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(f hromrlc& f cutincl iIDNESBif MOENINB, iUfil’ST 13. >o Comparison Is Feared. In the Charleston Aeic* of a few days since appeared the following : •‘A row; i.iMr.KT to tht r.oji»TiTrTio!«Ai.uT.— The K«w 1 ■ ■■ ' ■ thf An*' * * ( on* 1 1 tutionalurc in opposition to the Patriotic i Froj: - - < ■ . ■ -•i.-n t- i-< •l.ortly held at IjaadclpM*. Al. ' < •mi •nl I: >eto« :• cpcctahle S , itln m I!"Viind lookihg to tti” Triftunr'U > see what that paper really did say, this little 1 fling ri eeiveii no attention at ear bands, nor would it I" rtow alluded to were it not for the liiet that tie- Chronict ■ it Sentinel ot this l ily, in itaissiie of yesterday morning, reptilihVlK it, duly ere<lited. and under the head of *• I’KKSO.VAI,.’' What might he overloohei! in one paper becomes worthy of notiee w in'll taken up by others, and it is proposed to repel an intiendo equally unfounded and diseourteous. The Trihmie’n language, alluded to as above mentioned by the A'™ -, is as fol lows : ••Oftniisj-no.il SOtolianiiii.!.n,i A: /,-ai •.i.i*:n.Ti .... »>«•'•' I t whli-t. w,w--A 1., 11.. 1-1. ij,1,., . ... . 1.01.. 'll,,- Pstps.tal.is n.i:. .r.tv ... t.01.l t.'ja tt>« Southern |*r'.j*!»* La/i r at— : L, tr.-ur r Wl.'.th Th*-* 'mal.it v*va<;oorgi& v juta left t»A U.«i:«pv»titwt,. a •e,;o-.- in these para rrapii• it waouldb diflleult, we fancy, for other tlian a jaundiced eye ,' to discern anything hey.md the merestale- . ment of a news item. This paper cited certain of its exchanges winch opposed the participation of this State in tile Philadel phia ('on vent lon, and <\ pn ■-■*••! on its own pact views coincident with theirs. As inatter of public information tin- was set forth in the Trhune, and might, with I o.|iiai propriety, liave ls-en ‘*‘'l toi.ii, with out the I'liange ol a liable,in the Richmond Knawree .orthe Memphis d/./e" . Had it so appeared the .Vies would, beyond , doubt, have passed the matter oyer un noticed, l.ut, coming to light in a sheet so , abhorn-nt ih<? South as the h ibmir, tin* . opportunity to.stab ai rhis pap v uus too j tempting to lie foregonr. It iH not the tir-t time since tins < onv. n tion matter was mooted tlml we have been j assailed tor warning our people to bewareof an entrance inti, thece ■, jsk.l ol polities, and hi, long as anything like fair argument was | brought against us w o have never com- j plained at the many and severe blows , dealt us on every side, lint when, by an i insinuation, it is sought to aliimc from us ] that generous confidence wheiewitli we iiave ts en long honor.-I by our p.-ople it is time to abandon a silence that is so mis- j construed to our damage. The I'ow.titv /ion«/nd fears no comparison of its re -ord with cither the Ace ~ of < 'hurl.-ston, or the Chronicle .( .v- nliwf, of this city of A ilgus ta. VVJien tile one was not as vet in being and the other manipulated by that ingrate, Morse, this paper hud a guard of soldiers | in its press room and a Federal sentry at its door. Military censorship and official warn hi fix, pcraousal wrong and jieenniary loss, the execution of illegal bond and the imposition of despotic oaths were some, and not all, of lie- indignities, heaped up on it for its devotion to the Southern cause. And since that day it will not shrink from any further comparison. before the war and fliiring the war and since the war it has been upheld and trusted by its people, and the tinai smash, two weeks be]lee, of the Philadelphia Convention will give it a fresh title to tlie popular confidence and esteem. To remove any possible ground for the appearance of “discourtesy imputed to us hy our coternponiry, wo thus present in full his reply to the “iuueudo of the Charlc tou Ames. Wo had not seen the language of the Tribune which called out the utterance of the Nev:s, but have ob served such frequent expre: lions of delight at the opposition of Southern journals to the Convention, in the Tribune and other radical sheets, that we thought it not im proper to hold the mirror tip to the public, to show the degree of aid and comfort which this opposition is affording the agi tators at the North. We do not suppose anybody doubt the devotion of the Con stitutionalist to the Southern cause, and nothing was farther from us than the thought to impugne its fidelity in that con nection. It was simply as a straw, show ing the effect of its opposition to the Con vention, and the questionable source from which such opposition elicits commenda tion, that we published the paragraph. Its appearance under the “personal” head, to which he attaches significance, was a classification of the printer which we had not observed. However venerable with ago, and loaded with indignities heaped upon it for devotion to the Southern cause —neither its past sufferings and virtues, or the sins of the Chronicle <fc Sentinel when “manipulatedby Morse,’’ have any thing to do with the living issues of the present. The wisdom and policy of its recent course are legitimate subjects for public criticism, in which the Chronicle <1 Sentinel proposes to accord to it all proper professional courtesy and fairness—nothing mope or less. Immigration. Wo published ;i communication from “.J. \\ r . J.” on yesterday in reference to the policy of immigration. We did not deem it necessary to express our dissent from the views of this correspondent, to whom we cheerfully accorded the use of our columns. We are both seeking the same end—the general good of the country. He thinks we should not invite immigra tion until our productive interests are re stored. We have urged that the most effective means of restoration is in the in troduction of labor. It is patent to the most casual observation that our supply of labor is sadly inadequate to the thorough cultivation of the soil, as well as to the ad vancement of the varied industrial enter prises which are essential to solid progress. Georgia is capable of sustaining a popula tion of fifteen or twenty millions of people. There is auntie room for at least half that number, without producing any of the evils incident to a crowded population. It appears to us to be exceedingly impolitic to utter a word in discouragement of the greatest possible increase to our industrial resources. Granting that our supply of food is no more than adequate to our wants, they are laborers and not paupers or idlers that we invite to our borders. They will enter at once upon productive pursuits which will yield more than enough to furn ish subsistence for those added to our popu lation. Ifwesitin gloomy despondency, surveying our broad acres running to waste for want of labor, because we have not corn in our cribs and meat in our smoke-houses to feed additional Bauds, it will be long before we shall rise above our present im poverished condition. Right here is the great error which wo fear is too prevalent to admit of such rapid advancement as might be desired. If those who own these broad acres, and sigh over their reverses, would combine, and offer a portion of their lands to settlors on favorable terms, it would not be many months ere thousands of sturdy farmers might be induced to try their fortunes in our genial clime. It is stated that twenty-five thousand immigrants settled in Missouri in two months of last year. Every train of ears boars to the Great West hundreds of stout arms, which become at once a productive element in those growing States. Is there any real reason why the South may not share in this swelling tide which is pouring wealth and |>ower into a region less desira ble in almost all respects than the cotton States ? Climate, soil, mineral resources, communication with markets, society— all that conduces to the reward of industry, and to make life desirable, are afforded here to an extent nowhere surpassed in the Great West. In fertility of soil alone, portions of the West have some advantages. But this is more than balanced in the wider adaptation of our lands to varied crops—and to two crops a year —in the healthfulness of our climate, and in the fact that the inconveniences of pioneer life are here avoided. There is much to lx' said on thi> subject ; it is one in which we teel the deepest concern, for we believe it is the mainspring of our future prosperity. Immigration to Tennessee. The Nashville Dispute!. says the citizens ofTullahoma held a meeting on Saturday for the purpose of inducing the Tennessee Colonial and Immigation Company to lo cate its first colony in the vicinity of that place. It is proposed to subscribe to the stock of the company ton thousand acres of land in the vicinity of Tullahama, at it lowest cash value, upon which to loeate a colony of immigrants. We are glad to see this spirit displayed by the citizens of Tennessee, and hope it will lx* emulated by ah’ the Southern States. In this way we shall secure a large immigration in the South pf.a class that will be a re&lu-quisi tion to W productive population. Emigration to Yirgixia.—The Sun eays Gen. G. Toelimau is in Baltimore collecting funds to enable some of his fel low-countrymen, Polish exiles, to obtain the necessary agricultural implements to iitrm in Virginia, where they propose to settle. The Sun publishes a letter to Gen. Tochman, from a number of Poles, on the : subject. i The Sick Man. Reports, which appear to be reliable, i indicate that Maximilian is seriously pre paring for the abandonment of Mexico. It is also stated that the Empress has gone ; to France for the chief purpose of escaping from the impending anarchy, and to repre sent the hopeless financial condition of the Empire. Wc do not attach much impor tance to these rumor.