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(fhtomclf & J'fntinrl XtJGUSTA, GA : WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 25, 1866. Gather More Strength. Our confer r> o 4 the Constitutionalixt, in lii* ‘ article which, in some degree, yielded that antagonism toward the Philadelphia Convention heretofore occupied,” com mits a grave ..-in as an.upright journalist, and seeks to atone therefor, lie says: ‘‘Wo are ashamed of ourselves for having written it. and impose the public confession of weakness upon us as a fit penance for having childishly yielded our own convic tions to a noisy out-cry. ’ Now, it is very proper ‘ to be ashamed’ ’ of having done wrong, and self-imposed “penance” may relieve our brother’s con science. It is truly a great humiliation to confess publicly of having “ehildlishly yielded convictions of right.” Hut it is sinful —wickj.-d monstrously wicked —to yield to a mere “noisy out-cry,” if it is not almost imbecility. Such a'crime justifies the penance. Must Beg To Be Excused. Our neighbor aerpss the street is still op posed to the Philadelphia Convention, lie still insists that representatives from the Southern States will not be admitted td seats in that body, who cannot take the iron-dad test oath. Believing as he docs that the controllers of the movement will exclude from its deliberations alf the true representatives of the real public sentiment of the South, we are not surprised at his opposition. We have taken some pains to enlighten our neighbor on this subject, but find that “Ephraim is joined to his idols,” and, therefore, henceforth wo shall “let him alone.” . But while we acknowledge the right of our cotemporary to oppose the co-operation of the South in this movement, we do not admit his right, neither can we see the propriety, of his volunteering his advice and instructions to those who favor the Convention. Let him fight against it as long and as hard as he chooses, but excuse us, if you please, from lessons of propriety or directions as to the Course our delegates should pursue. Good advice from friends we are willing, nay anxious to have ; but from our ene mies we prefer blows to hollow professions of good will, and maudling protestations of kind intentions. Give us straight-fbrvfcrd, manly, honest blows, if you please, and we will parry them as we can, or submit to their infliction with all the grace we can command. The jieople who are in favor of being represented in the Convention, are entirely capable of giving proper directions to their representatives. They have not yet sought the advice of those who arc op posed to them. When they find that they have not sufficient talent and discretion within their ranks to give proper tone and direction to their movement, they will doubtless gladly avail themselves ot the kindly advice tendered by the Constitution alist. For cool, overweening assurance, the following, which we clip from yesterday's issue of that paper, boars off the palm from any thing we have ever heretofore encoun tered : ” “As it seems that there will boa dele gation sent from Georgia, would it not lie a good plan, to instruct your representa tives First —To cast the vote of this State as a unit, and Secondly —To Solemnly declare that Georgia “claims representation in the Fed eral Government on the basis of the Consti tutional requisitions and <nullifications alone, and in repudiation of all prescrip tive test oaths. ” This latter suggestion is given in tho lan guage of a famous resolution offered some days since in Virginia, and now, as we hear, meeting much acceptance in that State. If you will go into this Convention, go in with a protest against all proscriptive test oaths, and tho blessing of God go witii you. Stick to the Federal Constitution, and you are safe. Stand square up and theso'mun will give you your own terms,, for they need you as much as, you ’need them.” Asa matter of course, the delegation from this State will feel bound by their in* struct ions. Would not our cotemporary go a little further, and appoint the dele gates from the State at large, and the dif ferent districts. It would save a deal of trouble if lie would consent to do it. The weather is very warm, crops are bad, rates of travel and hotel charges are very high, and our people arc very generally poor, and illy able to bear the expense and fa tigue of attending Conventions to select delegates. Doubtless a selection by the Constitutionalist of suitable delegates would be very acceptable to the friends of the Convention, and more especially as from the hostility of that journal to the move ment, it might reasonably bo expected that he Would select none but friends of the Convention. But in all seriousness, we must be al lowed to enter our protest against these Joab stabs of the opponents of this meas ure. Oppose it if you please, but don't attempt, while opposing, to give shape and direction to it. Religious Intolerance. Nortli Carolina occupies the unenviable position of being the only State in the Union which proscribes any religious test as a qualification for office. AVo were sur prised and pained to find the following clause in its new Constitution proscribing a large class of honorable and influential eiti tens. The old North State is certainly "advancing backwards in its system ot laws, in thus cutting off from all participa tion in its Government, an entire class of its respectable and intelligent people : * 1 No person who shall deny the being ot Almighty God, or the divine authority of lx>th th> 'Old and New Testaments, or who shall hold religious opinions incompatible with the freedom or safety of the State, shall be capable of holding anv office or place of trust or profit in any civil depart ment.” We arc utterly opposed to all religious qualifications.or tests. The civilisation of the South forbids the introduction or adop tion of such issues. Perfect, free, full a ini complete toleration in all matters of reli gious belief, is and must continue to be the corner stone of Republican institutions, and injury done to it must inevitably in volve the safety of our political structure. While upon this subject we desire to sqy a word or two in relation to the charge which we have frequently heard made by street-corner gossippers aud windy patri ots. that the Isrealites of* the South failed to perform their duty during the recent war. \\ e happened to occupy a posi tion which enables us to say that the charge is a most gratuitous and unfound ed slander upon that people. Some of the first officers and men in Lee’s army of Northern A irginia, were Isrealites. The Augusta furnished g number of V. gallant young men of that faith, whose deeds upon the bloody battle fields of the old Dominion, won the admiration and applause of their comrades and com manders. No truer or better soldier or more gallant officer drew sword daring the war, than Lieut. Levy, of the 22d Georgia Ilegiment; Capt. Leon of the 10th Geor gia? Capt. Rush of the 22d Georgia, and a host of others which we might name, but space forbids. We must, however, call attention to the following case, which came under our observation, and which shows that all the l>enevo!enee and charity of this world is not monopolised by the Christians, When the war broke out two Israelites were engaged as partners in trade in the city of Macon. One, a married man be longed to a volunteer company of that city, and when the 2d Georgia Battalion volun teered its services and was ordered to Vir ginia, he left Ins family and business and went with it to fight his country’s battles. The other partner an old man, and a bachelor remained at home to attend to the copart nership business. When the term of ser vice of the twelve months