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tfluowtlc & frntincl. WKU.VKiiUAV MOKMNG, AUftUST 1. Where Treason Began, and where it now Exists. The light is beginning to be let in upon the Northern mind upon the subject of se cession and its earliest and strongest advo cates. The South has been loaded with odium by the New England politicians and Abolition preachers on account of the ad vocacy of the rights of the States under the Constitution; and the dutic -of her states men in watching with jealous care all en croachments on the part of the Federal Government upon those great reserved rights of the Staten upon which the success of our Republican form of Government de pends. At last the truth is began to be realized by -nine at least of the tatter class of Northern politicians, and their press is giving circulation to ideas and sentiments which will go far to educate the Northern mind on this subject. The Cleveland Plaindealer, in noticing a forthcoming work from Gen. Duff Green on this subject, says: “Duff Green, well known as one of the best informed political writers of this country, is conferring a great ta:nefit upon his countrymen by pub lishing a volume, some advanced sheets of which we have perused. From the specimens we have seen, we judge that the work, when published, will excite as tonishment in the minds of the people by its disclosures, especially by the well authen ticated charges preferred against those who, while professedly in favor of preserv ing the Union, are insidiously laboring to destroy it. Going hack to an early period in our national history, and fortifying his position by incontrovertible facts and doc umentary evidence, he broadly asserts that the elder Adams, Alexander Hamilton, with other representative men of the old Federalist party, were monarchists at heart, and that they were in league with influen tial agents of the British Government dur ing the administration of Jefferson, Madi son and Monroe, to either prevent the ac quisition of territory in the South and West, or to dissolve the Union and estab lish a separate and independent Govern ment under the control of New England. This plan, concocted as long ago as the lat ter part of the last century, was to some extent divulged in 1803, and culminated in 1814 in the Hartford Convention. The overt acts of those conspirators, consisted of open hostility to the administration of Mr. Madison, in the refusal of Massa chusetts to furnish a man or a dollar of money, for the prosecution of the war of that period with Great Britain, in their op position to the acquisition of Louisiana, the opening of the Mississippi, and the conse quent erection of new States in the West, in their determined hostilities to the war with Mexico and the annexation of Texas and in their earnest, though ineffectual ef forts to prevent tho admission of Missouri into the Union, which resulted in the com promise of 1820. Mr. Green, without any strained effort, and by an appeal to facts which cannot he denied, shows that the party now in power is essentially the same as that which was organized by the old Federalists of New England, influenced by the same principles, iutent upon the ac complisement of the same purposes, and alike treasonable in its proclivities. lie shows, conclusively, that the anti-slavery agitation was seized upon, not from any regard for the negro race, but from an in tense hatred of the South, and was insti gated by England for the purpose of benc fitting her colonies and feeding her pau pers at the expense and ultimate destruc tion of the industrial interests of the South. This mere glance at the facts set forth in what wo have seen of this remarkable book, resalts in the conviction that the people of the South, who were true to their covenant obligations up to 1860, were not the first to plan a dissolution of the Union, and that, ns it is a duty to “render treason odious,” the time has come for afearless exposure of the plottings of those who, for more than 60 years, have been aiming at the result which rebellion failed to accomplish. What open opposition to the constituted authorities of the National Government failed to do in New England a half century ago, and what the South has recently attempted, but with out success, the enemies of the Union, and of the Constitution by which it is held to gether are attempting to accomplish by usurpat ion and unconstitutional legislation. No relief can reasonably be expected from the now dominant party. It is pledged to New England ideas and New England in terests. It is for the people, and especial ly for the people of the great West, to de termine for themselves, whether our free institutions shall be preserved and handed over to a grateful posterity unimpaired, or whether our Government shall be supplant ed by either a monarchy or a despotism, and a privileged oligarcy shall ride rough shod over (the over-taxed and toiling masses. Shcrnuyi the Prophet. The Boston Commercial says : “General Sherman’s speech at Dartmouth College, Thursday, was decidedly a happy effort, much happier than his remarks to the students of Yale College, in which he made’t he following singular prophecy: “As you go out into life you will find oppor tunities enough to stand up for the old flag—you may even have a chance to fight for it. I toll you that before you pass from the stage there will be fighting, in compari son with which mine will seem slight, and I have had enough.” Sometimes a man is taken possession of and made involuntarily to utter vaticina tions like Balaam. We hope that Geu. Sherman was not so possessed on the occa sion above mentioned. The fighting which he foreshadowed to his New Haven Col legiate auditors cannot bc’far off. It must be a thing of the new future and removed i from us by less than a generation. But we will speculate no.further upon this re markable utterance. Certainly if the vin dictive and utterly implacable spirit, which characterizes' the present Congress, and we are sorry to say, large masses, of our people particularly in this section of the country, prevails much longer, another civil war of a still more direful character than the one just closed may not be far off. May the omen be averted ! It is seldom that a great doer is a smooth, ready speak cr, it is, indeed, a sore ordeal to pass through, the one to which General Sherman has been subjected during the past fortnight, when thewe|thcr and other cir cumstances are taken into account. He is a trank, bluff soldier, called upon continual ly to discount impromptu harangues to all kinds ot audiences in the open air as well j»s under roofs. We know that when Gen- oral Sherman sits down to write, lor in stance, a letter, deliberately, ho wields a pen as sharp as his sword. He is no more of an off-hand orator than the Duke or Wellington was, or Othello the Moor. ‘•Rude am I in speech,” might be his motto as it is the motto of most prompt, energetic men of action. But his Dart mouth speech has nothing rambling of crude in it. It is witty and to the point. He briefly sketches his own biography, and tells how he learned thq topography of South Carolina and the rest of the region though which his famous march lay, al ludes to his California experiences, and ends with good practical advice and kindly wishes to the young baccalaureates about to step out into the world. Gen. Sherman was doubtless advised of the recent revolutionary action of the Rump Congress, in attempting to organize the militia of the loyal States, and hold them subject to their order. The disunion ists, no doubt, sounded William Tecunisecli on the subject of the proposed organization and the probable success of the plan. This oracular announcement