-, though it is evident that Maxi mill bed A-> in hie career. In the hope that the United States would grant them material aid, and stimu lated a].-n by the report that Napoleon would not permanently sustain the Em peror. the Liberals have been enabled to put forth renewed energy, and have dis plays! the Emperor'- troops from a num l*r of the border States. Rut distraction is n»w weakening these demonstrations, which may lie regarded as of a spasmodic r, an Iw >b W hat the friends of Ors ••>-' against tl i right of Jua rez to retain the of Tice ol Prc-ident- At the time of the election the military pre-sure of the Empire was so great that Juarez j could not be inaugurated, and the functions ; of the Presidency devolved, in part, on Or tega. who, now that there is again a glim mer of hope for the Republic, clings to ! his lea.se of power. Thu- we hat tl peating it self—one faction preying upon another, and all incapable of maintaining order and protecting the people in their lives and property. The offer of Santa Anna, the author, iu part, of the disorders that prevail, to red der aid to the Liberal cause, has been declined, on the very proper ground that he could not command the confidence of the friends of the Republic, after having ruled and ruined the Empire. ; As between these weak and worthless l factions —powerless for good—and the just and wise policy of Maximilian, we do not hesitate to express our preference for the latter, and it will be a sad day for Mexico when he abandons the country. There is a progressive class of political agitators who advocate the establishment of a protectorate by the Lnited States over that unhappy country, to set aside the contending factions', and guarantee a fair choice of a Republican Chief Magis trate. We have no faith in the voxpopuli of such a mixed multitude as comprises the ruling classes of Mexico. Nothing but a strong Government is suited to the con glomerate elements comprising the Mexi can people, and we do not see any advant age to accrue to the United States—assum ing that she has the right to do it—from assuming the guardianship of such a feeble and captious neighbor. The Result !:i Kentucky. The somewhat novel and exceedingly acrimonious contest over the election for Clerk of the Court of Appeals in Ken tucky litis resulted in the election of Duval!, the Democratic candidate, by a very handsome majority—stated by the telegraph to reaeli something like 20,000 votes. This election—though involving offices of little importance—acquires signif icance from its having been, for a number of years, the occasion tor testing the strength of parties itt the State, prepara tory to the more important elections which follow. Those who voted lor Duvall, sustain the policy of President Johnson, as against the Constitutional amendments and other abominations of the Radicals. Ilobson was sustained by the Radicals, and also hy many who profess to support the Presi dent. The great points of the canvass were that the election of Duvall on one hand would he the triumph of the sympa thizers with the Confederacy; while the election of Hobson, it was declared by the other party, would be a triumph of Radicalism of the blackest die. The cam paign has been earnest to a degree ap proaching scurrility. We tire gratified that the party of the President and of the Constitution has triumphed. The result has cheering significance. Last year the Democratic majority at the same election was 3,494 ; and as very much the same is sues were presented now as then, the re sult is regarded as an indication of the de cline of Radicalism in Kentucky. The New Orleans Riots—-How to Defeat the Revolutionary Radicals. We published yesterday, says the N. Y. Times, from one of the New Orleans papers, a full account of the origin and progress of the recent riots in that city. The evidence of eye witnesses, ol reporters for the press, and of the negroes them selves, is Overwhelmingly to the effect that the negroes began the disturbance by abusing the police as rebels. Then, when the police attempted to make arrests, the negroes forcibly resisted them. The princi pal lighting was between the police and negroes, and every effort was made by tlie police authorities to prevent the white spectators from interfering against the blacks. Os course such efforts were in vain, especially when the members of the illegal Convention openly took part with the negroes. It is in evidence that the blacks were armed and ready for a riot. Dr. Dostic, one of the members of the Convention, who was killeij in the melee, repeatedly declared that “ there was not a negro in New Orleans who was not or ganized and prepared.” General Sheri dan, in his official report to General Grant, says that “the leaders of the Convention were political agitators and revolutionary men, and the action of the Convention was liable to produce breaches ol tlie public peace;” and he adds that he had made up his mind to arrest these leaders us soon as they committed an overt act. These facts prove conclusively that the Radicals are responsible for the whole affray. St. Louis. From Bradstrect’s St. Louis Trade Circular, we extract the follow tug tablo of distances of various points in the West from St, Louis, which is twenty miles below the mouth of the Missouri, and •’OO above the confluence of the Ohio: Miles. Bv river from St? Louis to Keokuk is 200 ‘ •• “ Burlington 260 .4 “ Rock Island 350 *4 •• Dubuque 480 *• “ St. Paul 800 •• Cairo 2(H) “ “ Memphis 440 “ “ Vicksburg 840 “ “ N. Orleans 1,200 “ Louisville 600 “ •' Cincinnati 750 “ Pittsburgh 1,200 “ li Leaven’rth 500 4. “ Omaha 800 “ “ Sioux City 1.000 ‘4 “ F’tßenton 3,000 Rv rail from St. Louis to Indianapolis “ Chicago 280 “ “ Cincinnati 340 “ “ Cleveland 470 • • “ Pittsburgh 650 • • “ Buffalo 650 New York 1,000 " Lawrence 320 “ •• Denver 880 “ “ Salt Lake 1.300 •• Yirg'aCy 1,900 “ •• S Francis'o2,3oo St. Louis very nearly bisects the direct distance of 1.400 miles between Superior City and the Balaize. It is the geograph ical centre of a valley which embraces 1,200,000 square miles. In its course ot 3,200 miles, the Mississippi borders upon Missouri, 470 miles. Os the 3,000 miles of the Missouri. 500 lie within the limits of Missouri. St. Louis is mistress of more than 16,500 miles of river navigation. Weight ok Cotton Bales. —The fol lowing statement, which may be relied uphn. will materially assist our readers to a proper understanding of the telegraphic reports concerning the exact quantity of cotton embraced in the different bale enu merations. All to whom the subject is ot importance should either commit if to memory or cut it out and carefully pre ! ’■erve it for future reference. Average weight of a hale of cotton of different oouu tra- American, 475 lbs.; East Indian, ov lbs.; Egyptian, 314 lbs.: Brazilian, I lb*. W est ludian. 165 lbs. | Stamfs.—lluj Commis-ioncrof Internal Revenue has bad occasion to call attention to tilt? tact that the ins* Jaw makes the word m3.’'ey to include checks, draft a, and other instruments of writing given for the payment of money, and therefore the re ceipts lor checks, drafts. &c.. are to be given for money. Colonization. The Macon Journal and Messenger pub lish < - the following letter from the Finan cial S.-eretaiy of the Colonization Society. Wc commend i; to the notice of all freed nien who are anxious to return to the land i of tl. ir fathers. Many of the colored people are inspired with a laudable ambition to rise in the social scale above the general degradation lof their race. It is very evident that.no matter hyw many civil rights bills and 1 declarations of equality cumber our statute books, the white race is bound to be the governing class. It is so in New England, where most of the pestilent champions oi equality originate, an l it has been so from the time Noah entered tlie ark. wherever the white and black races come in contact. It not strange, therefore, that the colored people, who wish to have a fair and open field in ihc race of advancement, should seek the land of the black man, where all the avenues of advancement are open, and wiyre there can he no jostling of races. The history of Liberian progress, it is true, is not of the most cheering character. It is much fairer, however, than the history of those localities where the colored people have sought political power in connection with the white races. The only place in history where the ; colored man, as a race, has made progress ' in the scale of civilization, has been in the i condition of servitude. The voice of civi lization arid philanthropy—so-called—have torn him from that congenial and happy sphere, and inspired him with restless long- I mgs for a condition of equality which is incomputable with the structure of our society—abhorrent to reason and repug nant to nature. It is better, therefore, ’ that those who aspire to rise above a con ' dition of dependence, should he colonized I and removed from the disturbing in fluences which attend their present condi ; tioa. It is for these reasons that wc com mend the circular of the Colonization Society to the attention of all freedmen who have imbibed the teachings of equali ty which have obtained such mischievous currency among them: Colonization Rooms, 1 Washington, D. C., Aug. 6, 1866. j Mi/ Dear Sir : In your paper of a late date, you mention that many of the color ed people in your .State are agitating the question of going to Liberia, and you want j to know where are the Agents of the Colo- | nizatiou Society. It is true, we have no I agent at present in your State, but we have not been idle. We have written to many, and have sent copies of the African ; Repository, and of our last annual Report and of various tracts, and short articles to ! thousands in your State. We have had many letters from persons in Macon and in Sparta ; and we have promised to have a j Ship ready at Savannah the Ist Novem ber, to take one hundred people from each | place, and about fifty to seventy-five from ! Newberry Dist., S. C., and , we promise] them a free passage to Liberia, and six months support there. And we are pre pared to promise tlie same to as many worthy people as will he ready to sail by ! the Ist .May 1867. We shall be happy to have you state i these facts in your paper, and say to any 1 who want to go this fall or next spring. \ that if they will inform us, we will afford j them all information and every facility in j our power. 