disloyalty was aptlv defined, a few davs ago, by Senator Cow'aii, in debate, on the tioor of the Sen ate. . “When," said Mr. Cowan, “a man alleges his loyalty to me, let me see his reverance for tlie Constitution and the laws. Show me tlie man who disregards either ; show me a man who does not be lieve in the Constitution which brought this country to such a pitch of prosperity for seventy-five years, and made us so great and so happy a people ; show me a mail who lays sacriligious hands upon that instrument, especially when I know that half the time he does'not understand it, and that he naver read a commentary npon it in his life ; show me tiiat ipan. and I willshow you one who is not loyal.-Show me a man who, for a temporary advantage either for himself or his party-, Would set a .foot upon one of his country's laws, and he is not loyal.” This, however, is a question for the peo ple—not for Congress. It is not one of the rights delegated to that body, by tlie peo ple, in the Constitution—tlie written bond and limitation of Congressional authority. In reference to the admission of Southern Senators and Representatives there can be no legal doubt, no equivocation. When ever a State "presents itself, not onlv in an attitude of loyalty and harmony, "but in AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY JriT, I sin;. the persons of representatives whose loyal ty cannot be questioned by any existing i constitutional or legal test,” it is entitled to its representation in Congress. By tlie denial of this risrht, the majority in Con gress have prevented tlie complete restora tion of the integrity of the Union, so great ly desired hv tiie whore people, so indis pensable to tlie welfare of the nation. By .such default this majority has placed itself before the country as a self-proclaimed hand of disunionists. For such action they will surely be held lo a strict account ability by the people who have too long suffered Congressional usurpations and oppressions. . The Gettysburg Dead. Tlie following letter from the widow of a gallant and Christian officer who fell at the head of his regiment on the field of Gettys burg, contains a suggestion in reference to the purchase of a cemetery for those who are now buried in that vicinity, which de serves the immediate attention of the peo ple of those States whose troops made the hills of Gettysburg historic. was* mrtftp when, some time ago, the subject was agi tated, and we shall he very glad to receive any information from Dr. Uainack or others which may be available in consummating the end desired. Though oppressed with poverty, and borne down by gloom bordering on despair, we should not so far forget the sacrifices of those who fell in tlie struggle for indepen dence at Gettysburg and elsewhere, as to give up their graves to oblivion. It appears to us that? the best way to secure the proper interment of the fallen heroes of the war, would be for the States to co-operate. Each State defray ing its equitable share of the expendi tures. If left to private contribu tions, there is danger of delay, and the aggregate expense would he likely to be far greater than under the supervision of parties appointed fir the purpose by the Governor of each State. As suggested by the writer of the follow ing letter, something ought to be done at once, and wc know of no more proper per son to decide who shall do it, than the Gov ernor. If by.private subscription, let the agents he appointed, anjJ issue calls for con tributions ; if by the State, let them be sent forward at once to the fields of labor: Messrs. Editors: —Having recently come in possession of some facts relating to our Southern dead at Gettysburg. I desire to give publicity to them with the endeavor to arouse our people to imme diate action on the subject. Near the Heights of Gettysburg is a farm, in one or two of the fields of which are buried 1,500 of our dead. I have the statement from the • farmer himself, who asserts that most of those were South Caro linians and Georgians. The sentiment which hallows these places at the South, and will forever pre serve from desecration the graves of our sleeping heroes —is unknown in that sec tion, adverse to Southern interests, when the productive .value of land outweighs consideration for Southern valor or venera tion for Southern graves. The fanners of that section will undoubtedly cultivate all our sacred biiriel grounds, in the Fall, if Ave do not, in the mean time, provide for our dead a suitable place of sepulchre. The particular farm to which I allude being for sale, it occurs to me that a more suitable spot for a cemetery cannot bo ob tained than this field near tho Heights, where most of our Georgians and South Carolinians fell, and where they ate laid side by side—a noble army of martyrs. I suggest that the two States combine in the purchase of a plat of ground of suita ble dimensions to contain the .graves of those who shall lie removed from the ad jacent fields and country*, and that an agent be jsent from one or from each of the States, to complete the purchase and to remove the dead. [Dr. Camaek, of Atherns, is, I believe, the first who suggested the action of our State in this matter. He is gratefully re membered by thousands