of the “e/rent destroyer" of the probable occur rance of another war vastly more gigantic and bloody than the one in which he re cently figured so conspicuously and dis honorably, deserves the calm consideration of all true friends of constitutional liberty. Taken in. connection with the disclosures recently made by Raymond in the Times , of the determination of the destructionists to prepare for and then bring about a col lision with the regularly constituted au thorities of the United States Government, it should warn the true people of the North of the terrible, consequences which must follow, if the Radicals are not overthrown in the coming fall elections. Bloody Tragedy in Emanuel County. We learn through a friend from the country, the particulars of a most shocking and brutal murder committeed on Monday night last, in Emanuel county on Colonel Ripley, a citizen of that county. It seems that just after dark, sonic per son rode up to the gate of Colonel Ripley’s yard, about forty yards from his dwelling, and called for that gentleman. A negro was sent to answer the call, but was di rected by the party at the gate to return to the house and inform Colonel Ripley that a gentleman desired to see him pri vately a few minutes. This being reported to Colonel R., he immediately went to the gate when the party there sprung at him, saying you arc ’iny prisoner.” Immediately a sharp scuffle ensued, when several other persons, who had been concealed from view, rushed forward upon Colonol R., and commenced firing upon him with rifles and pistols. The Colonel extricated himself from the crowd, ran into the house, and seizing a double shot-gun advanced to the door and fired twice upon the assailants. Immediately after firing, he fell upon the floor, from the effects of two balls which ho had received in the conflict at the gate. The murderers then retired in the darkness of the night. Col. Ripley lingered in great agony for a few hours, and expired about the middle of the night. It is thought that the murderers are a party of robbers and horse-thieves, who were arrested and committed to prison in Savannah last fall, on a charge of stealing horses from Col. 11. Sometime early last fall, Col. Ripley, who is engaged in the lumber business near the Ogcechee river, in Emanuel county, had several horses and mules stolen from him; and pursuing the thieves, he succeeded in overtaking them near this city, and captured several of the gang and recovered his stock. He took the robbers to the Savannah jail, where they have been confined until recently, when, by some means, they were discharged. While in prison, it seems that these par ties frequently expressed their determina tion to settle with Col. Ripley, when they should be released from confinement. The morning before tl»c outrage was committed, a party of several horsemen was seen se creted in the swamp near by, and during the day a negro man paid to go to Col. R’s house, and ascertain who was about the premises. This negro says that the party appeared to be strangers, and seemed anxious to ascertain if there were any white persons staying in the house with Col. Ripley. There seems to be no doubt that the mur der of Col. Ripley was committed by these parties. As soon as the outrage becauie known, a meeting of the citizens in the neighborhood was held, und a company of about thirty were organized to pursue and capture, if possible, the murderers. We sincerely hope that they may succeed. The peace and quiet and safety of the country requires that such acts should be punished to the full extent of the law. At Their Old Trade. The Philadelphia Press (Forney’s paper) has the following dispatch from Mobile, dated July 17th: • “A sloop was overhauled in the lower bay, early this morning, by a United States cutter, having on board 150 negroes, whom the parties were about to carry to Cuba and sell into slavery. These negroes had been collected at different employment offi ces in Louisville, Nashville and Memphis, and brought down to New Orleans, and thence by rail to this place. They had been promised 830 per month to work on a plantation, and otherwise deluded. The captain and crew of the sloop have been heavily ironed and placed on board the sloop-of-war Augustine for safe keeping, and will be forwarded to Washington.” No doubt that these poor negroes are a portion of those who were enticed from Western Georgia by their dear “friends in blue” from Massachusetts, and whose re moval and kidnapping was made known by "P. W. A.” in a letter from Thomastou, Ga., to the New York News. Our readers will remember how indignantly the New England radical press denied the statement of “P. W. A.,” and with what bitter and vindictive terms they denounced the state ment as a Rebel lie. Here, then, is proof, in their own accepted organ, of the revival of the trade, which, in the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century, was carried on by their ancestors against the earnest protest of the Southern people, and in defiance of the expressed wishes of the Southern members in the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution. Their fathers brought the negroes to this couutry, against the wishes of our people— sold them into slavery, and pocketed the money. They come now and rob the people, to whom their fathers sold the slaves, of those slaves, and then steal the freed slaves to sell them again into slavery in Cuba. Oh! the righteousness of the Pu ritan Christians!! Twenty thousand rations, it is officially estimated, will be issued by the breed men s Bureau in Alabama in August. Harper’s Monthly. We are indebted to the Publishers, and also to Mr. Markey, for a copy of this magazine for the month of August. We believe that this magazine furnishes a fair index of Northern sentiment. We presume that the publishers endeavor to estimate correctly the tastes of their pat rons. A large increase in circulation (be ing “ now larger by twenty-five thousand copies than at the commencement of the year ’) attest the sagacity and judgment of the management. lienee, we read this magazine with interest, to catch the tone ot this Harp of a thousand strings, and to learn the thoughts current among jiutt men mode perfect. The article modestly entitjed “An In quiry into one of the Constitutional Re strictions of the Revenue Powers of the United States, ’ is an interesting and able argument, introductory to the “ques tions which the author thinks will like ly arise at an early day. We are delight ed to learn that the “Signs of the times show plainly that the Constitution is finally to resume its supremacy, and that discus sions of its meaning and purpose are to have their rightful influence over our af fairs. ” The article entitled “The Burning of Columbia ” is a labored effort, written by one whom we guess, from the direction by which he and Mr. Davis (Dodcy) ap proached “the Church,” must have lodged hard by, if not in, the residence belonging to Col. Blanton Duncan. We admit, be yond cavil, that Gen. Howard “commanded the troops within the city,” and that “Sherman pressed, with a hand of fire and of iron, wherever he marched,” that rivals, in History, Alaric the Goth. But we are utterly unable to concur in the assertions of the writer as to “Hampton” and “Hampton’s Cotton.” We rather incline to think that the article is a spasmodic effort in that art which the late Lieut. Gen. Scott asserted was part and parcel of the art of war. The fact is, the writer overtaxes our credulity—great as it is. We might be induced to believe that a large fire —a very large fire —might have occurred ; possibly it might have consumed the dwellings and stores on three hundred and twenty