1 send you herewith specimens of the tracts we are circulating among the colored people. You may find in them material for a paragraph, that will do good. We will send you the Repository regu larly, if you desire it, that you may see what is going on in this dime." W. McLain, Fin. See. A. C. S. The Philadelphia Constitutional Con vention. That able and temperate journal, the New York Journal of Commerce, favors the Philadelphia National Convention, among other reasons, because it will be the first gathering for many years of the peo ple from all sections of the Union. It well says that for this reason, if for no other, it will be a remarkable assembley. Not since the first blow at Sumter, in 1861, have the representatives of all the States met in any council, either ecclesiastical or civil, or come together for any purpose upon a com mon platform. We shall be greatly mistaken if the fact lias not a marked ; influence upon the spirit of those who, for j the first time in six years, shall greet each I other as brethren. Over the intervening graves, stronger than the memory of the j hitter strife, hushing the tumult of sec tional animosities, will come the hallowed ! associations of the earlier days, and the j hearts of old-time brethren will once more flow together. The blood that has been i shed will rest in the grave of buried eon -1 troversy ; and the warmer current of a j fresher life will he quickened in the hearts j of those who still own the tie that makes j them one, and meet to kindle anew the | glow of patriotism that binds them in a i common allegiance. The Journal adds : it is a happy circumstance that the Con vention as a body will have no party ties, j and owe no allegiance to any platform ex cept the implication in the call under which it assembles. It is significant—and we may hope an augury for good—that all sections, after such a period of waste and desolation, may enlist the sympathies of every true patriot without distinction of political divisions. Those who love party more than country have tried in vain to prevent this meeting of brethern long es tranged, and will doubtless make still an other effort to keep alive the hatred and jealousies of the past, and to sow the seeds of fresh dissensions. All such attempts must fail in presence of the better spirit which has been invoked, and which, we trust, will rule in all hearts. Some selfish and unscrupulous men will doubtless find their way into the Convention, but they will be powerless for evil if the good and the true of all parties are only resolute, and act in concert. Gun. Beauregard a Prince. —The Paris correspondent of the New Orleans Tt'nles says, in his last letter : He is still with us, or rather lie is in Paris, having been called thither again, as 1 understand it, to consider bis refusal of the offer of the supreme military com mand from the Moldo-W allaehia Govern ment. It is given out that the French Emperor, who is all-powerful with the Romans, is no longer adverse to the Gener al's acceptance of the position. As to the General’s own way of thinking or intentions concerning the matter —wait and sens Certain it is. the Romans are most anxious to have him, and in their eagerness have mad.' him very tempting often—the title of Prince, to rank next to the Hospodar, the sum of §200,000 down in hard cash, a princely salary, and the supreme, absolute command of all the mili tary forces and retinue of the ten princi palities. If the General should accept, his late companions iti anus could, and doubt less will, furnish a body of officers that would prove invaluable to the Romans in the event of war. Mighty events are im pending all along the Danube. Tiie New Cabinet. —The re-eonstrue ted Cabinet, is as follows : Seward, of New York, Secretary of State ; (Whig) Mc- Culloch. of lowa, Secretary of the Treas ury, (Whig;) Stanton, of Pennsylva nia, Secretary of War, (Democrat;) Welles, of Connecticut, Secretary of the Navy, (Democrat;) Stransberry, of Ken tucky, Attorney General, (Whig;) Brown ing. of Illinois, Secretary of the Interior, (Whig;) and Randall of Wisconsin. Post master General. (Whig). Indian Troubles. —ASk Joseph, Mo., special dispatch of August 3, says the Indians in Idaho are getting troublesome. They made a raid on July 1, ou Boulder Creek and robbed the city. They were pursued by troops, wheu a fight occurred, in which seven soldiers and thirty Indians were killed. Latest advices say that Captain Jennings, with forty men. was surrounded by three hundred Indians, and 1 fighting desperately. Reinforcements were , hastening to him. Col. Ashton. —We are much gratifi ed to learn that yesterday morning Dr. W. Bulloch, assisted by Dr. Charlton, succeeded in removing the bullet from the head of CoL Ashton, of I\ aynesboro, who was shot Imre about a week since. The Colonel now lias a fair prospect of recovery, which we shall consider attributable to his good constitution and pluck, the skill ofliis attending surgeons, and die constant atten tions of a friend of his who has never re laxed his diligence in attending him for a moment, that we are aware of. since his m jurv.—-Savannah Ihm aid. Health ok New York City. —There were °7 deaths from cholera at the work house on Blackwell's Island dtrnng the 4s hours previous to 10; p. m. on Sumla,, in addition to those already reported . also 9 deaths in the Almshouse during the same . and lin the Penitentiary, inere -L.julis on Randall s Ldanddur were three u. l %„ nJav . The mortuary mg Saturday ana .... / . * atur dxv, M report for the week ending . th- 0 f gust 4, at 3p. in., shows the mini .-.i deaths in that city to have been 946, oi which 23y were from cholera. This ex hibits an increase of 175 over last week,* and 314 over the corresponding week in 1865. THE LONDON REFORM RIOTS. Detailed Report of the Hyde Park Demon- 1 st ration. | From ike London Daily Seal July 21.| * ir As there is an important question affecting public rights involved in the oc currence, legal proceedings will immediate lv lie taken respecting it. Early yesterday afternoon a notice was extensively posted throughout Loudon, signed by Sir Richard it ii g that Hyde Park gates would be closed to the public at 5 o'clock. Jhe Committee of th.. Reform League met to conclude their ar rangements, and an earnest re.-o’ve was expressed not to abandon what they con sidered their clear line of duty. As pub lished in previous reports, minute orders had been issued to the branches in differ ent parts of the metropolis, directing the time, place and manner of and urging in the strongest terms the necessity of keeping order and exercising the utmost forbearance. The numerous processions were to march with banners and music to the Marble Arch, where properly appoint ed persons on their behalf would demand admittance, if necessary. So early a-: 12 o’clock crowds were assembling in Hyde Park and the adjacent streets, and by 5 o clock thousand- were standing near the chief entrances. A\ hen the large bodies of police, on foot or mounted, passed into the Park and took up their positions, tliey were groaned at and hissed, and those demonstrations were intensified when a body of foot soldiers, with fixed bayonets, followed their blue-coated brethren. Pre • cisely at 5 o clock the Park gates were ! closed, and strong forces of police were ( stationed inside. ; The crowds that collected by this time outside the railings were beyond , numbering. At Hyde-park-corner, along Park-lane, but particularly at the Marble Arch, where it was known entrance would lie formally demanded, the people were wedged together in even- direction. On : the whole it was a good-humored crowd. At Hyde-park-comer they amused them j selves by “chaffing” ail ranks and condi tions of passers-by, not omitting the fash ionables who had been enjoying the ] pleasures of the Lady’s-mile, or llotton row. Streams of well dressed persons ren dered Park-lane almost impassable, and a block would occur at each police-guarded gate. It was generally pointed out that the windows of Mr. Disraeli’s house at j Grosvenorgate were well protected by stout wooden blinds on the outside. Before the Marble Arch, stretched away on either hand, and far up into Great Cumberland street, stood one thick crowd of both ! sexes, whose safety was imperiled by the vehicles that had to force their passage through. The police were at once posted inside the gates, but a few missiles, now a stone and then a stick, were thrown, and the men were then marched outside. A ; lino of ordinary policemen, in a semi-circle, stood before the gates, protected in front ; by mounted constables. The waiting hours were spent in joking, laughing, smoking and chatting. The housetops and balconies overlooking the park were occupied by large numbers of I ladies. The approach of the procession was sig naled by the people beyond the Marble : Arch, who caught sight of them coming ] down one of the side streets. As soon as j the banners were seen a cheer was raised | from ten thousand throats, and a space ; was opened for the leaders to pass along to the gates. The