troops were about to expire, it is known that the con scription laws kept them in service for two years longer. The old batchelor partner then voluntarily went to Virginia and sub stituted himself in the ranks in place of his younger partner, to enable him to go home and provide for his young family. That old man over sixty years of age, re mained at his post a faithful soldier until the surrender of Gen. Lee, and we know that a better soldier either in battle on the march or on fatigue duty was not to be found in that large army of heroes and patriots. Indeed liis good qualities as a private soldier attracted the particular at tention of Gen. Lee, who invariably ap proved his applications for “three days leave to attend religious duty in Rich mond. ’ ’ These were only sent up when the army was lying idle in camp, and in no instance was the confidence reposed ever betrayed by ‘ ‘overstaying his time. ’ ’ That mans name was, Davis. James Hamilton Coupcr. This gentleman died at Cataret’s Point, Glynn county, Georgia, July 3. Though his life had been passed as a planter and private gentleman, he was generally known and highly esteemed throughout Georgia and other Southern States, as well as by many persons at the North. Mr. Couper was a rare instance of a man living in re tirement, we might almost say seclusion, and without the incentive of association with men of intellect and cultivation, who improved and cultivated his own mind to a high degree. In the Greek, Latin, and French languages he was a proficient; his attainments in all the branches of mathe matics were of a high order ; his knowl edge of natural history, geology, and in* fact every department of the natural sciences, was thorough and complete. Besides liis actual scholastic acquire ments, Mr. Couper was equally versed in literature and history; indeed, there seem ed to be no subject on which, when ap pealed to, he could not both enlighten and instruct. In the life of a private individual there arc usually but few striking or important events to record : but there was one event in Mr. Oou’per’s life which must not be omitted in this brief notice of him. In the year 1838 the steamer Pulaski was wrecked on the coast of North Carolina, while on her way from Savannah and Charleston to New York. The ill-fated boat was crowd ed with passengers from the South, most of whom were going to pass the summer at the North. Mr. Couper was on board, and had under his care two ladies with their children, om of them the daughter of ex-Governor King, of New York. At the time of the disaster, by which so many perished, the scene was one of appalling horror ; the vessel had broken in two parts - , hundreds of men, women, and children were clinging to the wreck, or, liav in been thrown into the sea by the par ting of the vessel, were endeavoring to regain it by swimming. There were but two small boats ; of one the mate of the steamer took command, Mr. Couper of the other. Each was filled with passengers. Mr. Couper took into his boat the ladies and children whom he had in charge. As they approached the shore, both boats were overwhelmed in the breakers. All, or nearly all, of the persons in one of the boats were drowned; but Mr. Coupcr, who wasrnn able swimmer, by exertions almost superhuman—for he returned more than once into the surf—brought to shore the two ladies, their children, and a ser vant women of one of the ladies, besides others who were in his boat. An account of the loss of the Pulaski, written by Mr. Couper, is printed in White’s “Statistics of Georgia, ” and is as remarkable for its purity of style as for the slight allusion to his own share in the calamity. James Hamilton Couper was born in Liberty county, * Georgia, March 6, 1704, but lived at Cannon’s Point, on Saint Simon’s Island, in the same State, during the greater part of liis life. He was in terred in the Parish churchyard in Fred erica, outlie same island, July 4, 1866. Mr. Couper, after having been at school in Baltimore, entered Yale University and Was graduated there, taking the third honors. Among his classmates was the distinguished lawyer. Daniel Lord, of New York, who, we believe, gained the second honors in the class. Between the two gen tleman a friendship was maintained through out life which was only interrupted by the recent death of Mr. Couper. Mr. Couper left a widow and five children —three sons and two daughters. His kindness of heart and gentleness of man ner endeared him to all who knew him ; and though he is gone to his rest at the ripe age of 72 years, there are many be sides his own immediate family who will miss his presence upon earth. AA o are informed by a gentleman inti mately acquainted with the family, that John F. Lane, the oldest brother of the late Senator Jim Lane, of Kansas, also committed suicide, and under peculiar cir cumstances. He’graduated at AA’est Point in 1828, and in 1836. during the Florida war. in which he was actively encaged, he was promoted to the command of a Regi ment of Indians. Shortly after his pro motion. directly after going into camp one evening, after a day s march, he placed the hilt of his sword on the ground and the point in his eye, and threw himself on it. No cause for his suicide was ever known or conceived of. —Louisville Concur. A Paris letter says that the Prussian Government has been defeated in the re cent elections to the lower chamber, and that Bismarck still continues on in his wild career, unheeding the warning. The Ital ian finances are looking better, and their securities are going up in the Paris mar ket. It is reported that the Italian Gov ernment has secured a loan of 40,tXX),00(} francs from the Rothschilds, giving as se curity the recently confiscated church pro perty. The Radical Caucus. . We yield very much of our space to-day to the publication of the following proceed ings of the caucas of the Radical members of Congress held recently in Washington, and which we clip from the New York Times. The indications of the popular ap proval of the Philadelphia Convention have given the Radical leaders serious appre hensions for the safety of their party, and they are wildiy and madly struggling to maintain their power. Let the “vipers wail. We think they “bite a file,” when they set their teeth on Andy Johnson and the Constitutional Union Party: Washington, Sunday, June 15, ’66. A caucus of Republican members ofCon gross was held on Wednesday evening in the Hall of the House of Representatives. Ou motion of Mr. Morrilf. of Vermont. Gen. Banks, of Massachusetts, was elected Chairman, and Mr. Ferry, of Michigan, Secretary. The caucus, so far as the House was concerned, was quite full, but only eight Senators were present. • .'lr. Hotchkiss, of New York, said that the meeting whs called at the request of hii%df and others, and its object was to liave an interchange of views as to the best course to be pursued in regard to the rumorcß| removal of office-holders by the Preside™. He had no doubt that sucliA nioval-was intended as soon as CongiWs should adjourn, and in his own State a li censed “head butcher” had already* been appointed, and*stood at the door ready to strike. He deemed it the duty of Con gress to stand by its friends, and to make any sacrifice necessary to keep them in office. He (bought Congress should re main in session so as to prevent removals. A motion was put and carried that no member should speak more than five min utes, nor more than once. Mr. Cobb, of Wisconsin, offered a reso lution, declaring every one present to bein’ honor bound to act in Congress and else where in accordance with the decisions of the caucus—but this was voted down. A resolution of secrecy was adopted, on mo tiou of Mr. Cobb. Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, expressed his con currence with what had been said of the necessity of taking some action on the sub ject of removals. He thought Congress should take, a recess, instead of adjourning. Mr. Fransworth, of Illinois, then offered a resolution, declaring that Congress would remain ih session until December. He said that any party that would not stand by its friends ought to go down, and we must stand by the men now in office. He thought, too, it might be necessary for Congress to take other action before next session to prevent the . accomplishment of schemes to restore the rebels to power. He believed the President was traitor to the party and the country, and that he was ready for any measure, however desperate which would put the Government into the hands of the rebels. What liis schemes were he did not know, hut he had been told on high authority that Mr. Seward had said that this Congress would never meet again until the Southern States were restored to all their rights of represen tation in Congress.. Mr. Hale, ofNew York, asked for his authority for this statement. Mr. Farnsworth replied that he had heard it from several parties. On being pressed for some authority, he said he should not give it, and several members . around said, ‘ ‘don’t give it, ’ ’ Mr. Wilson of lowa, saying he had no doubt Mr. Seward had said it. “Mr. Hale said, in [the absence of any authority he did not believe Mr. Seward had ever said anything of the kind. Mr. Shellbarger, of Ohio, concurred in the necessity of taking precautions, but he was not certain as to the best way of doing it. He offered a substitute for Mr. Farns worth's resolution, appointing a committee of five, (afterwards increased to nine, of the Senate and six of the House,) to re port on the subject at a future caucus. Mr. Garfield, of Ohio, endorsed what had been said about the treachery of the Presi dent, and the necessity of adopting some measures of prevention. But he thought it important that members should go home and light out the battle before the people. The Cabinet, he was happy to say, was al ready broken up. He was glad to an nounce that Postmaster-General Dennison • had resigned and would have nothing more to do with the Administration, and he hoped that other members of the Cabinet would follow his example. He thought they should strip to the waist and fight the battle out on this line. Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, said he thought we would be obliged to do a great many other things to save the country from the danger that threatened it. He bcliev ed it to be beyond all doubt that a conspi racy was on foot to put the Government into the hands of rebels, and the Presi dent was a party to it. He had no doubt they contemplated a resort to force, be cause it was in the logic of events that they should do so. He believed Andrew John son to be just as thoroughly a traitor as Jeff. Davis, and that nothing could save the country from destruction but the most prompt and effect ive preparations for every emergency. He believed an attempt would he made to force rebels into Congress, and the Philadelphia Convention was part of the scheme. The battle, in effect, had already begun, and if resistance was not made, the President would take possession of the Capitol. Any such attempt must and would be resisted by force. (Mr. Boutwell’e remarks were loudly applaud ed.) Mr. Harding, of Illinois, doubted the wisdom of going to the people on such an issue. He was in favor of taking precau tions against the President, but he did not wish it understood that the Union Party made the holding of office so important a consideration as the action proposed would make it. ' Mr. Ingersoll, of Illinois, denounced Pre sident Johnson as a traitor —a madman— in league with rebels and copperheads, and insisted on measures of precaution against his schemes. He said he had no personal interest or feeling in the matter. He had fought oiit his battle with Hie President, and had won it. But he would as soon trust a bull in a china shop as Andrew Johnson in possession of power. Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, said ‘'Amen” to Mr. Boutwell, and said that mamas were the letters he received from his constituents on the tariff, they were few in number compared with those he received exhorting him to stand by Congress in its measures for the salvation of the country. He denounced the Philadelphia Convention as a conspiracy of traitors, and said lie be lieved the President had got it up for the purpose of destroying the Union Party, and of putting rebels and copperheads into power. The rebel newspapers North and South were in favor of it for that reason. The New York News and World advo cated it as a means of destroying the Union Party and restoring the rebels to power, and the New York Times, although it had not yet gone quite so far as this, also, up held' and favored the Convention. The President, as is well known, regards every bill passed by Congress, while eleven States are unrepresented, as null and void, so that nothing short of the admission of the rebel members will satisfy him. Mr. Raymond, of New York, said Mr. Kelley Imd not the shadow of a right to attribute to the Times any such purpose or motive as breaking up the Union Party. His insinuation to that effect was utterly untrue, and was the most unmanly way of making an injurious and unjust charge. He had his own views of the objects to be accomplished by die Convention, and he had not, thus far. concurred in the views expressed by those around him. He be lieved that properly the Conven tion would strengthen the L hion Party, instead of destroying it. So long as he had reason to think so. lie should continue to advocate it. AVhenever he saw reason to believe that it was to be used to destroy the Union Party, neither the Times nor its Editor would support it. As to the gen tleman's assertion that the President re gards everything Congress has done in the absence of eleven States as null and void. I beg to ask him how bv reconciles that statement with the fact that the President has signed nearly every bill Congress has passed?* Mr. Kelley—That is one of the Pres ident's many inconsistencies. Mr. Kasson, of lowa, favored Mr. Shel labarger s substitute, .though he did not concur in some of the views expressed. He feared that the Union Party would be weakened, rather than aided, by the meas ures proposed to he taken. Mr. Hotchkiss. ofNew Y ork. and Mr. Hubbard, of Connecticut, spoke in advo cacy of the resolution and in denunciation of the President. The resolution of Mr. SSellabarger was then adopted. Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, offered a resolution declaring it to be the duty of every Union man to denounce the Phila delphia Convention and render it odious to the people. He said he wanted the lines distinctly drawn between the friends and enemies of the Union cause, and wanted it distinctly understood that no one who favor ed the Philadelphia Convention could have any fellowship with the Union party. He did not agree with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Harding,) in liis views, but did agree with liis colleague [Mr. Inger solhj Mr. Bromwell, of Illinois, followed in favor of this resolution —denouncing the President, and saying we ought to revise all the lawsdinder which offices were crea ted which the President can fill—and that salaries should be abolished, and other means taken to render the power of ap pointment useless in his hands*. Congress could sit all summer —we were paid by the year and it made no odds to us. Mr. Lane, (Senator) of Indiana, fol lowed in a very excited speech, demanding the enactment of stringent laws to restrain and curtail the (lower of the President— saying he was ready to sit all summer, if necessary, at the point of the bayonet; that if a victim was wanted, he .was 'ready; and declaring that a million of soldiers would flock to the Capital to sustain Congress against the tyranny of the President. ~ He branded all Union men who supported the President as actuated by a desire for office, and as belonging to the “bread and butter brigade. ’ ’ His remarks were received with applause. , Mr. Hale, of New York, objected to the resolution as unjust to true Union men and Union newspapers, and especially to the New York Evening East, which favored the Convention. Mr. Hale ridiculed Sen ator Lane’s excited remarks. and thought they were not called for by the facts of the case. Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, de nounced the Post —said one of its proprie tors only escaped the Penitentiary by a technical quibble, and branded the Presi dent as a rebel and traitor. He -agreed in branding the Philadelphia Convention as a conspiracy, and denouncing all who favored it in any way. , Mr. Hale denied that the gentleman re- i ferred to by Senator Wilson was a member ! of the editorial corps of the Evening Post, j or responsible for its course. He do- | nounced the Senator’s remarks as an un-j warranted attack on a private citizen—said the person in question was acquitted on : the merits ofhis trial, and that no mdn had a right to impugn his integrity. i Senator Williams, of Oregon, followed ! in the same strain. j Mr. Anderson, of Missouri, concurred in i denouncing the President and the Phila- ■ delphia Convention, and all who supported or favored either. They were traitors to the party and the country. He spoke at : some length, and with warmth. Mr. Raymond of New York, said he presunfed he was not guilty of any undue assumption in supposing that the resolu tion was aimed, in part at least, at him. ‘ He regarded it as a menace ; and so far as ; it was a menace, and as such directed against him, he regarded it with no other I feeling than one of uoter contempt. He \ was not responsible, personally, proses- j sionally, or politically, to the "gentleman ’ from Pennsylvania, nor to the delegation ! from Pennsylvania, nor to the Union i members of Congress assembled in caucus ; or otherwise. He held position in the i Union party by favor of his constituents-! and by appointment of the National Union ' Convention. When either of these au- ! thorities saw fit to expel him or to exclude i him from the party, lie would give heed to the exclusion, for he recognized their au- i thority. But the action of that caucus in \ regard to his membership of the Union : Party was a matter of entire indifference : to him. When the Philadelphia Conven- ' tion was first summoned, he believed it ■ would have a good effect in nationalizing 1 the Union Party, and in placing its action 1 upon a broader and-safer basis! He had i never concealed his conviction that unless j the party was thus nationalized and liber- ; alized, it would be short-lived, and power ! would pass from its hands to those of its : opponents; and he had therefore looked with favor on the call for the Convention. ; Whenever lie saw reason to change his ! opinion as to its object and effect , he should ■ act accordingly. If it should become an- s Sirent that it was intended to break up the nion party and throw the (lower of the South into the hands of “rebels and Cop-i perheads, ’ ’ neither the Times nor its Ecu- ) tor would support it. Butane wspaper is ' compelled to discuss all the phases of pub- i lie affairs, as they arise, from day to day— j without waiting for subsequent develop- i meats. He branded as utterly false and : slanderous all intimations that his course was prompted by a desire for office —saying that he had never asked and would never accept any office at the hands of the Ad ministration—and asserted his purpose to be governed, in his action upon said ques tion as it might arise, by his own judgment of what was just and wise. The resolution was then adapted, Mr. Hale, of New. York, alone voting “no,” and Mr. Raymond, understanding that the resolution was partially, at least, aimed at him, stating that he declined to vote at all. Gen. Banks then announced the appoint ment of the Committee of Nine : Senators Morrill, of Maine; Chandler, of Michigan: Nye, of Nevada ; and Representatives Col fax, of Indiana; Farnsworth, of Illinois ; Hotchkiss, of New York: Stevens, of Penn sylvania ; Garfield, of Ohio; Boutwell, ot Massachusetts. Gov. Hamilton, of Texas, then addressed the meeting, by its invitation, on motion of Mr. Stevens, after which tie caucus adjourned, to meet at the call of the com mittee. The Second Caucus. Washington, July 15. | The proceedings of the caucus of Satur- ! day evening were in striking contrast with ! those of Wednesday. The temper of the two was radically different. The extreme 1 propositions about sitting all Summer to ! prevent the President from destroying, the ! country, which were so popular on Wed- j nesday, we*e received with no favor what ever on Saturday. Members had reflected on the subject, and concludedJliat it was not worth while to make themselves ridicu lous. The report of the Committee, in spite of the efforts of Speaker Colfax, Mr. Stevens. Mr. Farnsworth. Air. Hotchkiss and others’ was summarily set aside, and the caucus resolved, by a vote of 64 to 40, to adjourn on the 23d. The injunction of secresy was removed from both Caucuses, in order that jnembers might set themselves right against the shameless fabrication and invention of tbe Tribune and World. The Herald repor ter was ejected from his ‘ 'post of honor’ ’ and of duty under a bench in the gallery at about 10 o’clock, so that after that time he was compelled to draw on his resignation for his facts, and he did it. This accounts for his gross misrepresentation of Air. Ray mond’s remarks. The tone of the second caucus, as of the first, was one of entire hostility to the President’s action. 4 Detail of the Proceedings. Saturday, July 14. The caucus of the two Houses assembled at the call of the Committee. Air. Conkling of New York called atten tion to the fact that in spite of the injunc tion of secrecy.; the proceedings of the last caucus had been published in some of the New York newspapers, but so inaccurately as to do injustice to individual rnem bers. He suggested either that the caucus should be open, or that steps be taken to make the injunctions of secrecy effective. Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, said that the manner in which the proceeding of the last caucus was betrayed, was known, and he thought it would not occur again. A re porter huu followed members and overheard tnqir conversation in the cars. Several members said this was not the way in which the proceedings became pub lic. A reporter had-been concealed under the benches.of the Reiprter’s - gallery du ring part of the evening, but was discov ered and ejected about 10 o’clock. Mr. Raymond suggested that the sub ject be postponed for the present, and that the caucus proceed under the rales adopted at the former meeting. Messrs. Stevens and Garfield concurred in this, and the Chairman called on the Committee appointed on Wednesday' for their report, Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, .said he did not see Senator Chandler, who was Chair man of the Committee, present. The Sen ator was in possession of the report of the Committee, but in his absence he would state its substance. The majority were in favor of continuing the session of Congress, or, if that could not ho carried, of the Sen ate at least through the summer. They each decided, therefore, not to recommend any time.for adjournment. Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, said he thought it very desirable that ■ Congress should continue in session for other reasons than those which had been suggested. He would mention one. A distinguished gen tleman from the South was in town, from whom he learned that the Louisiana Con vention would meet on the. 30th for the re vision of the State Connstitutien, and that amendmentsTvould be. adopted disfranchis ing the rebel and enfranchising the loyal inhabitants without distinction of color. If Congress should be in session when this Constitution should be adopted, it could, in accordance with the precedent estab lished in the Rhode Island case, accept it, and thus give it validity as the Constitution of tliG State. In the Rhode Island case the Supreme Court decided that it was for Congress to decide.which was the Consti tutional Government of any State in which doubts, existed. If Congress should not he in session, a long time must .elapse before action could be taken; the new government of the State might fail to get a foot-hold, • and the country would experience a very serious calamity. Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, asked whether the gentleman supposed anew Constitution would be adopted for Louisiana without being submitted to the people of the State. Mr. Boutwell replied that he did not know how that might be. It might, per haps, be submitted to the loyal people of the State. Mr. Ashby said that to wait for the Con vention to vote and the people to vote would take us over to October at least. Speaker Colfax said he would state the condition of the public business. We had still one of the appropriation bills to act upon. The Rousseau and Grinnell case of privilege was still undecided. The Sol diers’ Bounty Bill would come back to us from the Senate. A bill concerning the Judges of the Supreme Court was pending, and there were several other bills of a good deal of importance awaiting action. .Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, said he was perfectly willing to stay if there was any necessity .for it, but it was clear it was not required by the condition of the public business, as stated by the Speaker. He had known more bills than the Speaker had enumerated passed in a single, night. As to the rather wild idea of sitting all sum mer to prevent the President from ruining the country, lie hoped the caucus would not act upon any such motive. He should propose that the caucus declare itself ready to adjourn on the 23d. Mr. Wilson, of lowa, offered a resolu tion that Congress meet hereafter at 11 o’clock, and that it is ip favor of adjourn ing on the 23d. Speaker Colfax said he had understood from very good authority that the Pres ident intended to veto the bill, providing that there should be no new appointment of Judge of the Supreme Court until the number should be less than seven. If he should do, it would be desirable that Con gress should wait ten days after the pas sage of the bill, so as to pass it over the veto. Mr. Morrill,, of Vermont, said he was willing to remain in session if it would do any good, but he thought he could very easily finish our business, and ho was satisfied there was no reason for sitting till December. It was clear that no rebel ! Congress could be brought into power be- ' fore, next March, when this Congress would ; expire, but -after thiflt lie was satisfied that j the rebels would be brought in by fair j means or foul, but we can do nothing about this until the time comes. It was easy to 1 see, moreover, that the Senate has no in tention of prolonging its session. It is daily putting over business of importance to December. Mr. Bromwell, of Illinois, thoinght the question of admitting Tennessee should be disposed of in some way before wc adjourn ed. He was as much opposed to a “hum’ ’ Congress as anybody, hut we ought to dis pose of important public business. Senator Sherman, of Ohio, w*a s satisfied that the Senate could finish its legitimate business in a week, and a majority of that body was clearly opposed to sitting through the summer for any political purpose. There were bills of a political character (lending. One to prevent removals from office by the President, and the other pro viding.for the admission of* Tennessee. For liis own part, he would vote to admit the Tennessee members at once with. or without the ratification of the Constitu tional amendments. But others do not concur in this. Some might insist that the State shall ratify these amendments, and some that they shall become part of the Constitution before the State shall he admitted. One thing, however, is cer tain, the President is no longer with the Union party. AVe must look this fact full in the face. Whatever he can do to des troy it he will do ; but in spite of that the Union party stands firm. In his own State (Ohio) it was never more conipact i and united than it is to-day. He did not fear anything that the President cun do against it, with or without his aid, or that of any who are associated with him. The Union party can maintain its ascendency. He thought Union members were needed at home-to attend to the coming elections. I Air. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said he ! could not agree with the remarks made by 1 many gentlemen, nor could he concur in their views. Whence comes, he asked, this 1 extreme anxiety, this unseemly haste to desert our post and abandon our friends to the tender mercies of the enemy ? He • was grieved to hoar that the Senate, which ought to protect the people asrainst the machinations of the White Hoq.se, was ready to adjourn. He had hoped that the people would be justified in looking to us as their guardians against the Executive. How far our desertion of our posts would go toward breaking down the Union Party he did not know, hut one thing he did know, it would go very far to destroy the confidence of the people in Congress. He thought that if we could not make up our minds.to stjtnd to our posts we need not be in haste at any rate to adopt a resolution to adjourn. The people ol Pennsylvania think we ought to be slow to. adjourn ; that we should remain in session as long as there is anything to do, aud the longer the better. He did not believe we could do the business before us properly and delib erately' in three years. He we ought not to think of adjourning until we I had passed enabling acts to authorize the rebelj-kates to form Constitutions on the principles of universal suffrage and of pro tecting loyal men, and to enable them to organize State Governments under them. He deemed such a law of far greater im- . portance than all the others that had been mentioned. He hoped gentlemen would not act hastily on the subject of adjourn ment. Air. Price, of lowa, thought it important that members should be at home attend ing to matters there. Congress can do little,. and the President can do _ nothing j to injure the country until this Congress expires. We have no now erover the thousands of small office-holders who are really the working politicians. He’ believed the President to be the vilest man that ever sat in that place, and he would stay here and die, if necessary, to thwart his .traitorous schemes : but he did not oeiieve any good could be accomplished by staying. Mr Shellabarger, of Ohio, regretted the manifest inclination of members to go home speedily, not that he wished them to indefinitely,, but lie did think they should stay until their work was done, and well done. He regretted that he saw no disposition to stay long enough to pass important bills,, like the one to take away from the 1 resident the power of removal, and to