acres in the heart of the city of Columbia, which covered about four hundred acres; that such a fire might baffle the heroic efforts of citizens and ser vants, cheered and assisted by an army corps of twelve or fifteen thousand vete rans, thoroughly organized and disciplined, hut we cannot “go in” more. Wo can not believe that “Hampton’s Cotton” could burn and crack rough blocks of mar ble and porphyry, and huge columns of granite forty foot long and three or four feet square, located in an open space one hundred feet or more distant from all com bustible materials, and full half a mile dis tant from the nearest warehouse. If the writer seeks impartial investiga tion —if the publishers desire to furnish truth to their patrons, let them publish the general orders which were daily enjoined to he read to the troops, and an honest ac count of the limited furloughs granted and the manner in which they were enjoyed.. Let the narrative be illustrated by a map and a picture from the skillful hand of the writer’s companion—and let the map and picture of the burnt districts exhibit stand ing, not burnt —the houses occupied as headquarters of the respective Generals within the city. One other article have we had spare time to read, “The St. Leons.” This is a capital tale of the Beecher-Stowe order. The scene is laid in Georgia. It purports to be narrated by a Northern woman—the wife of an Englishman. This was a mistake evidently unintentional, on the part of the writer. The narrative should have been from an Englishwoman who had mar ried “a Northern man.” Then there would have been very great propriety in the narrator’s taking a drive to “Nancoo chic, the beautiful valley through which runs the headwaters of the ‘ Chattanooga,' ‘ ‘and in making the ascent of the 1 Yarrah. ’ Such Geography is English, decidedly Eng lish. Again: the Englishwoman would very naturally affect ignorance of cook ing, and be ambitious to rival “Mrs. Clayton.” But who ever saw a Yan kee woman at the South content to rival “Mrs. Clayton.” Nothing short of surpassing excellence would satisfy. Again: the Laws, and Maxwells, and Hamiltons are good old Georgia names, but the “Odeons” and “Rosas” cannot.be located with propriety, in this longitude ; it would appear more natural to locate them about the shores of Lake Ponchartrain. In future wc hope that writer will ob serve more strictly these small proprie ties. The held is large , and remunerative. The public mind of the North revels in tales of this sort, and is more insatiable than the daughter of the horse leech. Great care, therefore, should be exercised, lest inaccuracies should deprive some poor Con federate, reduced to live by the pen, of a livelihood. The Philadelphia Convention. Now that it is determined that the Southern States will all send Delegates to the National Union Convention at Phila delphia, it is of the very first importance that our people should show no division on the question. If the Delegates from the South shall be able to produce good im pressions in the Convention and on the public mind of the North, those impres sions will be serviceable to us only in pro portion to the number of our people whom they are supposed rightfully to represent. If the people of the North shall be told that our delegates represent only the feel ings and convictions of a portion of the Southern people, they will at once receive with caution any statement made in the Convention as to the tone of the South and our willingness in good faith to accept the present condition of affairs. Then, we hope that, as the “Convention” is a fixed fact, our State Press will cease to traduce and malign the movement, and the con servative men of the North, to whom it owes its origin, and at least if it cannot commend, that it will cease to oppose. We are glad to see that the Columbus “Sun J' Times" which was originally op posed to the Convention, has. in its issue of the 28th inst.. withdrawn its opposition, and joins in good wishes for its success. A Good Sign. —The German popula tion of Pennsylvania are represented as a unit for Clvmer, the New York Germans having urged an abandonment by their countrymen everywhere of the fanatical Republicans. The effects of the excise law are felt. Whatever doubts have been heretofore felt to the contrary, it is certain that the campaign in Pennsylvania looks decidedly better for the Democrats than their opponents. What Test will be Applied to the Mem bers of the Philadelphia Convention ? Wc have previously given to the readers of the Chronicle rt- Sentinel our views as to the probable test which will be ap plied to the members of the proposed Con vention iu Philadelphia. We have also given the views of the National Intelli gencer, and the Constitutional Union, pub lished in Washington, and recognized as the exponents of the President's feelings on this question. It will be remembered that we have contended that the origina tors and friend sos the movement never contemplated the exclusion of the South ern men who are now fr iends of the Con stitution and the Government established upon it, and who in good faith accept the situation, with an honest determination to do all they can in restoring peace and har mony between the two sections late en gaged in sanguinary conflict. Wc have seen nothing which induces us to modify or change our opinion. The events of the last ten days in Washington and in the North and West, goes far to strengthen us in our first views. The Press of the North and West favorable to the Convention are al most unanimous in the position that no test which has no relation to the past should be insisted upon, but that all those who are not enemies to the Federal Government should be admitted to seats without refer ence to their position during the war. The following extracts, which wc clip from the New York Times of a late date, express very fully the views of the Repub lican element in the proposed Convention. The position of the Democratic party on this question is too well known to require repeating here. These two elements —the Conservative Republican and Democratic —will be equally balanced in the Conven tion. If there should be an attempt made in the Convention—which we do not be lieve—to give its proceedings and action such shape as would compromit the honor or rights of the South, there will be a large majority there who will insist upon our ad mission on fair and honorable terms. The main point to be considered hire, is the character of the delegation which shall be sent from the South. Let us send our best, most experienced, and intelligent men —those who are now in favor of conciliation and peace, independent of the part they iftay have taken as participants in the late war. We want no rash, impracticable hotspurs to represent us. Men who cannot control their own prejudices, and resentments are not the proper parties to give expression to Southern sentiment, and Southern views. Representative men —those whose views are in accord with the great mass of the people here, on the subject of pacification and restoration, should bo selected inde pendent of past party affiliations. If such men are sent from the South, we have uo fear as to their admission to seats in the Convention. In the article from the Times which follows, allusions are made to the suggestions of its correspondent from this State, who had mentioned the names of Hon. H. \. Johnson and Hon. Alex. 11. Stephens as probable delegates for the State at large. This correspondent sug gests these gentlemen as representative men of the true conservative element at the South. We have reason to know that the appearance of those distinguished gen tlemen at Philadelphia will be hailed, as