procession—which we may here state had on their route maintained j the finest discipline—was headed by a i couple of carriages, the foremost containing j Mr. E. Beales, 001. Dickson, Mr. George i Brooke, and other prominent members of I the Reform League. A.s Mr. Beales and j his friends neared the cordon of police be j fore the gates cheers increased and hats j were vigorously waved. With umnis i takable enthusiasm, but decently and in order, Mr. Beales and two or three friends were assisted from their carriage and es corted toward the gate. Addressing the nearest mounted officer, Mr. Beales requested a quiet admittance to the park ; the officer told him he could not go in, and to Mr. Beales’ question “Why?” he said, “I have authority to prevent you. ’ ’ Mr. Beales asked who gave him the authority? and the reply was, “Our commissioner.” Mr. Beales, re marking that the “parks were the property of the people, ’ ’ made a movement as if he would pass the line of police, when a tall policeman, thrusting the end of his truncheon into Mr. Beales' chest, pushed him with more rudeness than was necessa ry a foot or two back. There were loud cries of “Shame” at this prompt interfer ence, and things began to wear an alarminsr aspect, when Mr. Beales, still keeping his ground, and apparently pressing his right to be admitted, was, so far as could be seen, collared by a couple of policemen, but certainly subjected to such treatment that his coat was torn across the shoulder. During the confusion that prevailed, one or two gentlemen had got within the line of police, and the officers were evidently so disorganized that a slight effort on the part of the crowd would have broken their line completely. Col. Dickinson and Mr. Wolterten were both assaulted by a police man whose number is known, and the lat ter gentleman demanded the name of a mounted superintendent, who refused him admittance to the park, which the police man declined to give. The leaders of the Reform Party thus repulsed stepped back into the carriages amid loud cheering, and a little murmur ing on the part of those whose curiosity would perhaps have been better satisfied had resistance been carried further. As much of the procession as could he organ zed in the dense mass, variously estimated from a hundred to two hundred thousand persons, followed the carriages of the Com mittee toward Oxford street, along which they proceeded, gathering force as they went. Some idea of the procession may be gathered from the fact that when the first portion was turning into Pall-mall, a large number were still in Picadilly. About six officers were drawn across the entrance to the narrow street in which Lord Elcho lives. The crowd, who had apparently forgotten their proximity to his lordship’s residence, became aware of it from the policemen, and without halting for a moment passed on with a loud laugh. Hearty cheers for the Prince of Wales were given on passing Marlborough-house ; but upon nearing the Carlton Club the frag mentary disapprobation that had been ex pressed on passing the Wellington and Conservative Clubs became a perfect roar_ of hooting and groaning, which was not diminished when it was perceived that a small detachment of' police were posted at the entrance. The few members who were to be seen rushed from their dinner tables, napkin s in hand, and one or two of the younger kissed their hands with assumed condesension to the moving crowd. A step or two further, and there was a gen eral halt and cheering at the Reform Club. Another halt took place near the Guarde, Memorial, and three cheers were given for “Gladstone.” A correspondent says : —The crowd in j front of the Marble Arch were astonished i at the sight of the military, and naturally ; imagined that some dreadful riot was go | ins on which endangered the lives of the | inhabitants and the safety of their prop j erty. When they learned that there was i no riot, and that no violence was attempt i ed except to the iron railings and the gates | of the park, which had been locked to pre • vent their entering their own park, no | sound of execration were loud enough to | express their indignation. The Guards | had to hear themselves called ‘butch ers,’ and to be threatened with all sorts of retribution in the shape of stopping their pay. How it was that the military were thus called to insult the people, and to suffer all this indignity, which they evidently did, must be left to the Home Secretary and Sir Richard Maync. Any one who. like the writer, was in the thick est of the crowd when the iron railings were charged and broken down, will boar witness to the first blows being struck by ! the police. And there were not many of 1 these, for the fight was unequal; the | crowd, never intending to figlit, had come : with no weapons, and they overcame the police simply as a river breaks through its | muddy bank. They swept over the breach, when once formed, in Park-lane, while the ! police stood guarding the prostrate iron rails and stones in solemn stupidity and amazement; they committed no violence except in self-defence, and when a crowd in any part was charged by tho mounted police, then a bough or a piece of dirt, or very rarely a stone was flung, but with very small effect, and the valiant police seethed to delight in showing their prowess in riding down harmless sight-seers. If the matter had stopped here, we could have smiled over their gallant achieve ments, but when the Life Guards ap peared on the scene about 8 o'clock, and deliberately drew up in line to charge, the fun of having licked the “Bobbies'' and j got into the park Was changed into a storm ! of hisses and hootings, amidst which the j people were enraged and trampled upon till they escaped within the rails. 1 his 1 squadron, however, soon moved away ‘ further round the park, and then the peo : pie were left again to the mounted police, who were more furious than the soldiers, : and less effective. Thestaffseemedtohave j taken up a position immediately inside ; the Marble Arch, in front of the Foot Guards, the officer of which re Ament was ; engaged with Sir R. Mflyne. There, was. however, no reading of the Riot Act. and i the whole ordering of the field appeared to I be in the hands of Sir R. Mayne. boon | after the first detachment of Guards from Knightsbridge moved off a cloud of dust and loud shouts told that the left flank of the position had been successfully stormed, and tfie people again came rushing in laughing at :Jje awful exertions of the mounted Police, who vereleft powerless on the wrong side of the rails, -the -'ruggle wag row over; it was about 8:30. ana the «.* >Vr) moving about the shrub- some gaping the folkn rails, which extended along the are ami pa.* pf tjje Bavswater road, others 100 ame on at the Life Guards, drawn up on the opposite side of the Park jwd. while no small njer lament was kept up by the frantic charges of the twenty mounted Police up and down the road —at nothing. As to any pretence of clearing the road or preventing aD - v ., nuschievous proceedings, nothing could be more ludicrously absurd. There ! v ; a A IK i of disposition to riot or do any- 1 t.nng but talk over the affair as a triumph over what was felt to be a tyrannical inter ference with the liberty of the people. LITER FROITEFKOPt:. ieel uifed Slates an<; tlie Fenians—An luiiiortant Debate in tlie Britl-h Parlia me.ii—-I ae Late Him j„ London— I eaee Hetivecu Prussia and Austria. In the House of Commons, on the 23d, : Ir'A'W- h? y. le conspicuous good faith and I rsenuly feeling of the Government of the v nit "t Main- towards Great Britain, in its recent conduct towards the Fenians, her . Lijestv s Government was now prepared to submit a.l claims and matters in dispute between the two powers to an arbitration, wa- mutually, accepted. It was the intention of the Government to is me a royal commission to inquire into • the position of the neutrality laws, and what neutrality might be necessary in them. He could only further say that if these claims were again urged, the Government would give them the most favorable con i sideration in both Houses of Parliament of the 24th. The Riots. The subject of Riots in Hyde Park gave rise to a ion;: discussion in the Commons. The Home Secretary defined the conduct of the authorities, and said the matter of right of admittance to parks had been pre viously decided, for, in consequence of dis turbances following. Lord Eburg's Sun day trading act which was issued by the late Government upon inquiry into the subject, and completely dispossesses of the use of parks for any purpose contrary to 1 the regulations issued for their manage ment. Th 3 counsel had given his opinion ] that the authorities had the power to close the sales and to exclude persons attempt ing to force an enff-.r Mr. Od< nt had taken the r • use a disturbane . He hoped tin u the Govemme -g, and feel that , .g the gates of tl. !■..•:■! would pulldown f riieooi.jiiiution as they did the pailiugs of the park the pre ' vious evening. Mr. Bright, just before the riot, wrote j the following to the Secretary of the lie form League: Rochdale, July 19. —Dear Sir : I thank your Council for the invitation to the meet ing intended to be held at Hyde Park on Monday next. I cannot leave here for some days to come, and therefore cannot b» in London on the 23d instant. 