pass them over the veto if they should be vetoed. , -^ r - Uonkling. of New York, thought taut whatever Congress does in legislation, should be done deliberately and with care: not under whip and spur, as had been sug gesteu by the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. \\ ashbuni That was the very worst man ner of legislating. He concurred entirely with Mr. elevens in this view of the ease. He hoped we should not meet at any other than the usinlliour; that we stay long enough to do all our business properly, and then adjourn. Mr. Farnsworth, of Illinois, offered a resolution that Congress would uot adjourn until a law had been passed restraining the President's power ,of removal; but the previous question having been demanded by several members, Mr. F.’s- resolution was uot received. The demand for the previous question was sustained, and the provisions to meet at 11 o’clock was stricken out. The resolution to adjourn oil the 23d, then coining up, Mr. Stevens, of Pennsyl vania, moved to lay it on the table. This was lost, and the resolution was then adop ted : yeas, 64 ; nays, 40. Mr. Raymond moved that the tion of secrecy .bc/cmoved from tire pro ceedings of both caucuses. Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said lie hoped it would bo, that the people * might see how indifferent Congress was to the public good. The resolution was then unanimously adopted, and the meeting adjourned. The Philadelphia Convention. We take pleasure in laying before our readers the following extract from a private letter,, written to us by one of our friends in the Country. The writer is widely known throughout * the State as a gentleman of rare intellectual attainments, and a jurist of the very first rank and position. Sandersville, July 7th, 1866. Dear General: * * * Your course in regard to the National Union Conven tion movement meets my most hearty con currence, as it docs that of the people of this county. That there should be any opposition to it at all, seems to be a mat ter of surprise to every man whom I have heard talk on the subject, except one, and he says “he’s mad and aint had time to cool off yet”—thus acknowledging that his opposition is not based upon his reason and judgment, but his passions. The National Union party is a clear ne cessity of the times. The political ele ments so lately lashed into fury by revolu tion seem madly tending in the direction of consolidation and every form of insane radicalism, and this movement comes op portunely upon the political arena to save the Country from anarchy, and constitu tional liberty from complete overthrow. It is worse than folly to seek now to revive issues that were killed in the war. Os course there are propositions in the plat form, which, if they were now open ques tions, would be unacceptable to us; but thefxare not open . questions, and we are simply called upon to accept, in good faith, the established status —nothing more, nothing less! Who-does not know that we have to accept many things in this world that are not exactly to our liking? And who doesn’t admire him more, who accepts them with becoming grace, than he who does it with a growl ? This Convention movement is but the outburst of that wise, humane, manly, and magnanimous policy long since inaugurated by the President, and adhered to by him with a firmness truly Roman, and a fidelity worthy so lofty a purpose ! It is a movement designed to save the Constitution from utter destruc tion, and therefore a movement friendly to the South. Qur only hope and safety is in the Constitution faithfully administered a?; it is. Is it not strange that two such sensible and conservative print's as the Constitutionalist and the Southern Recor der should take ground against this move* ment? Surely they will not persist in a course which bur whole people feel is so inharmonious with our present position and true policy. But I did not intend to do more, when I started to write on this subject, than assure you of the warm approval by our people of the able and manly position of your excel lent paper. This county will be repre sented in your District Convention of the 28th inst. Delegates will be chosen to it next Monday. Yours, very truly, J. S. H. Gen. A. R. Wright. The Radical Congress. The Radical Congress seems to be daily Hosing ground among its staunch supporters. Blated about “ saving the country ” and quibbling about “loyalty and rebellion,” increasing their own pay and reducing that of their successors, creating new bureaus and grasping at all “packings,” is a fair summary of the national legislation. Even the New York Tribune is becoming alarm ed. Hear its entreaties and, appeals to the ‘ 'so-called statesmen. ’ ’ Listen to its pray ers to gentlemen in Congress: Congress hasvirtually decided to adjourn on Monday next; and we entreat the mem bers not to separate without doing someth ing to turn the balance of trade now heav ily against us. Speculate as you may about protection and free trade or spacie and paper currency, you can’t believe it whole some and wise for a great nation Hke ours, in a time of profound peace and 'general j thrift, to be buying goods by the millions’ ! worth from other nations and paying for ! them in bills drawn on posterity, bearing | heavy gold interest, yet sold for two-thirds ;of their face. Yet that is exactly what this country is now doing on a very large scale. With no more wheat grown this year than will make our bread—with no beef or mut ton or wool to spare—with very little of this year’s product to send abroad save cotton, and not -half a full crop of that— we are importing Foreign products at the rate of four hundred million of dollars in gold per annum, while all that we can spare for export beside specie and bonds will not return us three hundred millions. How long, think you, 0 statesmen! that this can go on ? Cfentlemen in Congress! we pray you -not to adjourn without doing something to cheeek the outward flow of Government bonds bearing six per cent interest in gold, aud sold in Europe for 30 to 35 per cent below their nominal value. We wish you would both contract the currency and in crease the tariff; we pray you not to leave Washington without doing • one or the other! The New Ten Dollar Counterfeit. —The following is a minute description of the new ten dollar counterfeit note on the National Banks : ‘ ‘Figure of Liberty on an eagle upon right end, Franklin and, boy on left. The signatures are engraved in the counterfeit, and in the genuine they are Written. The lightning, grasped by the hand of liberty, is barely perceptible in the genuine, while in the counterfeit it is broadly defined on a dark, coarse back ground, which in tluf genuine is light. The general appearance is fair, but is very coarse on examination. On the back of the note the followers of De Soto appeared as if engaged in a terrible battle, and appeared mixed up, while in the fore ground, that which is designed for a priest, bears the exact image of a monkey. These notes may lie altered to represent any Na tional Bank. FREKDMEN’S BUREAU BILL, TUe Veto in Full. Washington, July 16 —The following is the veto message of the President, com municated to-day to the House of Repre sentatives : A careful examination of the bill passed by the two Houses of Congress,* entitled “An Act to coutinue in force and to amend an act reestablish a bureau for the relief of freeijmen and refugees, and other pur poses,” has convinced me that the legis lation which it proposed would not be con sistent with the welfare of the country, and that it foils within the reasons assigned in my message of the 19th of February last, returning, without my signature, a similar measure which originated in the