a happy omen of future peace a‘nd good will between the truly conservative men of the North and the South. But the question arises, How may the South comply with the conditions implied in the terms of the call ? The fact that the invitation is addressed exclusively to loval men, suggests the inquiry, How can the South accept the test, seeing that all hut an inconsiderable portion of its people were in one form or another, voluntarily or invol untarily, concerned in the war ? The diffi culty thus experienced is not complained of as harsh or unjust. It is recognized as in some degree a necessity, if the delibera tions of the Convention are to influence the Northern mind. And, to escape from it, the suggestion is offered that instead of sending delegates to the Convention, the States lately in rebellion shall content themselves with indorsing the movement by a series of public meetings, which shall be at once an overture of friendly feelings and a pledge of concurrent action. We apprehend, however, that the adop tion of this course by the Southern States would in a great measure render the move ment nugatory, and frustrate the objects of its promoters—for the purpose is, by con sultation, to establish the basis of joint ac tion by the conservatives of the two sec tions. If only Northern delegates assem ble, the country will see hut one side of the picture and hear but one side of the story. We shall know no more after the meeting than we know now, unless it be a more ex act estimate of the relative strength of the moderate element in the Northern States. There will be no opportunity of exchanging ideas, debating concessions, establishing concert of effort, and so building up a Nation al Union Party, equal in strength, capacity, ’and purposes to the altered circumstances of the country. It»s failure to send dele gates will be attributed to wrong motives; ts Northern friends will be weakened, and ts enemies will use the fact as evidence of continued disloyalty. It will suffer, moreover, by the loss of the first oppor tunity since the war of stating its case in its own way, vindicating itself from the aspersions now heaped upon it, affirming its honest acceptance of the issue of the conflict, and proving its fitness to be in trusted with power and privileges at pres ent withheld. By the charter, the temper, the tactics, the alliances of th%Southern delegates in the Convention the South will be judged: and its absence will be con strued into a confession of inability to en dure the ordeal. Still the difficulty adverted to by our correspondent remains, and how shall that ho met ? It is admitted that if the Con gressional test oath be indorsed at Phila delphia, the roll of Southern delegates will be pared down to an extent that will ma terially interfere with the expression of Southern opinion—and an expectation tha f the test enacted by Congress will be applied at the Convention evidently pre vails in Georgia. There has, however, been no formal intimation of any intention to adopt this test, nor does there seem to be the same necessity for it which has existed at Washington Certainly the Randall-Doolittle call does not indicate such an intention. It in vites delegates “who sustain the Adminis tration in maintaining unbroken the Union of the Statesand the propositions enun ciated effectually exclude all who cling to the heresy which was at the bottom of the war. But there is nothing in the call which warrants the conclusion that its au thors either contemplate or desire the re sult that would be inevitable if a too rigid test were applied. * a * * * * * * What may be the course es the Conven tion in the premises can be but imagined in advance of its assembling. We think, however, it may be safely assumed that the same liberality and moderation, the same catholicity ’ and constitutionalism which pervade the address of the Washing ton Committee, will guide the councils of the promoters of the Convention. * * * The point meanwhile to be attained is the development of a wise, conservative spirit by the Southern constituencies. It were better that they should make no elections than that they should send delegates taint ed with bad records, and lacking the tem per and discretion suited to the occasion. But the proceeding devoutly to be wished, is the choice of delegates qualified by their antecedents, their character, their pru dence, their moderation, to speak and act with effect in matters pertaining to a re stored Union. Prentice says the Southern States are tatter represented in Congress now than some of the Northern States, for the rea son that non-representation is tatter than misrepresentation. This is literally and rightly true. THE NATIONAL CONVENTION. Letter from Judge B. It. Curtis. Notwithstanding its length, we cheerful ly give place to the following letter from Judge Curtis, of Massachusetts, in rela tion to the proposed Philadelphia Conven tion, and the relations of the Southern States to the Federal Union. Judge Cur tis has long been regarded as one of the ablest jurists at the North, and his opin ion delivered in the celebrated Dred Scott case, won for him the very first rank among the leading jurists of the country. He has been recognized as the leading friend of the Republican party, and has heretofore acted with that party, though we believe he has never taken any active part in strictly party politics. The views he presents in regard to the rights and power of the Federal Govern ment over the Southern States, arc cogent and unanswerable. Asa strictly legal ar gument we have never seen anything su perior to it, in its masterly and logical statement of the constitutional power of the Federal Government in its relation to the State Governments, and tjje restrictions and limitations which forbid the absorption of the State Governments or the holding of a State of the Union, as a conquered power. We are confident that we can confer no greater favor on our readers, than by giv ing the letter in extenso : Pittsfield, Mass., July 25, 1860. lion. O. 11. Browning, Washington : Peak Sir : I thank you for sending me a copy of the call for the National Conven tion, to be held in Philadelphia on the 11th day of August next. In the present unhappy condition of our national alfairs, it seems to mo tit and im portant that delegates of the people should come together from all parts of our ooun try, to manifest, in an authentic and con vincing way, the adhesion of their constit uents to the fundamental principles of our Government, and to that policy and course of action which necessarily result from them. In my judgment, the proposi tions contained in the call of the Conven tion are consistent witli those principles and that policy. Tiio nature of our Government does not permit the United States to destroy a State, or acquire its territory by conquest. Neither does it permit the people of a State to destroy the State, or unlawfully affect, in any way, any one of its relations to the United States. One is as consistent with our Constitution as the other ; while that Constitution remains operative, each is impossible. But the Government of the United States may, and must, in the discharge of consti tutional duty, subdue, by arms, any num ber of its rebellious citizens into quiet submission to its lawful authority. And if the officers of a State, having the actual control of its government, have disobeyed the requirement to swear to support the Constitution, and have abused the powers of the State by making war in the United States, this presents the case of an usurp ing and unlawful government of a State, which the United States may rightfully destroy by force; for undoubtedly, the provision . of the