1 sec that the chief of the metropolitan police force has announced his intention to pre vent the holding of the meeting. It ap pears from this that the people may meet in parks for every purpose but that which ought to be the most important and most dear to them. To meet in the streets is inconvenient, and to meet in parks is un lawful. This is the theory of the police au j thorities of the metropolis. You liave as i serted your right to meet on Premier Hill and Trafalgar square, and hope after Mon ; day next, no one will doubt your right to j meet in Hyde Park. If a public meeting ] in a public park is denied you, and if mil lions of intelligent and honest men are denied the franchise, on what foundation does our liberty rest, or is there in the country any liberty but the toleration of tlie ruling classes ? This is a serious question, but it is necessary to ask it, and I some answer must be given. i I am, yours, very respectfully, J ou.\ Bright. I Mr. Bailey Cochrane, in severe terms ] condemned Mr. Bright’s letter to the ] league. Mr. Layard said the measures of the ! government were most injudicious. It I must be recollected that the people had ! been taunted with their apathy tor j reform, and these taunts the artisans feel ! deeply, and asked to hold a meeting at i West End to show the fallacy of the be • lief. As it was the government had done j all in their power to invite the roughs to take advantage of the meeting of the work ing classes find create a row. Mr. Stuart Mill said that other lawyers had laid down that the people had a right to Hold meetings in parks, but ho did not lay any stress upon that, for if' the people had not this right they ought to have it, and permission ought to bo given when applied for. Such meetings as this, if held once a month were not nearly so great ] an interruption of the use of tho parks as a military or a volunteer review. The honorable gentleman opposite bad excited feelings the previous night which would take ail their wisdom and years to sllay. The most zealous reforms were most active to prevent a collision between the government and the people, but there were persons who. could do more mischief in an hour than an age could repair. Af ter some remarks from Mr. D’lsraeli, tlie subject was dropped. About ten persons had been attended in the hospital for the injuries received during rioting. The Times of the 25th says : Yesterday the rioting began again. Crowds congregated in Hyde Park and again attacked the police with stones and brickbats. They tore up the shrubs, broke off branches from the trees, and wrought a devastation in the Park which it will take some time to restore. ] As night approached, the attack on pri ! vate houses was resumed. The widows of j the Athenium Club was smashed, for what ; reason it is not easy to conceive. In other streets, near the Park, similar outrages j were committed. Several of the police are I said to have been badly hurt on tho second night of the riot, and the services of guards, both horse and foot, have been required to overawe the crowd. After leaving the park, on Monday, gangs of ruffians broke the windows in Great Cumberland street, at one o’clock in the morning. Two or three hundred were engaged in thework of devastation. Others of the rioters went southward, and tho Lord Chancellors’ windows shared the fate of those on the other side of the park. Complete quiet was not restored until al most morning. The Times admits that Mr. Walpole and Sir Richard Wayne have acted unwisely. ]as it has turned out. They believed that ] an interference with the meeting, after the \ people were gathered in the park, would lead to a serious disturbance, and they j concluded that the shortest way would be ] to prevent the meeting from assembling at all. It was an error in police genealship, but was made in perfect trood faith, and i with the best intention of doing right. The Times asks where all this is to end, and calls upon members on both sides of the House to support the executive in re pressing the disturbances. The Daily Mews says that if the reform meeting had been allowed to take place in Hyde Park it would have been no harm i and made no noise. The Star and Telegraph denounce the conduct of the authorities with great bit ! terness. The Cliolera, i There was much reason to fear that the cholera had invaded England in earnest. Outbreaks at Liverpool and Southampton had assumed a decided character. The disease had also appeared at East End, 1 London. Three hundred and forty-six deaths from cholera were reported in the returns of tiro week ending July 21st. J Nearly all the cases occurred at East End, London. The Crimean War. A telegram from Florence, of the 22d * ult,, says : The conditions placed by Italy to her acceptance of the armistice, and communicated to Prussia and France, par ticularly with respect to the Tyrol, have not yet been accepted by Austria. According to the Italia the commanders of the Italian army have declared no sus pension of hostilities can take place be tween Austria and Italy before the present military movement had been completed and the Italian army corps had secured a safe and regular position. It was stated from Vienna that the five days’ armistice between the Austrian and Prussian armies ; commenced at noon on the 22d of July. The French Government officially an nounced on the 23d that Austria had ac cepted the preliminaries of peace subrnit ; ted by France, and that the plenipotentia ries had assembled at Prussia’s headquar ters in order to negotiate an armistice. The London 'Times says peace may be looked upon as virtually concluded. Aus tria leaves the field a worsted combatant. She recognizes the dissolution of the former German Bund, and consents to the organ ization of anew confederacy, front which she is to be excluded. It is an immense event. Pru-sia has made a bid for half of Germany: she will have no little trouble to keep clear of the other hall'. Germany, to all intents and purposes, henceforth is one. At the latest reports the Prussianswere still being concentrated on the Marehfield before Vienna. In Venetia and the Tjtol severe skirm ishing was daily taking place, but reports were very contradictor.'. The London Times' correspondent at Berlin says: Whatever the terms of the armistice may be. the Southern League Joes not seem to share its benefits, as about 4u,00u Prussians had set out from Frank fort with orders to occupy Stuttgardt, and perhaps Caanscrute too. An engagement took place between the Prussians and 35,006 Austrians near Pres i burg. The Prussians were victorious, aud j the town would have been occupied had j not hostilities ceased at noon, that being i the time fixed by the negotiations for the j commencement of the armistice. The troops remained on the battltfield i gßtil the following morning, when they j withdrew so the line of embarkation near 1 SuihLec. The Prussian vanguard of the 2d reserve corps had formed at tloff in ; Ra'aria, by forced marches and part use . of the railroad lines. They took about | sixty prisoners. QUESTIONS Ot TUE HOIK. The Approaching Autional Convention- Address ol' lion, J. It. Doolittle—Scath ing Exposure es Kadirali-nt—Tlic Con vention Completely Vindicated. (From tlie rliicwo RepuMi-au. | Mr. President ash Fixtow Citizens : I aui directly from Wasningfon here to ho present at this meeting with you to-day. For myself, if I could consult my own f ling>, I could wish to ho relieved from this present duty and its labor. We have just passed through a very* long and labo rious session. < )ur labor lias heen severe beyond precedent, and 1 confess myself somewhat worn by that labor, to say no thing of the ortect of the journey which brought me hero. While, however, I con. less to some lassitude —while I confess that I feel in my person .he eli'cet of this long, unremitting toil, yet I beg to say to you, fellow-citizens, that in my faith in the r ' hich vi e there strug gled, and in the assurance of their triumph, I have no doubt whatever. [Cheers.] The great question involved in the war ■was this: Shall this Government of ours live or die? Shall our nationality be pre served? Shell the reunion of the Slates under the Constitution be secured? That question we fought out on the field of argu ment, and we fought it out in the lield with arms. And that question wo have settled forever—the unity of this nation, its na tionality, and the'supremacy >f the Consti tution of the United States are established 1 forever. But the war is over. Peace has come, and withit have come new problems, and the men w no are not capable of seeing the new problems that peace brings are blind themselves, or are blinded by others. The truth is, that peace has brought tiiis groat, rroblem, and it is the controlling question of the hour: not whether the na tion shall live; not whether the nationality of this Union siiaii be maintained; not whether the Constitution is supreme—for there is not a living human being from Maine to Texas, from New York to Cali fornia, who does not admit that—but this other question arises—an all-absorbing question, upon which the existence of human liberty depends—whethcr the States shall live or' die under the Constitution. [Cheers.] 