of Georgians, for his untiring devotion to the interest and comfort of our army, during the war. lie is a patriot and philanthropist, and is equally practical and judicious. I have no doubt that lie would act, as agent for Georgia. J Shall we not raise the amount needed for this purpose at once; aud not so much by soliciting largo donations from the wealthy, as by the spontaneous offerings of all the men and women and children, who shall rejoice in preserving to our country one of its noblest monuments of glory. n _ n Freight Railroads. • We observe that there is a quiet agita tion going on in railroad circles, to bring about a general convention of the leading men connected with the chief companies of the United States, and the adjacent British Provinces, to tak«j counsel together concern ing the general working, management, ex penses, modes aud cost of construction, etc., etc., of the various roads on this Continent and elsewhere throughout the world. The main interest, of course, will be directed to American railways, but as tlie intention is to throw as much light as possible upon the whole subject, investigation and com parison will undoubtedly take the widest range, and the public may reasonably an ticipate several great and long needed im provements to follow close upon such a con centration of talent and experience. One most important question will be dis cussed most thoroughly. It is the necessi ty of establishing freightrailroads, i. e. roads devoted expressly and exclusively to the transportation of freight, through those sections of the country where the traffic is now at its height, Montgomery all Right.—Tlie cit izens of Montgomery voted, on Mon day last, on the proposition to sub scribe to the stock of the railroads from that city to Decatur and to Union Springs. The proposition rfas for a subscription of $500,000 to the first named road, and SIOO,OOO to the last named. The total vote stood —104 for the suDscnpuuns, and 21 against them. This is the true spirit, and we hope to see an awakening in Au gusta in behalf of our railroad connections. Geological Survey. Professor Whitney has begun the geo logical survey of California so well that the Legislature has appropriated $45,000 for its continuance. That is the w*y they developc the re sources of the Gold State. let attempts to appropriate even a pittance of two or three thousand dollars to secure a geologi cal survey of Georgia have failed. The Boston Post says that because Italy is shaped like a boot is no reason the Emperor of Austria should put his foot in it. JOTTINGS FROM THE CAPITAL. Prospects of the Philadelphia Convention —Action of the Conservative Republi cans—Seward’s Last Letter—Wendell Phillips on the Rampage—Cabinet Chan ges—The Tariff, &c., &c., &c. [Special Correspondence of the Chronicle & Sentinel.] Washington, Saturday, July 7. The prospects of the approaching Phila delphia Convention are brightening every day. From the hearty endorsement which tlie movement has received at the hands of moderate men of all parties in the North ern States, it is with good reason antici pated that the Convention will succeed in accomplishing what the interests of the whole country so urgently demand, name ly, a fusion of all the political elements op posed to the destructive policy of the Radi cals, into one vast and well-organized Na tional party, erected upon the simple and liberal platform of a restored Union and an unchanged Constitution. The ACTION OF THE CONSERVATIVE REPUBLI CANS is of a most encouraging character. The . indication;; ajesuch as to warrant the bc ’hoT'fhaUfnlly otiff-thirrl of those who-havo • hitherto voted and acted in support of the Republican party, will lie represented in the Convention. Secretary Seward is ac tively exerting all his influence and un doubted ability as a party manager to bring as large a wing of his party as possi ble into sympathy and co-operation with the movement. The Secretary took occa sion. in replying by letter to an invitation of the Tammany Society of New York city to be present at its celebration of the Fourth of July, to state his own position with unmistakeable force. After alluding to his differences with the Tammany socie ty in tho past, he declares that, in view of the noble principles it now avows, he hails the society as a true Union League. After urging the justice and expediency of an immediate admission of the South to rep resentation, and the adoption of a magnan imous and fraternal policy towards the Southern people, he concludes his letter as follows: “I want, henceforth and forever, no North, no South, no East, no West, no and no sections _ and no classes, but one united and harmonious people. It will be impossible for me to attend the celebration personally. What I have writ ten I trust will satisfy the Society that in spirit, I shall always be with them when they shall be engaged in renewing and for tifying the n itional Union. ’ ’ Mr. Seward could scarcely have stated in plainer tellies than these, his final and complete separation from the so-called Republican or Radical party. WENDELL PHILLIPS ON TIIE CONGRESSIONAL PROGRAMME. In striking contrast with these patriotic words of Dir. Seward, wc have another Fourth of July utterance from one