Constitution that “the United States shall guarantee to every State in this\ Union a republican form govern ment” must mean a republican form of gov ernment in harmony with the Constitution, and which is so organized as to be in this Union. But neither the power and duty of the Government of the United States to subdue by arms rebellious people in the territorial bants of one or more States, nor its power aid duty to destroy an usurping govern ment die facto, can possibly authorize the United States to destroy one of these States of the Union, or what must amount to the same thing, to acquire that absolute right over its people and its territory which re sults from conquest in foreign war. There are only two alternatives : One is, that in subduing rebelliou the United States act rightfully within the limits of powers con ferred by the Constitution; the other is, that they make war on a part of their own people because it is the will of those who control the Government for the time being to do so, and for such objects as they may choose to attain. The last of these alterna tives has not been asserted by either de partment of the Government of the United States at any time, and I doubt if any con siderable number of persons can bo found to sanction it. But if the first alternative be adopted, it follows that the Constitution which author ized the war prescribed the objects which alone can rightfully bo accomplished by it; and those objects are, not the destruc tion of one or more States, but their pres ervation ; not the destruction of govern ment in a State, but the restoration of its government to a republican form in har mony with the Constitution; not the ac quisition of the territory of a State, and of that absolute control over the persons and property of its people which a foreign con queror would possess, but their submission to the Constitution and laws of the United States. But it seems to me a great and fundamental error to confound the case of the conquest of a foreign territory and peo ple with the case of submission to a lawful and established constitutional Government, enforced through the powers conferred on that Government for that specific purpose. It is quite true that such a civil contest may have, and in our country has had, the proportions of an actual war ; and that humanity and public law unite in dicta ting the application of rules designed to mitigate its evils and regulate the condi tions upon which it should be carried on. But these rules of public law which con cern the rights and power of a conqueror of foreign territory, reduced by conquest to entire submission, have no relation to the active prosecution of war. Their op erations; begin when war has ended in submission ; they are the laws of a state of peace, and not of a state of war. To suppose that the Government of the United States can, in a state of peace, rightfully hold and exercise absolute and unlimited power over a part of its territory and people just so long as it may choose to do so, appears to me to be unwarranted by any rules of public law, abhorrent to right reason, and inconsistent with the nature of our Government. When war has ceased, when the authori ty of the Constitution and laws of the Uni ted States has been restored and establish ed, the United States arc in possession, not under anew title, as conquerors, but under their old title, as the lawful Government of the country ; and that title has been vindicated, not by the destruction of one or more States, but by their preservation ; and this preservation can be worked out practically only by the restoration of re publican "governments organized in har mony with the Constitution. The title of a conqueror is necessarily in consistent with a republican government, which can be formed only by the people themselves, to express and execute their will. And if the preservation of the States within the Union was one of the objects of the war, and they can be preserved only by having republican governments organ ized in harmony with the Constitution, and such governments can be organized only by the people of those States, then manifestly it is not only the right, but the constitutional duty of the people of those States, to organize such governments; and the Government of the United States can have no rightful authority to prohibit their organization. But this right and duty of the people of the several States can only begin when war has ceased, and the au thority of the Constitution and laws of the b nited States have been restored and es tablished ; and, from the nature of the case, the Government of the United States must determine when that time has come. It is a question of great interest, certain ly, but not, I think, of great difficulty, how a.nd by whom the Government of the United States should determine when that time has come. The question whether de facto govern ments and hostile populations have been completely subdued by arms, and the law ful authority of the United States restored and established, is a military and execu tive question. It does not require legisla tive action to ascertain the necessary facts; and, from the nature of the euse, legisla tive action cannot change or materially af fect them. As commandor-in-ohief of the a m v and navy, and as the chief executive officer, whose constitutional duty it is to see that the laws are faithfully executed, it is the offieialduty of the President to know whether a rebellion has been suppressed, and whether the authority of the Consti tution and laws of the United States has been completely restored and firmly estab lished. The mere organization of a republican government, in harmony with the Union, by the people of one of the existing States of the United States, requires no enabling act oi Congress, and I can find no author ity t- le Constitution for any interference by Congress to prohibit or regulate the or ganization of such a government bv the people of an existing state of the Union, t >n the other hand, it is clearly necessary taat tiie President should act, so far, sit least, as to remove out of the way military restrictions on the power of the people to assemble and do those acts which are ne cessary to reorganize their government, ilns, I think, he was bound to do as soon as he became satisfied that the right time had come. After much reflection, and with no such partiality for Executive power as would be likely to lead me astray, I have formed the opinion that the Southern States are now as rightfully, and should be as effec tually, in the Union as they were before* the madness of their people attempted to carry them out of it; and in this opinion I behove a majority of the people of the Northern States agree. 1 lie work the people are waiting to have 'JMi 1 . 