Senate. It is not my purpose to repeat the objec tions which I then urged, they are yet fresh in your recollection, and can be readily ex amined as a part of the records of one branch of the National Legislature. Ad hering to the principles set forth in that message., I now reaffirm them and the line of policy therein indicated. The only ground upon which this kiud of legislation can-be justified is that of the war-making power. The act of which the bill is intended as amendatory, was passed during the existence of the war. By its own provisions, it is to terminate within one year from the cessation of hostilities and the declaration of peace. It i.V there fore yet in existence. It is likely that it will continue in force as long as the freed tnen may require the benefit of its provis ions. It will certainly remain in operation as law until some ‘months subsequent to the meeting of the next session of Congress, when, it experience shall make evident the necessity of additional legislation. The two Houses will have ample time to ma ture and pass the requisite measure. In the meantime the questions arise, why should the war measure be continued be yond the period designated in the original act, and why, in time of peace, should* mili tary tribunals be created to continue until each State shall be fully restored in its constitutional relations to* the Government, and shall be duly represented in the Con gress of the United States ? It was mani fest, with respect to the act approved March 3, 1865, that precedence and wis dom alike required that jurisdiction over all cases concerning the free enjoyment of the rights of eitisenship, as Well as the pro tection of person and properity, should be conferred upon some tribunal in every State or District where the ordinary course of judicial proceedings is no longer inter rupted ; the courts, both State and Fed eral, are in full, complete and successful operation, and through them every person, regardless .of race andcolor, are entitled to and can be heard. Protection granted to the white citizen is already conferred by the laws upon the freedmen. Strong and stringent guards by way of penalty and punishment are thrown around his person and property, and it is believed that ample protection will be af forded him by due process of law, without resort to the dangerous expediency of mil itary tribunals, now that tho war has been brought to a clpse, and the necessity no longer existing for such tribunals, which had their origin in the war. Grave objections to their continuance must present themselves to the mind of all reflecting and dispassionate men indepepd ently of the danger in representative re publics of conferring upon the military in time of peace, extraordinary powers, so carefully guarded against by the patriots an I statesmen of the early days of the Re public, so frequently the ruin of govern ments formed upon the same full princi ples, and subversive of the rights mid lib erties of the practical enemy earnestly com mends itself to the consideration of the law-making power. With an immense debt already burdening the incomes of the industrial and laboring classes. A due re gard for their interests, so inseparably connected witn the welfare of the country, should dispose us to regard economy and influence us to abstain from all legislation that would unnecessarily increase the pub lic indebtedness. Tested by the rule of sound political wis dom I can see no reason for the establish ment of military jurisdiction concrred up on the officials of the Bureau by the 4th Section of the bill. By the laws of the United States and of the different States, competent Courts, Federal and State, have been establsh.ed, and are now in full practi cal operation. By means of these civil tribunals ample redress is afforded for all the private wrongs of the citizens, without denial or unneces sary delay, and are open to all without regard to color or race. I feel well assured that it would he bet ter to trust the rights, privileges and im munities of citizens to tribunals thus es tablished and presided over by competent and impartial judges, bound by fixed rules U law, and where the right of trial by jury is guranteed and secured, than to the capri cious judgment of an officer, of the Bureau, who, it is possible, may be entirely ignorant of the principles that underlie the just ad ministration of the law. There is danger, too, that a conflict of jurisdiction will frequently arise between the civil courts and these military tribunals, each having concurrent jurisdiction over the person and cause of action —the one juris diction administered and controlled by the civil law, and the other by the military. How is this conflict to be settled ? and who is to determine between the tribunals when it arises ? In my opinion it is wise to guard against such conflicts by leaving to the courts and juries the protection of all civil rights and the redression of all civil grievances. The fact can’t be denied that, since the actual cessation of hostilities, many acts of vio lence, such, perhaps, as had never been wittnessed in their previous history, have occurred in the States involved in the recent rebellion. T believe, however, that public sentiment will sustain me in the assertion that such deeds of wrong are not confined to any par ticular State or section, but are manifested over the entire country, demonstrating that the cause that produced them does not depend upon any particular locality, but is the result-of the agitation and de rangement incident to a' long and bloody war. While the prevalence of such dis orders must be greatly deplored, their oc casional and temporary recurrence would seem to furnish no necessity for the exten sion of the Bureau beyond the period fixed in the original act. Besides the objections I have thus briefly stated, I may urge upon your consideration the additional reason that present develop ments in regard to the practical assistance of the Bureau in many of the States show that in numerous instances it is used by its agents as a means of promoting their own. individual advantage, and that the freed men are employes lor the advancement of the personal ends of the officers instead of their own improvement and welfare: thus confirming the fears originally entertained by many that the continuance of such a course for any unnecessary length of time would result in fraud, corruption and op pression. _ It is proper to state that, in cases of this character, investigations have been prompt ly ordered and the offender punished when ever his guilt has been satisfactorily estab lished. As another reason against the necessity •of the legislation contemplated by this measure, reference may Vie had to the Civil Rights bill, now a law of the land, and which will be faithfully executed, and not be declared unconstitutional by courts of competent jurisdiction. By that act it is provided that all per sons born in the Tj nited States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding In dians, not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of. the United States, and such citizen, of every race and color, without regard to any previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a pun ishment for crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall have same rights in every State and Territory within the United States to make and. enforce con tracts, to sue, be parties and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, Hold and convey real and personal property, and to the full and equal benefit of all claims and proceedings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white citizens, anu shall be subject to like punishment and penalties, and to none other