of the leading Northern Radicals, unveiling with singular caudor the views and purposes of the majority in Congress. I allude to the speech delivered in Massachusetts on Wednesday last by Wendell Phillips. Af ter admitting that his party has no fixed policy beyond the purpose to carry the fall elections and thus perpetuate their pre ponderance in Congress, he added : “ Onr leaders in Congress know that the amendment will be rejected. Os course it will be. The President has put his foot down against it, and has warned the South ern States not to endorse it. He has told them in so many words that they will have his support in refusing to ratify it. It is not possible, therefore, Jjiat that amend ment will be accepted. Congress judges that the republican party will be victorious at the ballot box, and that, unfettered by the adoption of the amendment, Congress will be able, to pass an act that will give a, ballot to the , negro. They hope and ex pect that after the defeat of the amend-' ment they will return to Congress at the fall elections stronger than they are to-day. They do not want that amendment accept ed. The worst possible news that Thad Stevens could hear would he the ratifica tion of the amendment. Ido not disgrace the whole proceedings when I say that it is a party "trick.” Simultaneously with the political devel opments now progressing, we hear a great deal about , IMPENDING CABINET CHANGES. There is no doubt that Secretary Har lan of the Interior Department is now con fenng with his friends in regard to tender ing his resignation as a member of the Cabinet. lie can no longer affect not to understand that his withdrawal would he a welcome event to the President; and, to save himselffrom dismissal, it is not un likely that he may resign when Congress adjourns. The statement generally pub lished in the N. Y., papers that lion. 0. H. Browning is to be his successor is in correct. Mr. Browning stands high in the estimation of the President; but if he sliould enter the Cabinet at all, it would probably be as Attorney General, in place of Mr. Speed, iiitead of as Secretary of the Interior. THE NEW TARIFF BILL continues to occupy the attention of the House. Its consideration has given rise to the first serious difference that has thus far arisen between the Radica Is of New England and those of the west. The western members arc very generally opposed to improving the usefulness of the existing tariff or risk ing a reduction of its revenue producing power. Theyiay that it has poured into the Treasury for the year ending June 30,1866, one hundred and seventy millions of reven ue, in gold; and they argue that we should “let well enough alone. ’’The Easterifmcm bers, on the other hand, are clamorous for a prohibitory tariff that shall cut off impor tation to such an extent as to reduce the revenue from imports from fifty to seventy millions per annum. The result is that there is violent and prolonged wranglings over the new bill and frequent ebullitions of that bitterness of feeling which has been slowly but steadily growing up, of late years, between New Englandand the great West, Amongst the amendments to _ the bill which the Western representatives suc ceeded in carrying through in the House torday was a reduction of the duties on tea and on coffee to just one-half the rates fixed by the tariff now in force. If the Senate should concur, this will give us cheap tea and coffee. Bltternut. The Convention.—The Louisville Journal cordially seconds the proposition for a National Union Convention. Refer ring to extreme partisans on both sides the Journal says : . It is our opinion that these men are di vided now by no very essential differences, though some of them may consider them selves Republicans, and others 1 •emoorats; and though they may have voted, some for Lincoln and Johnson, at the last elec tion, and some for McClellan and Pendle te .\ These men comprise, as we think, a u ije majority of the voters of the Nor -1 in States. They are patriotic, honest, and just men, and mean to do as nearly right as they know how. It is utterly puerile and disgusting to stigmatize these men either as secessionists or radicals. They are neither.' They are U nion men. They are loyalists. They are constiution alists. They are honest and true, and wish to act as patriots should. There maybe minor shades of difference between them, but we believe they are ready to vield mere technicalities, mere names, for harmony and a substantial and permanent accommodation of our troubles. | . FROM NASHVILLE. Meeting of tlie Legislature.—No Quorum in tlie House—The Fourth—Crops, etc. [Special CorrcspDnder.ee Chronicle Sc Sentinel.] Nashville, July 6. J The Legislature met to-day, in response to the call of the Governor. LntheSenate a quorum' was present, twenty-one mem bers being present, the absentees number ing only two —Messrs. Wise and Hall. Af ter notifying the Governor of their readi ness to proceed to business, that function ary sent in liis message, which was a reiteration of his favorite reflections on those who stood by the Confederacy, and expressions of gratification that the United States had dealt so leniently as only to re quire the acceptance of the amendments to the Constitution which they had been con vened to endorse. One thousand copies of the message wpre ordered printed in English, and two thousand in German. A resolution that as about-onc-third of the State is not represented, it is deemed unwise and impolitic for this body, to en tertain or adopt the constitutional amend ment, and UmtJdm.