8 Convention may greatly help. If 11 "ill elevate itself above sectional pas sions, ignore all party schemes, despise the sordid and party scramble for offices, and fairly represent the national instinct that the time now is when complete Union of all the States is a fact which it is a crime not to accomplish, its action cannot fail to be beneficial to our country. The passions generated in a great and divided . people by long and bloody civil war are deep and formidable. They are not confined to one section ; the victors as well as the vanquished are swayed by them. They connect themselves with the purest and tendercst sensibilities of our nature ; with our love of country ; with our love of those who have laid down their lives in the contest; with the sufferings which war, in multiplied forms, always brings to the homes of men, and still more to the homes of women, and which civil war, most of all, brings to the homes of all; and these passions are the sharp and ready tools of party spirit, of self interest, of per versity, and, most of all, of that fierce in fatuation which finds its best satisfaction in hatred, and its only enjoyment in re venge. No statesman who is acquainted with the nature of man and the necessities of civil government can contemplate such pas sions without the deepest concern, or fail to do what lie fitly may to allay them. Hard enough the work will provo to be, at the best. But a scrupulous regard for the rights of all and a magnanimous clem ency are twice blessed ; they both elevate and soften the powerful, and they reach and subdue what laws and bayonets can not control. I believe there is now a general convic tion among the people that this great and difficult work is practicable. That it will long remain so, if the present state of things continues, I have not the hardihood to trust. I look to this Convention with hope that it will do much to help on ward this instinctive desire of tho people of the United States for union and har mony and peace. That it will assort, strongly and clearly, those principles which are the foundations of our Govern ment ; that it-will exhibit the connection between their violation and the present distracted condition of our country; that it will rebuke the violence of party spirit, and especially of that spirit oi' hatred which is as inconsistent with the true love of our country as it is with true love of our brethren ; and that it will do much to con vince the people of tho United States that they must act soon, in the wisest way, or suffer evils which t hey and their posterity will long deplore. With great respect, I am your obedient servant, B. R. Curtis. A Southern Relief Fair at St. Louis. The Southern people can never forget the kindly offices and touching charities of those most noble ladies of Baltimore. Their gentle sisters of St. Louis, with a benevolence truly Christian, have organ ized an Association for the purpose of ex tending relief to the widows and orphans of the South—homeless and houseless, in an impoverished land, and without friend ly sympathy from abroad. At the head of this Association is Mrs. Rebecca W. Sire, of St. Louis. This lady is well known by all Confederate prisoners of war who were confined at Alton, Illinois, for she was their ministering angel— cheered them in their confinement, pro vided delicacies for the sick, and clothed the needy. Her kind words and ceaseless charity are embalmed in the heart of many poor soldiers. We have received from these Sisters of Charity the following; CIRCULAR OF “MISSOURI SOUTHERN RELIEF ASSOCIATION.” Repeated and urgent appeals for aid to tho South, in. this her hour of great need and suffering, coming to our citizens from those sections of our country so devastated by the late war, have induced the ladies of St. Louis to form an association for some organized plan of relief in reply to those piteous appeals. Not only the present destitution and suffering in the Southern States is to be considered—for this the coming crops will measurably relieve—but the appalling number of destitute widows and homeless, friendless orphans stand out in bold relief, the saddest feature in the picture of want and misery we are called on to contemplate, and whicli this effort is intended to relieve to vvliat extent we may. Especially for these great objects of charity, left by tho casualties of the late strife, the ladies of Missouri intend to hold a Grand Bazaar in St. Louis during the last week of Septem ber, relying for the success of their effort on the characteristic liberality of our city and State, and confidently hoping for con tributions from all parts of the country in aid of the holy cause they plead. . Great encouragement lias been given by tliegentlemcn of Missouri to the enter prise, committees of whom will act in con cert with tho ladies, giving their personal attention to business requiring special ex ertion. It is earnestly desired that every county in our State should be represented in this benevolent undertaking, and for this end editors throughout the State are requested to notice it in their columns and to urge upon the ladies to co-operate with those in St. Louis, and to forward to the officers of the Association here the names of ladies who may be selected as managers in the different localities. A circular will be sen to such ladies, and it is confidently hoped that, by concert of actjon, a sum may bo realized worthy of our State. Contributions are solicited from mer chants, manufacturers and all inclined to aid in this work of benevolence through out the length and breadth of the land, and certainly Missouri has claims on all the importing and manufacturing cities and towns in the country sufficient to insure a literal response to this appeal of her peo ple. A grand Tournament will bo held in connection with the fair, followed by a “Tournament Ball’’ at the Southern'Tlotel. Duo notice will be given of the exact day on which the Tournament will take place. Invitations will be issued to Knights from all the States who may feel disposed to enter the lists in the cause of the widow and orphan. This pageant will take placo at “The St. Louis Agricultural Pah- Grounds,” the handsomest in the United States, and best adapted for the accommo dation of both actors and spectators. A committee of gentlemen will preside over this entertainment, who will spare no pains in the arrangements, whose names, when published, will beafl*sufficient guar antee of its being the most attractive affair of the kind ever given in the United States. , , ~ The ladies earnestly hope lor represen tatives from all the States on the occasion, combining asii does attractions unusual in our country with the most exalted of chari ties “aid to the widow and fatherless.” PRESIDENT. ASSISTANT TREASURER. Mr* Rebecca W. Sire. Mrs. Klizabeh Avis. ' VICE-IMiES! DENTS. MANAGERS. Miss Mary Rcyburn, Madame Pelagic* Berthold, Mre ('has. P. Chouteau, “ Theresa Basaoran, ‘ Robert Bull, “ De Muri, •* Jesse Arwot. Mrs. Oil. O’Fallon, “ Lu-vard Bredell, “ Ann L. Hunt, “ M. E. Kennedy, “ Frederick San grain, »• Levin Baker, “ Jienry Von Phu), *• P. A. Berthold, “ M. A. I’rimm, “ Jos. htettinius, ** Messclia Gratiot, “ J. S. McCone, i4 John 11. Gay, k ‘ L. Deaver, “ John Perry, “ Ben. Souiard, “ Carr, RU. oudixg seubetary. “ Richard Graham, Mrs. Montrose I'alien, " William Glasgow, Sr., UORIir*bPONP G BUCKETABI33B. *• Geor*tt* Kt Uliei l' S Mrs. D. K. Barclay, “ Jumps Kennerly, " - Edward W.d.di.s! “ " Jamea 11. Lima, tkeaburec. “ Nathaniel Patter on. Mrs. Wm. McPherson, The Marine Hospital, in Cincinnati, which cost the Government $200,000, and was erected some ten or twelveyears since, was sold, at public sale for $70,500. The fire that has lxien raging on Long Island, New York, will destroy timber, it is said, to the amount of $500,000. RECONSTRUCTION. The So-Called Admission or Tennessee— Message of the President on Approving the Resolution by Congress. Washington, July 25. The President yesterday sent thc'follow ing message to the House of Representa tives; To the House of Representatives : The following “joint resolution restoring Tennessee to her relations to the Union” was last evening presented for my approv al : Whereas, in the year I SGI, the Govern ment of the State of Tennessee was seized upon and taken possession of by persons in hostility to the United States,* and the inhabitants of said State, in pursuance of an act of Congress, were declared to be in a state of insurrection against the United States; and whereas said State Governs meat can only be restored to its former political relations in the Union by the