1 repeat, fellow-citizens, the problem of this hour is, whether the Btate shall live, or whether the State shall die. Under the guidance of those men who have controlled, to a very considerable extent, the councils of both Houses of Congress, since the com mencement of this session, I undertake to . tell you that the States, as such, in their I independence, in their rights, in their rights of self-government, are to be blotted ‘ out unless we arrest the fatal progress of these men. How is it as to the eleven States of the South? Why, many of them tell you in plain language that they are j dead. They toil you that eleven States out of the thirty-six arc merely subjugated and ! conquered territories, for which we must : organize provisional governments. And that was the proposition of some members of Congress at the commencement of the session—my colleague among tiie number —that eleven States of the South were j dead. Is that what wo were fighting for, j that eleven of the stars shall be torn from ’ these flags? I see the same flags are hang | ing here to-day that were here when Gen. j Sherman was present in this city last fall and I addressed you in this chamber; and I appealed to him to know wliethir, when he carried those flags at the head of his columns, they bore upon their folds thirty six stars or twenty-five. They then bore thirty-six. They bear them still, in my opi ion; and they ought to bear them for ever, Congress or no Congress. [Pro longed applause.] Congress talk about taking five stars out of the liag! Congress talk about destroying States.! Why, the States hold their title to existence under the Constitution, and the Constitution is above Congress, not under it. [Applause.] How is it with the twenty-live States that remain? Fellow-citizens, I shall talk to you plain ly, without any disguise. The present Congress has submitted lor ratification to the people a constitutional amendment, the first section of which annihilates State sovereignty altogether. Have you read that article, and considered its provisions, and studied its effect ? What do they pro pose? Congress shall have the power by law to enforce the administration of equal justice in all the States, among ail the peo ple of the States. That is the substance of it. The effect of that is to give Congress power to revise State legislation. It is to give Congress the right of appeal from the State decisions to the Federal Government, and by indictment to punish and imprison the State judges in the Federal courts. Why, Mr. President, it is not many years ago when, in the State of Wisconsin, these very men who are foremost now in de nouncing me were insisting that the State courts were absolutely independent of the Federal j udieiary, even in tho matter which is referred to in tho Constitution the rendition of fugitive slaves. But, yet, now they contend in favor of a provision which shall allow State judges, in the admistra tion of justice between man and man in the several States, to bo indicted, punished and imprisoned by the Federal judges. Wlmt would you think to have your supreme court indicted under old Judge Miller, of Milwaukie, and sent to the State prison and set down becauso it did not decide to suit him under this law of Congress ? Men have not begun to reason upon this question. But the time is com ing when, compared with what is now sub mitted, the alien and sedition laws will be a paragon of legislation; and the time is coming when this question will be dis cussed. But they go further with their propositions. In that very civil rights bill they talk about, one of its provisions de clares, that if any judge of a State court should enforce any law, or any State judge should enforce law or should make a dis tinction on account of race or color, why then this judge is liable to lie indicted and imprisoned by tlie Federal courts. Why, just look at it one moment; we have got a law here in Wisconsin that pun ishes a man for selling whiskey to an Indian. Suppose too question arose in the State courts whether if a man had sold a barrel of whiskey to an Indian, he should be indicted and punished according to law, and the State judge should hold that the State of. Wisconsin had the power, notwith standing this act of Congress, to pass a law prohibiting the sale of liquor to Indians ! He holds that. Your Federal court indicts him for a misdemeanor, and your State judge is dragged into court in the presence of the Federal judge, and this Federal judge fines and imprisons him—for what ? for a decision which he renders as a j udgo on the bench. I shall not dwell, fellow-citizens, upon this point for any length to night; hut take a case, for instance in Massachusetts, by way of illustration. Down to 18:16 they had a law in Massachusetts to prohibit a colored man or woman from marrying a white man or woman. In 1836 they repealed that law in Massachusetts, and this very singular fact has shown itself: that no white man had ever married a colored woman in Massachusetts. There were several white women in Massachusetts that married colored men ; not women of the lowest class either, but women that had been carried away with this great idea of NO DISTINCTION OF RACE OR OOPOR, and they sacrificed themselves to that idea in that State. Now, suppose the people of Massachusetts, believing that it was an evil to allow colored men to marry white women, should pass a law prohibiting in termarriage. This law of Congress steps in and declares that law to be a nullity— ! that the State of Massachusetts has no ; power to make any such law, and a judge j of a court of Massachusetts who should i undertake to enforce that decree would be ■ indicted and punished in the Federal court for a misdemeanor. That is the doctrine j of your civil rights bill. Now, Mr. J'resident and gentlemen, I have stated to you in brief the question of the present hour, which is not whether the Union shall be maintained—not whether tiie rebellion shall bo put dowr—not whether our nationality is to be preserved, but whether our liberties are to be pre served under the Constitution of the United States, as States, byreserving to themselves the rights in the States to pass laws to gov ern ourselves. That is the question—in short, whether the States, as such, are tr live or to die—-whether this Government is to remain as our fathers intended it in the begining, clothing the Federal Govern ment with such powers only as are neces sary to carry out its purposes, and reserv ing all other rights and powers to the States themselves. The issue is, whether republicanism, as it was taught by Jeffer son, shall live ; or whether imperialism and centralization shall be substituted in its place. I was requested by an honorable gentle man to make some observations upon the “call” which has been issued for the Philadelphia Convention, and 1 shall now proceed to refer to the doctrines which are therein enunciated, very briefly expressing iny opinion upon them* and then conclude all that i have to say upon this occasion. And, Ijrst. arises the question ns to what persons are invited, under this call, to take part in the choice of delegates to attend the Convention in Philadelphia. The | language of the eali, upon the subject, is [ as follows : I “ The electors wlxo, In the spirit of patri otism and love for the Union, can rise i above personal and sectional considerations, | and who desire to see a National Union j j Convention, which will represent all the ■States and Territories of the Union, assent* , I ble, as friends and brothers, under the , national flag, to hold counsel together upon the state of the Union, and to take meas- \ ures to avert hostile danger from the same, are specially requested to take part in the choice of such delegates.” Its language is very specific. It is ad- | dressed to those who love the Union, to , those who can rise above personal and , sectional considerations, to those who de- | sire to see a truly national convention ; assembled under the old flag, a band of " brothers, to renew their allegiance together j in support of the Constitution and the j Union and the Government of the United ! States. Now, fellow-citizens, it is sometimes said that this call is addressed to those who are j rebels against the Gov irmnent. Not at all. t You may say that it may embrace those who have been rebels against the Union, i That, perhaps, is true ; butit don’t embrace j a single man who is a rebel now. [Cheers.] ! Then another question arises : What 1 delegaf s can take seats in this Convention in Philadelphia ? Upon that subject it is no less specific, in my opinion : ?|“ No delegate will take a seat in such Convention who does not loyuttv accept the national situation and cordially endorse the principles alxjve set forth, and who is not attached, in true allegiance, to the Con stitution. the Union, and the Government of the United States.” Three things, therefore, are required, three elements are involved in the pledge, which every man takes upon himself as he passes the thre -hold of this Philadelphia Convention. What are they? First, thaf he shall loyally accept the situation ; sec ond, ’and cordially endorse the principles which are here set forth ; and third, he must be attached, in true allegiance to the - Constitution, the I'r>son ; and the Govern ment of the United State-. , Can any man who has rebellion m his j heart op's the threshold of that'Conveh | tion ? Can any man who has any honor i i in him undertake to become a member of I that Convention unless he is attached in i true ahogianec to the Union and Constitu -1 tion and < • Aernng-nt of the United States; and, more than all that, who does not 1 accept the situation in good faith, and who does not cordially adopt the principles t hat 1 are here set forth? 