&map! adjourn sine die , was laid on the table, by a vote.of 13 to 6. In the House there was no quorum— only 51 persons answering to their names. Dir. Dunnaway tendered his resignation to the Governor as a member ol'the House, which the Governor refused to accept, declaring his evident object to ho to reduce the House below a quorum. The House adjourned until to-morrow ato'clock. Tlie city papers regard the prospect of securing a quorum rather slim. The Ith was celebrated by several pic nics—the chief one being what we term a loyal assembly, at which Gen, Fisk read the Declaration oflndependence and Horace Dlaynard delivered an address. At night there was a display of fireworks at the Capitol, and more speeches. The negroes had a celebration at Fort Gillen, which re sulted in some trouble with the cavalry regiment stationed there. The Catholics also had a festival and an oration by Rev. Dir. Ryan, author of a poem entitled “The Conquered Banner.' The weather which was remarkably cool a week ago, has again assumed a summer temperature, thermometer standing to-day at 94° in the shade. Crops look promising in this section, and with a continuation of good weather, there will be more than an average corn crop. The oat crop is un usually fine, and is nearly harvested. The wheat crop has been light. Potatoes and vegetables of every kind arc very abun dant, Trade dull. t Item. FROM CHARLESTON. An Interesting Habeas Corpus Case—At tachment of Gen. Sickles l'or Contempt —Another Riot—Death of Mr. Kliett. | Special Correspondence Chronicle & Sentinel. | . Charleston, July 8. Quicca novel and interesting case has jgst been before the Court here, A w*rit of Habeas Corpus had been served in be half of Stowers, Stevens and others, under sentence of death for the murder of United States soldiers in Elbert county, in Geor gia. Gen. Sickles refused to deliver the prisoners, who are confined at Castle Pinck ney, under respite from the President. — Judge Bryan then ordered an attachment for contempt to be served on General Sickles, and here the matter rests. On Saturday night quite a serious row occurred at the Market, between the police and some of the colored soldiers, who have been the occasion of a number of disturb ances during the,year. It appears that a detachment of police were on duty at the Market,_ when a corporal of the negro regi ment, with several negro soldiers, interfered with a policeman in the discharge of his duty. Sergeant Riley, of the police, pro ceeded to the scene of the disturbance, and found the negro brandishing his pistol, and swearing that “no d —d rebel police should arrest him,” or words to that effect. Sergeant Riley, desiring to avoid trouble, spoke to the colored Corporal, and the ne gro soldiers went up the street. In about an hour they returned, reinforced and armed, with the evident purpose of having a row. Sergeant Riley went to a white U. S. officer, who was among the citizens in the market, and, related what had occurred, and stated that the colored soldiers had evidently come back for a fight. While talking with the officer the blacks fired a volley into the policemen, wounding one of' them. The police then dashed upon the negro soldiers, who ran for the Freedmen’s Bureau, firing as they went. Here they entered and were protected from arrest.— During the disturbance shots were fired lower down Meeting street, and the next, morning a negro was found shot through the thigh, in the vicinity of the ice house. This painful affair occurred while the market was crowded with people, and it seems almost marvelous that no more per sons were hurt. I observe that (be press all over the country are noticing the murder of 11. B. Rliett, Esq., by a negro, "near this city.— The gentleman murdered was B. ft. Illicit. Esq., of the firm of Rliett & Robson, a prominent merchant. The murder was a most cold-blooded and diabolical one. These collisions between the whites aud blacks here aro very deplorable, and result almost entirely from the policy of keeping colored troops on duty here. The charac ter o£ their service tends to make them ar rogant and insulting, and their influence upon the freedmen generally is to make them dissatisfied and quarrelsome. Keep ing such troops to lord it over a conquered people is unworthy a government profess ing to stand in the front rank of Christian civilization. Moclthe. The Austrian Government has refused permission to Col. Foley, C. 8., the milita ry attache to the British embassy at Vien na. to accompany the imperial army in the field. Gen. George Cadogan, C. 8., is to act as military commissioner in Italy. The Prussian Government has given permis sion to Col. Walker, C. 8., military atta che to the British embassy at Berlin, to accompany the Prussian army in the field, and has also given him, we understand, a special position with temporal rank. — Ar my and Navy Gazette. The Governor of Florida is inaugurating a school system