con sent. of the law-making power of the United States; and whereas the people of said State did, on the 22d of February, 1865, by a large popular vote, adopt and ratify a con stitution of government, whereby slavery was abolished, and the ordinances and laws of secession, and debts contracted un der the same, were declared null and void ; and whereas a State Government lias boon organized under said Constitution, which lias ratified the amendment to the Consti tution of the United States abolishing slavery, also the amendment proposed by the Thirty-ninth Congress; and lias done other acts proclaiming and denoting loy alty : Therefore, be it Resolved bg the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, of America in Congress assembled, That the State oi Tennessee is hereby restored toiler Firmer proper practical relations to the Union, and is again entitled to be repre sented by Senators and Representatives in Congress. The preamble simply consists of state ments, some of which arc assumed, while the resolution is merely a declaration of opinion. It comprises no legislation, nor ] does it confer any power which is binding upon the respective Houses, the Executive, or the States. It does not admit to their seats in Congress the Senators and Repre sentatives. from the State of Tennessee ; for, notwithstanding the passage of the resolution, each House, in the exercise of the constitutional right to judge for itself of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its members, may, at its discretion, ad mit them, or continue to exclude them. If a joint resolution of this character were necessary and binding as a condition pre cedent to the admission of members of Congress, it would happen, in the event of a veto by the Executive, and Senators and Representatives could only be admitted to the balls of legislation by a two-thirds vote of each of the two Houses. Among other reasons recited in the 1 ire amble for the declarations contained in the resolution is the ratification, by the State government of Tennessee, of “the amendment to the Constitution of the United States abolishing slavery, and also the amendment proposed by the Thirty ninth Congress.” If as is also declared in the preamble, “said State government can only be restored to its former political rela tions in the Union by the consent of the law-making power of the United States,” it would really seem to follow that the joint resolution which at this late day has received tho sanction of Congress should have been passed, approved, and placed on the statute books before any amendment to the Constitution was submitted to the Legislature of Tennessee for ratification. Otherwise, the inference is plainly deduci ble, that while, in the opinion of Congress, the people of a State may be too strongly disloyal to be entitled to representation, they may, nevertheless, during the suspen sion of their “former proper practical rela tions to the Union,” have an equally po tent voice with other and loyal States in propositions to amend the Constitution, upon which so essentially depend the sta bility, prosperity, and very existence of the nation. A brief reference to my annual message of the 4th of December last will show the steps taken by the Executive for the resto ration to their constitutional relations to the Union of the States that had been affected by the rebellion. Upon the ces sation of active hostilities Provisional Governors were appointed, Conventions called, and Governors elected by the peo ple, Legislatures assembled, and Senators and Representatives chosen to the Con gress of the United States. At the same time the Courts of the United States were re-opened, the blockade removed, the cus tom-houses re-established, and postal re lations resumed. The amendment to the Constitution abolishing slavery forever within the limits of the country was also submittted to the States, and they were thus invited to, and did participate in, its ratificaUon—thus exercising the highest functions "rtaining to a State. In addition, nearly all of these States, through their conventions and Legislatures, had adopted and ratified con stitutions “of government, whereby sla very was abolished, and all ordinances and laws of secession and debts contracted un der the same were declared void.” So far, the political existence of the States and their relations to the Federal Government had been fully and complete ly, recognized arid acknowledged by the Executive Department of the Government, and the completion of the work of restora tion, which had progressed so favorably, was submitted to Congress, upon which devolved all questions pertaining to the admission to their seats of the Senators and Representatives chosen from the States whose people had been engaged in the rebellion. All these steps had been taken, when, on the 4th of December, 1865, the Thirty ninth Congress assembled. Nearly eight months have elapsed since that time ; and no other plan of restoration having been proposed by Congress for the measures in stituted by the Executive, it is now declar ed in the joint resolution submitted for my approval, “that the State of Tennessee is hereby restored to her former proper prac tical relations to the Union, and is again entitled to be represented by Senators and Representatives in Congress.” Thus, af ter the lapse of nearly eight months, Con gress proposes to pave the way to the ad mission and to the representation of one of the eleven States whose people arrayed themselves in rebellion against the consti tuted authority of the Federal Government. Earnestly desiring to remove every cause of further delay, whether real or imagina ry, on the part of Congress, to the admis sion to seats of loyal Senators and Repre sentatives from the State of Tennessee, I have, notwithstanding the anomalous char acter of the proceedings, affixed my signa ture to the resolution. My approval, how ever, is not to be construed as an acknowl edgment of the right of Congress to pass laws preliminaty to the admission of duly qualificd representatives from any of the States. Neither is it to be considered as committing me to all the statements made in the preamble—some of which are, in my opinion, without foundation in fact, espe cially the assertion that the State of Ten uessee has ratified the amendment to the Constitution of the United States, pro posed by the Thirty-ninth Congress. No official notice of such ratification has been received by the Executive, or filed in the De partment of State; on the contrary un official information from most reliable sources, induces the belief that the merit has not yet been constitutionally sanc tioned by the Legislature of Tennessee. The right of each House, under the Con stitution, to judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, is undoubted, and my approval and disap proval of the resolution could not, in tnc slightest degree, increase or diminish the authority in this respect conferred upon the two branches of Congress. In conclusion, I cannot too earnestly re peat my recommendation for the admis sion of Tennessee, and all other .States, to a fair and equal participation in national legislation, when they present themselves in the persons ofloyal Senators and Rep resentatives, who can comply with all the requirements of the Constitution and the laws. By this means, harmony and re conciliation will be effected, the practical relations of all the States to the Federal Government re-established, and the work of restoration inaugurated upon the ter- urination of the war, successfully com pleted. Andrew Johnson Washington, 1), C., July 24, 1806. address iH y ior .V l . ce ' Usq-before the Pupils IHft 1,0,1 Point