1 ask you, fellow citizens, is it possible, bv human language, to express more clearly and more definitely tho pledge which every man takes upon [ himself as he enters tlie Convention—tlie 1 ! pledge that he is loyal to the flag, and loyal ! to the Union, and loyal to the Constitution, ; and that he endorses the principles winch | arc laid down in this rail? [Cheers.] And ; yet there are some men who suppose t hat tiiis Convention about to meet at Phiiadel- I phiawill break loose from this fundamental 1 creed under which it assembles. It is a tiling utterly impossible. Suppose one, or two, or three,or live thousand men assem bled under this call, is there a man among j them who will not vote for every principle contained in it; and who will not pledge himself in loyalty to sustain the Union:.nil Government of the United States in good faith, cordially, and with his whole heart ? Why, tl*'n, should gentlemen be alarmed themselves, and alarm others ? Ideas con trol men, and control parties, and control : conventions. Ideas are stronger than men, ■ or conventions, or parties. Ideas rule the world ; they always have—they always will; and the idea's which are contained there in that call will rule that convention as certainly as the revolution of the earth. ; [Cheers.] : And, fellow-citizens, let me tell you another thing. Those ideas were written in that call for the set purpose of ruliiig that Convention. Do you suppose it to be possible that the men who were engaged in framing it, tho men who drew up, advised, and signed it, that they did not intend | what they say, and every word of what they say? There is not the dotting of an j “i,” or tho crossing of a ‘*t," in that docu ment which is not significant of what it | means. And now, then, fellow-citizens, what are (no principles which these men must avow, and pledge themselves to sustain, to enter this Convention? First, “That the Union of the States is, in every ease, indissoluble and is per petual ; and that the Constitution of the United States, and the laws passed by Congress in pursuance thereof, are supreme and constant and universal in their obi igni tion.” And vet men seem to be afraid that some secessionists will get into that Convention— that some men may get into that Conven tion who believe in a right to dissolve the Union and to withdraw the States from the Union; who believe that the Union is not dissoluble, that the Union is not per petual, that the Constitution of the United States is not supreme and constant and universal in it« obligations. I admit, fol low-citizen, that some men, perhaps, who heretofore believed in that fatal heresy, but who have become convinced, by four years of tho bloodiest experience the world has over seen, that that theory is fatal and false and must be abandoned—that upon the last appeal to the God of Battles that theory has been crushed out, and is now abandoned forever —that some such men may come to the Convention, saying frank ly, freely, as honorable men, and as brave men, “We believed in secession; we fought for secession; we fought it out to the bitter end; but the decision of the Almighty God who rules tho universe has been against ns, and wc surrender the controversy, and surrender it forever!” ( Cheers. I I have spoken now oi men who may, perhaps, come from the South; how is it with men from the North? Let us try it on. Suppose Mr. Horace Greeley, of the New York Tribune, Should go to that Con vention and otter to come in. Ho is met at the door with the question, “Mr. Greeley, do you believe that the Union of the States is, in every case, indissoluble, that it is perpetual; that the Constitution of the United States, and the laws passed by Con gress in pursuance thereof, are supreme, constant and universal in their oi fixa tion?” Now, whether Mr. Greeley could go into the Convention or not depends upon how he could answer that question. If he should answer that question as he did through his newspaper in 18(50—(for six long weeks, day by day, he argued and insisted that if the majority of these States voted in favor of secession they had a right to go out) —Mr. Greeley should never come into that Convention.— [Cheers.] Mr. Greeley, in 1860, by the public declarations of the Tribune, was a secessionist. He may have changed his opinion since. God grant he has! The Tribune, however, professes never to change any opinion, and never to correct any mistake ; and one of tlie mottoes of that paper is, however much injury may be inflicted upon a private individual by the false statements of the Tribune, it is better an individual should sutler than the Tribune should acknowledge itself as capa ble of doing wrong. [Sensation.] Isay Mr. Greeley may have changed his opinion; I hope he has ; and if he lias, and if ho will say like an honest man, “I was wrong in 1860 in advocating this right of secession ; I was wrong in my newspaper when I said that if the majority in a State voted to go out, that it laid a right to go out;” if he will say that, and say, “I am satisfied that secession is a great error; that the Union is indissoluble in every case, and per petual; that the Constitution of the United States, and the laws passed by Congress in pursuance t hereof, are supreme and con stant, and universal in lioir obligation j “Mr. Greeley,” I would say, “you can ( walk into this Convention it you subscribe to the creed upon which it assembles.” So, too, without going into the particulars i of naming individuals —for I would not 1 have named Mr. Greeley, but that lie is ! known as tho editor of a great newspaper, j which has a wide circulation through tho i country, and therefore I speak of him ; rather as a public man than as a private j individual—without mentioning any other ; names, suppose it should so happen that ! some men should otter to enter the Con vention at Philadelphia who sonic time during the last live or eight or ton years have maintained the idea of the sight of secession, that tho South had a right to j nullify an act of Congress—there were some gentlemen in our own State who were very strong advocates of the doctrine not many years ago—suppose some of them should appear at that Convention, all that wo would ask, and all that we would ! expect of honorable men, is, when they j enter tlie Convention, under the creed which is laid down as the basis of that Convention, that as honorable men they j should subscribe to that, or that they ! should not bo there at all. | Now, the first point is the supremacy of 1 the Union; the cutting up of secession by ! the roots, root and branch; the utter do - struction of all rebellion against the Gov j eminent of the United States. That is the ' first principle of this call Wliat is the | second? “The rights, the dignity and the ; equality of the States in the Union, includ ! ing the right of representation in Con gress,” solemnly guaranteed by the Con \ slitution, to save which from overthrow so much blood and treasure were expended ] in the late civil war. The ideas tire these: j First, the unity of the States; second, the j rights of the States under the Constitution, I and subject only to the Constitution—the j right of the States to exercise those rights | which are reserved to them by the Consti- I tution. And among those rights, and a I right which is sacredly guaranteed—-which Congress cannot tako away—is the right of | a State to have an equal suffrage in the ] Senate. I undertake to say that by the | Constitution of the United States every j State in the Union lias an equal right to ! suffrage in the Senate of the United States, ! and Congress has no right, Congress has - no power, to change it; and when Con i gross undertakes to change it, it is revolu tion. [Applause.] The rights of those States under the Constitution, and the i supremacy of the Constitution, are the ! very things for which we fought. They are the grand objects for which our brothers and our fathers, and our sons have laid down their lives. Fellow-citizens, when men talk to me about securing human liberty by enact ments of Congress, by caucuses of the House of Representatives and of the Sen- | ate, I cannot but feel that they do not uti- I derstand the theory upon which our Gov ernment is based. What defends my rights and my liberties hero in Wisconsin ? 1 Who defends me in tho enjoyment of my home ? Is it Congress ? God forbid ! it is the State of Wisconsin. [Applause.] Who defends me in the enjoyment of my i wife and my children? Congress? Not j at all, not at all. li is the right of tho peo ple ol'Wisconsin to govern themselves; lo pass their own laws under the Constitu tion, and for the State of Wisconsin to en force them by her own tribunals, which - guard us by “day anil by night, which j guard sur houses from burglars and from , arson, which defend us in tho enjoyment of all those liberties which we prize most dear, including life and property, and '■ reputation and family, and wives and j children. O, fellow-citzons, when we for- 1 get to look to the State as that tegis which : protects our liberties, those liberties are alreadv gono. Again, this call says : “There is no right anywhere to dissolve the Union, or to separate States from the Union, either by j voluntary withdrawal, by force of arms, or by Congressional action; neither by the secession of States, nor by the exclusion of their loyal and qualified representatives, nor by the National Government in any i other form,” I Why, fellow-citizens, what is the differ | ence between the secessionists and the ex - elusionists ? What is the difference l>e i tweenr the dlsuuionlst who insist tliat eleven States have a light to withdraw from the other twenty-live, 1 or the exelu sionist who says that the twenty-live States ! have a right to expel the eleven ? They - are both born of the same falsehood and ■ lead to the same result. Kach is dissolu tion. Each is secession. Roth involve the same principle. It all lies in this : lias a suite a right to withdraw from the Union ? ' Can one State withdraw from the rest ? If one State lias aright to withdraw, the other States have a right to withdraw from i the one ; or to expel the one, if it comes to ( that. And these doctrines of the exclu : sionists are precisely as dangerous as tho doctrines of tire secessionists. It is dis | union, and that disunion, fellow-citizens, i it is your duty and mine to use all means to prevent. [Cheers.] Now, perhaps, I might be asked the question whether Thaddeus Stevens could i get into this Convention. For myself I ! don't believe he would undertake