for the freedmeji of that State The President, on the recommendation of Hon. Joshua Hill, pardoned the follow ing Georgians the other day : James M. Brown, Simeon M. Brown, L, J. Burney, Ellison H. Cohen, Nathaniel G. Foster, I. S. Fannin. William S. Stokes, James A. Wade, James S. Bead. James N. Marsh, and Nancy Kolb, of Morgan coun ty ; Nathan Whitfield, of Jasper county ; Elias Jones, of Twiggs county, ami A. Pharr, of Newton county." The name of the Bainbridge "Chart and Compass ” has been changed to the "Argus. The last number gives a list of debts amounting to upwards of $20,000 due from the merchants of Bainbridge to Northern houses previous do the war, which have been settled in full by paying from twenty-five to fifty per cent. Inis is handsome. Mr. James Shea, a rich old batchelor, of St. Louis, died recently, leaving the be quest of one hundred thousand dollars to the Hospital of the Sisters. of Charity in that city, in which institution, when poor and friendless, he had received medical care and nursing. NEW SERIES, VOL. XXV. NO. 3i>. FOREIGN. The Strategic Advantages Obtained by Prussia—Benedek’s Plan of Opera tions. From the Paris Monit.eur du Soir, .Tune 21. The Hanoverian corps de armce collec ted at Gottingen is endeavoring to make its way through the Prussian forces which surround it toward Bavaria by traversing Electoral Hesse. It was thought at first that this body would proceed toward Ful da, in Hesse, which is quite close to the Bavarian frontier. It appears, however, that a passage by Eisenach, m Saxe-Wei mer, is preferred. By doing so, however, the Hanoverians arc increasing their dis tance from Frankfort, where the Eighth Corps of the Federal army, commanded by Prince Alexander, of Hesse, appears to bo complete, and numbers some 50,000 men. But the Prussians coming from Wetzlar and spread over Hesse, intercept all coin niuiiieation in that direction. Thuringia, toward which the Hanoverians are direct ing their march, is guarded by the right wing of the army, under Prince Frederick Charles, of Prussia. An encounter seems, therefore, to lie inevitable. To the South of the Dlain the Bavarians, vesting with their left on the corps under Prlhce Alex ander, of Hesse, have established their headquarters near Bairouth, guarding the line of the River Dlain, but hitherto show ing no disposition to assume the offensive. Upon their right they connect themselves with the military system of the Austrians in Bohemia. The Saxon army, which has completely evacuated the kingdom, and has effected in the presence of King John its passage into Bohemia, has advanced to Toplitz—having thus joined the Austrians, and being also placed in communication with the Bavarians. The strategical line which generally separates the two belli gerent parties is thus to be found upon the Main, the mountains of Bohemia, and those which divide Moravia from Silesia, It will be noted that it is a regular line of operations, but excessively extended, and the efforts of both parties are directed to piercing it. The Prussians have shown, from the commencement of hostilities, an energy and a promptitude of movement very remarkable in pushing their military positions up this line, which includes coun tries which in the first instance were op posed to their proceedings. They have succeeded, by the skillful concentration ol’ forces, upon three principal points. To the west the army ot Westphalia, giving its hand to that of Gen. Dlanteuffel coming from Schleswig-Holstein, has absorbed mili tarily Hanover and Hesse. Thuringia and Saxony have been surrounded by the army of Prince Frederick Charles of Prussia, divided into four corps, of which the re spective headquarters are at Frankfort, Hal le, Torgau and Gorlitz. It is to the rapidity of the concentric movements of this army that it is due to the immediate and very important occupation of the Kingdom of Saxony up to the mountains of Bohemia. Finally, Silesia is guarded by the three corps of the army of the Prince Royal, con necting w’ith the army of the Elbe and of Saxony, which is commanded by Prince Frederick Charles at Gorlitz. Each Prus sian corps d'armee contains the prescribed number of 36,000 men. The army of Saxony, therefore, compri ses 144,000 combatants, and that of Silesia 108,000. The Austrians remaining on the defensive in the very strong positions which they command —the passes of Bohemia — there is nothing at present to lead to a be lief that the army of Prince Frederick Charles has received any orders to push forward to attack them. The Prussians, possessed of the territories which they have occupied, can well afford to wait. The real importance of the offensive movement of the Austrians in Upper Silesia is yet un certain f possibly they have only desired to feel their way. In fact, the plan attributed to Gen. Bcnedek of traversing obliquely the whole of' Silesia, and advancing upon Ber lin, thus taking in reverse the Prussian ar mies, would be very difficult of execution in consequence of tho length of the line to be gone .over and the obstacles which occur upon it. Wc all know that Silesia is cov ered with a well-arranged system of formid able fortresses. Whatever may he the case, in anticipation of the movement of the