any law statute, ordinance regulations or custom to the contrary notwithstanding By the provisions of this act lull protee tion is ottered m the District Courts ol" the United States to all persons injured and whose privileges thus declared are in any way impaired, and heavy penalties arc imposed upon the person who wilfully vio lates the law. I need not say that that law did not re ceive my approval; yet its remedy's arc for more preferable than those proposed on the present, the one being civil and the other military. • By the sections o£ the bill herewith re turned, certain privileges by which the lands in the parishes of St. Helena and St, Luke s were sold and bid and afterwards disposed of by the Tax Commissioners and confirmed and ratified. By the 7th. <Hli. 10th and 11th sections provisions are made by law for the disposal ul‘the. lands thus re quired to a particular class of cit izrns. While the granting of titles is deemed very important and desirable, the discrim, ination made in the bill seems ohjectional as does also the attempt to confer on the Commissioners judicial powers, by which citizens of the Cubed States are to he de prived Os their property in a inode contra ry to that provision of the Constitution which declares that no person shall be de prived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law. * Asa general principle, such legislation is. unsafe, unwise, partial and unconstitution al. It may deprive persons of their prop erty who are equally deserving objects of the nation’s bounty as those whofii. by this legislation, Congress seeks to benefit. The title to land thus to be portioned out to a favored class of citizens, must depend upon the regulating of tax sales under the law as it existed at the time of sale, and no subsequent legislation can e validity to right thus acquired against original claim ants. The attention of Congress is, therefore, invited to a more mature consideration of the measures, proposed in this sec tion ot the bill. In conclusion 1 again urge upon Congress the danger of class legislation so well calculated to keep the public mind in a state of uncertain expectation, disgust and restlessness’ and encorage the interested to hope and fear that the National Govern ment will continue to furnish to classes of citizens in the several States support and maintenance regardless as to whether they pursue a life of indolence or labor and re gardless also of .the constitutional limita tions of the National authority in times of peace, and consequently the bill is here with returned to the House ol' Repre sentatives, in which it originated, for its final action. Andrew Johnson, The Weakness of Prussia. [From the Saturday Review, .Jurw M j The real weakness of Prussia lies in the. disproportion of the. work it. has to do to the. resources it can command. On the east, the Prussians are in great strength, and Austria could not hope to gain any decis ive advantage over them without making an effort which, if not successful, would be very costly and exhausting. But the fur ther west we go the weaker the Prussians seem. ‘They hate so very much to do. They have to the Hanoverian army, and it is evident that the troops which they can employ for the purpose are Dot very numerouj. They have to protect their own Rhine provinces. They have to oppose the Federal army under Prince Alexander of Hesse, and the Bavajiart army now sta tioned near Baironth. The Federal army’ may not in itself be a very dmftrefou# one my, but it is led by a General slid to lx one of the best in Germany, and its strength is likely to increase as events compel those who would willingly be neutral to send in their contingents. The Prussians must employ a large force to watch this Fedoral aftny,-and |here are probably already at least a hundred thou sand men actually under arms in the Fed eral and Bavarian armies. This is a very serious opposition to Prussia, and if her enemies do but know howto make the best use of tlieir opportunity, they might im pose on her a burden that "she would be scarcely able to bear. If things remain as they are now, time would probably tell in favor of the Prussians. At present they catinot call into play the resources of the territories on which they have seized. The Hanoverian army and the Saxon army places the fighting men of two important provinces oil the side of Austria ; nor can the petty contingents which some tiny principalities have sent to the aid of Prus sia do any thing to redress the balance. But if Prussia is permitted to occupy the whole, or almost the whole, of Northern Germany for a few months longer, to in troduce everywhere her systrm of civil and military organization, to levy and drill re cruits, to raise taxes, and to call for sup plies of all kinds, through States that nave an aggregate population of more than twenty-four millions, she will be able to snake Germany do more for her than it can do for Austria. , Thecritical question of the war is whether Prussia will be able thus so consolidate herself, or whether she will not be exhaust ed by the series and conflicts which her enemies can force on her in the west and center of her position, while-Benedek holds in check the main body of her troops on the East. It is said she did not think Southern Germany would be as earnest and united in opposing her as it has. proved to lie. Baden might have been ex pected to be rendered inactive by the private prepossessions of its ruler. But in Baden, as throughout South Germany, it is not the ruler so much as the subjects that are the enemies of Prussia. They re gard Prussia with a mixture of fear, dis like and indignation, which goes deep info the popular heart; while in the North Prussia nowhere excites enthusiasm, and is only supported because a conviction is widely spread that she is the necessary prioneer of some form of National unity. The impulse therefore, to humble her, is stronger than the impulse to uphold her with a serious danger. Everything, how ever, tends so show that the political gain which Prussia lias already achieved is sub stantial and indisputable. Gen. Dix Indorses the Convention. Below is the reply of Gen. Dix to a let ter sent by Mr. Doolittle: . * New York, July 13, 1806. My Dear Sir: I have received the call signed by yourself and others fora Nation al Union Convention in Philadelphia on the 14th of August. I concur in its pro positions, its reasonings, and its objects, and will do all in my power to carry them out. I long since expressed the opinion that the States were entitled to their rep resentation in Congress; that their exclu sion was a violation of good faith and of' the obligations of the Constitution, and that a persistence in such a policy must lead to consequences most disastrous tv the peace and prosperity of the country. These and other considerations connected with the present unsatisfactory relations of the States to the Federal Government, and to each other, render most timely and proper such a meeting as you have recom mended of the patriotic and reflecting men of the Union, to consult together for the general welfare. lam truly yours, John A. Dix. To the Hon. Jas. R. Doolittle. Gloomy State of Things in St. Ala ry’s Parish, Louisiana. —A letter dated Franklin, Ist June ult.,. received in this city, says : “No money, no cotton, no su gar. country overflowed. Freedmen’s Bu reau in Franklin. Negroes won’t work Pleniy of peaches. Wind and hail storm last night. Suppose day of judgment coming. ’ — N. 0. Times. General Wade Hampton and family are stopping at the Lookout H6u.se, on Look out Mountain. Garibaldi’s body guard is formed by the sons of the Neapolitan Patricians, whom, a few years back lie overturned, Queer world, is it not ?