Academy, July loth, Respected Audience , Teacher and i'upi ls: I am aware that much has been said and written on the commercial, agricultu ral, and industrial resources of the South, and yet we have been exceedingly slow to apply these wholesome tenets and prac tical lessons of wisdom. What a deplorable fact, that men will dose their eyes to reason and sound phil osophy, nor open them, until they have experienced the most- disastrous result ? That we have been blind to our best inter est, and to facts as patent as every day’s existence, the mistaken policy of the past, so painfully realized by the Southern peo ple, will clearly, visibly, and forcibly at test. ith over three thousand miles of coast, interspersed with numerous and excellent harbors —with manufacturing facilities in ferior to none in the world —with inex haustible mines, abounding in almost every variety t of ore—coal-pits in abundance— with water-power of every capacity, rivers and streams traversing every section of the country—with illimitable forests of timber, waving in unbroken silence, and mountain ranges intersecting almost every State —yet we have regarded these superior and natu ral advantages with the greatest and most astonishing indifference. Caring only for “King Cotton,” and branding mechanism with plebian birth, our wily neighbors si lently appropriated the mechanical and commercial agencies, and, through these great media, now hold the “helm of State.” Young gentlemen and young ladies, with you it remains to restore this sunny South land, yea, to elevate it above its former beauty and power. You are the hope of our fallen country. Will you, then, ullow a soldier, who lias given bis own “red righ t. arm” in her defence, to plead in behalf of his country’s future? Obi children, win back our withered laurels, and immortal ize the graves of our brave and noble Con federate dead by the position whicli your names shall take in the country's roll of honor. Study to be wise; neglect not one tenet or admonition from your teacher which savors of wisdom —remembering that you are to rebuild this Temple of Lib erty, and to lay again its corner-stone upon the surer basis of Experience. Are you little ABC scholars? Let the tender roots of elementary knowledge bo deeply fixed in your infant minds; then shall the tree ever be green and flourishing. Have you advanced to the study of Geography? Note well the geographical position, out-lines and description of your country, nor let it be said that you have only studied* for an examination, or to make a display for once in your lives; but that you have studied to maintain an honorable position among your countrymen. Are you warbling the sweet music of your mother’s tongue ; Then little gram marians, do not murder it with scientific touches of home manufacture, but study it well—study, that you may understand it perfectly. Have you advanced beyond the old field school programme, and entered the sylvan shades of Virgil and the heroic scenes of Honor, there to witness the mys terious rites of ancient Greece and Home? Let not a single taste’at the Pyerian Spring intoxicate the brain and inflate your vanity, hut drink largely that your young names be inscribed among the savans of the world. But beware ! While you improve and perfect the intellectual, do not discard the practical branches. Young ladies, teach your minds to think while your lily fingers make ready work with the tub, the spinning wheel, or cooking stove; and young men, lay a copy of Livy, Tacitus, or Euclid beside your plough han dles, nor be ashamed to unite labor with study; for the Great Jehovah has com manded, “In the sweat of thy brow shalt thou cat thy bread.” Oh! do not let our country degenerate, because her children arc compelled to take the place of her slayes; but elevate labor to that position which the Creator designed it should oc cupyand adorn it with mechanical skill and intellectual beauty. Thus elevated, we shall give to business, all it has of per manency by giving to it, all it lias of hon esty —and by integrity in business, integ rity in affairs of State, integrity in senti ment, in understanding, and in reason, we shall eradicate selfish ambition out of poli tics and keep the States alive by an honest patriotism. Then may we hope to teach to the world that other grand phenomenon in the history of the rise and progress of nations; a phenomenon, in all of its lati tude, not yet fully comprehended by the nations of the old world, nor even by our selves; and which for all future time will be the study and admiration of the historian and the philosopher ; I mean not the founding of a separate Republic on these shores so recently drenched with blood and carnage, hut our astonishing growth and development, our magic like spring from small beginnings—rising as it were by one elastic bound, into all the at tributes of a gigantic power—a Republican Empire—able to maintain her sovereignty and independence both by land and sea, against a hostile world, and by her exam ple shaking to their very foundations the thrones of all Europe. * * * Children, you have this day inscribed Excelsior on your banner—keep your motto steady in view, and you will reap all that you desire. The intelectual bouquet which you, sir, have this day presented to the public, but bespeaks the taste and skill of the gardner —may you and your early charge realize in the future what you, sir, have sown in the past. A Prophecy Fulfilled. In a speech delivered by Daniel Webster, at Fanueil Hall, on the 7th of March, 1850, we find the following remarkable prophecy : “If the infernal fanatics and abolitionists ever get power in their hands, they will override the Constitution, set the Supreme Court at defiance, make laws to suit them selves, lay violent hands on those who differ with them in their opinions, or dare ques tion their infallability and finally bankrupt the country, and deluge it in blood. How wonderfully has this prophecy been verified in the last three years. Not the slightest portion of it remains unfulfilled. The Jacobins have gone even beyond all that Mr. Webster feared. Not only have they overridden the Constitution, but they have changed it in some of its most im portant. features, and they are still labor ing to deface and destroy it ; they have not only set the Supreme Court at de fiance, but they have disregarded all the requirements of law and decency and es tablished a central Junto, from whose edicts there was no appeal; they have made laws which suit themselves and no one else, and which are a disgrace to our statute hooks : and they have not only laid violent hands upon those who have dared to differ with them, but they have sub jected them to long and dreary imprison ment, and would now, if they had the pow er, erect a gallows in every neighborhood in the Southern States and keep them constantly employed in the execution of men condemned by drum-head court-mar tial for imaginary crimes. And, in addi tion to all this, they have bankrupted the nation and deluged it in blood. No, party, in any enlightened land, lias ever written such a record of tolly, imbecility and crime. Its measures have been, and are now, all of the most desperate character, having no reference to the public good, but. looking alone to the perpetuation of their power. The receipts from customs for the week ending the 14th instant, at the ports of Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore, were as follows : Boston, $297,800,25; Phil adelphia, $89,500,23 ; Baltimore, $60,- 147,77. Up to Saturday at 3 P. M., no returns had been received from the port of New York. There is a scheme on foot in St. Louis to recruit men for the Liberal army in Mexi-