Austrians, the armies of the Prince Royal and Prince Frederick Charles appear to be drawing closer together, so as to pre vent an imposing collection of forces, which, always retaining the advantages as to dis tance, may be rapidly directed upon any point of the Silesiau frontier which may be menaced. It is, therefore, as we stated yesterday, in Silesia that the first great bat(le may be expected, while the two par ties remain for the present in their respect ive positions toward Saxony. In Italy, Gen. Cialdini has removed his headquar ters from Bologna to Ferrara, where lie is placed upon the very frontier of Venetia. The Manifcstoof tile Austrian Kin per or-- Necessity at Hemodeling the Map of Germany. From the London Tnne«. The manifesto of the Emperor of Aus tria is a dignified expression of the feelings which now prevail at Vienna. There will be few to allege that the Emperor has pro yoked this war. From the beginning of the disputes with reference to the Elbe Duchies he took the side of comparative legality, and sought to make his ambitious rival respect the decisions of the German Diet. The conduct of Prussia, whether or not it be rewarded witli success, is clearly a violation of the laws by which the sever al States were bound, and the secession from the Bund is technically illegal. The Emperor of Austria is justified in saying that Prussia has violently severed the tie which unites the German races, and in complaining that she employs military force against the Sovereigns who have dis charged their Federal duties. But com plaints and recriminations arc of little avail. Prussia has carried matters with a high hand; the morality of her Govern ment may be condemned, its intrigues and pretences may excite indignation in Ger many as well as abroad. But it must not be forgotten that the Prussian Government has allied itself with a great principle, and the political interests of Germany may ulti mately be advanced by taking the same side. Count Bismarck a,spires to besoiycthing be tween Frederick the Great and Count Ca vour, and to unite the States of Northern Germany, at least, under one head. If he succeeds in this, the country at large will have the benefit of his work long after his dissensions with the Prussian Parliament are forgotten. He has certainly not ap proached the work of patriotism in a very amiable and liberal spirit. Ib; has made himself everywhere an object of suspicion, if not of hatred, and his Government was but a few weeks ago so unpopular even in his own country as greatly to interfere with the mustering and organization of the ar my. But whether Bismarck or another do it. there is certainly a great work to lx- done in Germany by a strong h#nd and a clear head, urging the people in the direction of unity, Unity is the first and most indis pensable achievement of any European na tion which desires to attain political great ness. England, France, and Spain have had it for centuries; Italy lias just won it; Germany is wasting and becoming enfee bled for the want of it. The people, di vided as they arc among thirty-four Princes, each with his separate interests and his ap petites for petty aomination, cannot possibly win it for themselves. The work must be done by a great Power, well armed, and gnted with unconquerable resolution. W hether j Prussia will be able to achieve the task must be decided by the events of the next few months. But one thing at least has been demonstrated by the campaign of last week. The strength of the minor States is even less than might have been expect ed when opposed to a great Power. In every little Kingdom and Principality and Electorate of Germany conscription and drilling have been going on for the last fifty years. The youth of each territory have been conseribe'd. and when their time came they have been dragged to the colors, there to be treated often with brutality which the soldiers of hardly any othercoun try would bear. When the rudimentary process was at an end, the little armies wen 1 exercised and reviewed, and manoeu vred in sham fight uutil they might be pronounced perfect by any military specta tor. Yet two kingdoms have succilmbed without a blow. Even the Saxons, 25,000 strong, and boasting themselves to bo among the best disciplined troops of Ger many, have not'been able to hold a single position in their own country, but have nastily quitted it to act as a contingent to the Austrian army. What is the use of political organization which thus fail at the first moment of trial f What is the use of armies whose first strategical movement is to evacuate the territory they were raised to defend, and the inhabitants of which have been taxed both in blood and money to maintain them ? Such a system cannot last. Whatever be the events of this war, useless political divisions of Germany must disappear, and give place to a great na tional authority which may enforce moderh tion on its neighbors ami obtain the respect of the, world. Marslial Benedek’s Artercss. The following order of the day lias been published: Headquartrrs, Olmutz, June K>. Sof.DtERS: We are on the eve of grave and sanguinary events. As in 1859, you are collected in great numbers around our flag. Soldiers! we have now to repair in the eyes of the world the faults of- that period; we have to punish an arrogant and faithless enemy. I have tlie full and entire conviction that you are aware of and are worthy of this mission. Have also confidence in me, and be assured that on my part 1 will exert my best efforts to bring this campaign to a speedy and glori ous termination. We are now faced by inimical forces, composed partly of troops of the line and partly of Landwehr. The farst. comprise young men not accustomed Vto privations and fatigues, and who have never yet made an important campaign: the latter is composed of doubtful and dissatisfied elements, which, rather than fight against us, would prefer the downfall of'their Government. Inconsequence of a long course of years of peace, the enemy docs not possess a single general who has had an opportunity of learning his duties on a field of battle. Veterans of the Dlin cio and Palestro, I. hope that with tried leaders you will not allow the slightest ad vantage to such an adversary. On the day ot battle the infantry will adopt its lightest campaign accoutrement, and will leave behind their knapsacks and camping material, in order that they may be able to throw themselves .with rapidity and prompt itude upon the heavily laden enemy. Each soldier will receive his flask filled with wine and water, and a ration of bread anil meat, easily to be carried. The officers will dis continue the use of their wide scarfs, and all the useless insignia of their ranks, which hut renders them too distinguishable in action. Every man, without distinction of name or position, shall be promoted when ever he shall distinguish himself on the field of battle. The bands will place them selves in rear of the front of the respective positions, and will play heroic pieces for the warlike dance. The enemy has for some time vaunted the excellence of their fire-arms, but, soldiers, I do not think that will be of' much avail to them. Wc will give them no time, but we will attack them with the bayonet and with crossed muskets. When, with God’s help, we shall have beaten and compelled to retreat our ene mies, we will pursue them without inter mission, and you shall then find repose upon the enemy’s soil and those compen sations which a glorious and vieftiriou* ar my has the right to demand. Benedek. Now and Then.-— Professor Silliman in his diary speaks of a visit he made to Sar atoga in 1797. It was rather in contrast with the Saratoga of our times. Tic says: “We mounted our horses one day and rode seven or eight miles through the j fine for est, with its delightful fragrance, and ar rived at a place where they said there were some mineral springs. There was not even a village, but only two or three log houses standing among the pine trees. The peo ple were civil, and provided hay for our horses, and for ourselves bacon and eggs. They pilot#! us into a morass where nature was unsubdued, and stepping cautiously from "bog to bog, wc soon arrived at a spring which they called the Congress Spring, which tasted as it does now.” Kossuth’s Advice.—The following is the declaration addressed by Hossuth to the Hungarians: Turin, .June 6, 1866. —A great number of my fellow countrymen, from different parts of Italy, having asked me what they ought to do under the present cireum sta nces, and it being impossible for me to reply personally to all, I declare, by these presents, that in my opinion all those of my fellow-countrymen employed in military service, or any otherduty, would do well to remain where they are and await patiently the course of events. Those, on the con trary, who have no occupation, who are fit for military service and have a wish to en ter it, will do well to enlist in the Hum. garian legion. They may, Ixsides, be all convinced that if affairs become developed so as to offer a field of action to the pa triotic zeal, due notice shall be given them. L. Kossuth. Statistical. 'Hie entire circulation of the London Saturday Jtcvieic, the leading British weekly for general reading matter, docs not exceed 12,000; that of the Athenaeum, devoted exclusively to literature, art and science, is less than 20,000; and that of the Reader, which treats the same topics more popularly, is only 2,000,. The circu lation of these juornals is but a small item of their support. They give thejr best — their first and last—pages to advertisers, for the very good reason tin : w Jiout their aid they would die. The Round Ttibk is about to adopt the former alternative, ir» prefernce it is presumed, to submitting to the latter. The receipts of wheat at St. Louis since January Ist exceed those '*l*lßos for the corresponding period nearly 400.000 bu sh els. For the first six month -of 1865, .the supplies of corn in St. Louis were less than two million bushels ; for the same time this year they reach over four millions. The wool crop of Texas, according to the estimate of Messrs. (’lower & Cos,, of Millicah. for 1865, was about three millions (3,000,000) pounds, and the clip of the present fiscal year should reach even more. The new Boston directory contains 65.- 184 names, an increase of 4,093 over last year. The appearance -of cholera at several new points throughout Europe, widely separated, shows that the contagion is st'il active.