to cross the threshold without a very greut change of heart, a change of creed to say the least; j lieeause he has "maintained this doctrine jof exclusion—this doctrine that the States ' are conquered territories —from the begin* ! ning ana from before the beginning of the present Congress. And, afterall, if Stevens, as bad as he may be, should appear and claim to be regularly elected from some" district hi Pennsylvania, and desire to lake his seat in that Convention at Phila delphia, and he will subscribe openly to this creed, and declare that he believes and cordially approves of all the doctrines set out in that tall, then, bad and mischievous man as I believe him to be —a very Mephis- 1 topheles, who has produced all the trou bles of the past winter—yet I would not vote to exclude him, because, if he pro fesses this creed, I don’t know what power I I would have to exclude him, unless after ho should enter the Convention lie should begin to make war upon this creed, and if he did that, I would expel him in two minutes. [Applause.] come now to another point in this i pall. “Slavery is abolished, and neither can nor ought to be re-established in any State Or Territory within our jurisdiction. Then no man who is in favor of slavery can come in. So that matter is out of ten question. If Judge Pareons of Alabama^ of Mississippi, should i attend this Convention, no man can sav i " y.a"‘ l,l favor of Slav: rv, because one of the luudamental articles iff the creed un der which they enter is, that slavery is ut ad and buried and gone forever, and neither can be nor ought to be re-estab hshedmany Slate or Territory of the 1 1 lilted States—the glorious consummation ol tins war, which began without any in tention oil tho part ol the United Slates to destroy slavery, but which u di( , (I(Mrt , v as a military necessity for its nrosorva ion. V. un : “Each State has the undoubted right to prescribe the qualifications of its ! own electors, and no external power right- j i fully can, or ought to, dictate, control, or i influence the free am’ voluntary action of i the States in the exercise of that right.’’ This is one of the rights of the" States, A e set this question of sufl'rago among our | rights. It is one of the rights the States have enjoyed from tho beginning of the * Government, and for the Federal Govern ment to undertake to control, to dictate i upon that subject, is to violate both the letter of the Constitution and the spirit which gives it life. We have no right to take from the people themselves this right to settle that question. V can very well understand that how here in Wisconsin, where colored people have been freemen among freemen, that our people may vote to give tho suffrage; but when you'come down into the lower slave States, and go among the colored population, where von ! may say nine-tenths of the colored men have no sense of family ties, snd the wo men have no sense of virtue, anil under take to build upon a foundation like that, and to force suffrage upon those States upon a basis like that, it is uncoiistitution | al and in violation of its tetter and spirit. We should stultify ourselves and become the laughingstock of the world ; and, be : sides that, we should but accomplish what Gen. Grant, and - Gen. Sherman, and Thom as Jcllorson, have said again and again—we should force a war between the races that could only result in tho extermination of one race or the other. [Cheers.] It lias been persistently maintained, from time to time, that the President of the United States was unwilling that Con gress should have any judgment upon the question of the election, returns, and quan i tications of its own members, but this as sertion is utterly false and unfounded. The President has simply insisted that the ' Senate was the judge Os tho election of • Senators, the qualifications of Senators, and tho returns of Senators, and that the House shall judge of the members, and the returns of members, and their qualifica tions. This question involves the whole : matter. You cannot elect a Senator unless ; there is a Legislature to elect one. And 1 tho Senate is authorized to judge for its : self whether, when a man claims that he was elected, there was a Legislature that could elect him. And so precisely tho i louse of representatives, in judging of the election of their members, have a right to inquire whether there was an election ; whether tho district where the election was held was in such a condition that they 1 could hold an election ; for if that district was overrun with civil war, you could not, of course, hold an election; and if it was under the control of an insurrection, of course their could be no election. But cannot the House judge of that? Is it necessary to bring the Senate in to judge of that? Why, wo saw the folly of that the other day, among the closing scenes of Congress ; tiiis infamous idea upon which tlio committee of fifteen were born, that the House should not admit any mo-libel’s without the consent of the Senate. Wo saw within the last few hours of the session that 1 whole idea strampled under foot . How did it 1 arise? It arose in the case of Mr. Patter son. Mr. Patterson presents himself to take the oath of office. Air. Patterson had been elected to the office of judge by tho Union men of Tennessee. He had taken the oath to discharge tho duties of I the office; but at some time when he was . surrounded by rebels he did, under pro : test, take an oath to support the (Jonfed | crate Government. But when he took it lie told the officer, “This is no oath; I despise this oath; it lias no validity. I | shall not act under the Confederate States; : 1 take this oath by compulsion.” He took 1 the oath under the Confederate States, but 1 in hostility to the Confederate States. He | took it because elected by four thousand ! Union men, and for the especial purpose of j saving those four thousand Union men I from all the horrors and barbarities of the j rebel guerillas. And in the Senate it was j proposed to modify the oath. I was very glad to hear that, I am sure; and they i voted to modify the oath, and everybody | voted for it but two. Wade, of Ohio, and , Howard, of Michigan, I believe, were the | two. The resolution then went over to tlie i House, and tlie House, after a fiery discus | sion, laid the resolution on the table. What j did the Senate say ? They turned their | backs upon the House after all that had j been said, and passed a vote, by 22 to 13 to j admit Mr. Patterson, swear him in, and it ! was done. [Cheers.] Eaefi House, by tlie | Constitution itself, is made tlie judge. I 1 said in the first speech that I made in Con ! gress this winter in opposition to tiiis.reso . lution, which- was to compel the Senate to ask the permission of the House when | they should admit Senators from those ! States. I denounced that resolution, and j protested against it as a violation, of the j Constitution of the United States, in dero • gation of the powers of tho Senate, and un | worthy of Senators to consider for a mo j ment. j There is another point in this which is j | equally important; ] “Every patriot should forever frown up- i j on all those acts and proceedings, every- j ! where, which can serve no other purpose ! j than to rekindle the animosities of war, j I and the efiect of which upon our moral, j social, and material interests at home, and upon our standing abroad, differing only ! in degree, is injurious like war itself.” j Now, what is the mean ing of that, now 1 that the war is over and blood lias ceased to flow ? Now, that there are no more ! sons to be sacrificed and laid in premature j graves, what does it mean ? It means that every honest man, and every patriot I and every Christian should, by his lan- i | guge, his conversation, and liis conduct, ! do all in his power to lical the breech, not ] to tear open the wounds afresh. [Cheer.] ! ! But what have we heard, fellow-citizens ? i | Almost from the very beginning of the I j session all the dominant men who lead j ; that faction in Congress have been in op- I ’ position to the administration of the Na- ! ! tioual Union party. And what do wo hear j from them ? From the beginning to the ! end, but denunciations and that spirit of j hate and war breathed out day atterday, I i and poured upon the people of the South, | who had no representatives to defend them j | from the beginning of the session to the end. j Why, fellow-citizens, the very wild In-j ! dians on the plains should teach those I men how to make peace. Go among the i | Cheyennes, tho Arapadoes, the Catnan- ! i dices, the Alpaches, even the wildest In- ! diausofall the plains : they may fight with ! each other, commit all sorls of atrocities \ upon each other, but when the time comes j i to make peace, what do they do? They get j together; they bury the tomahawk; they ' smoke the pipe of peace ; they shake hands; - they say, “Wo are no more enemies now; 1 | we are friends.” Cannot statesmen in the i nincteet-h century ; cannot men who have j read the whole history of tho world; can | not Christians who profess tiie Gospel of ! the Lord Jesus Christ—cannot they do as J well in making peace as those Indians of tho plains ? [Cheers.] And fellow-citizens, wo must look upon facts as they are. The present Congress 1 Was elected in the midst of war and con- > I fiagration. They were elected as a war j Congress. It was in the spirit of war which breathed into it the breath of life; and war 1 thov must have. And if it could not be j war upon the rebellion—for the rebellion j had given way, and it could not bo wreak- i ed, upon that—that war must be waged j upon their own Administration, which [ they themselves elected and placed in - power. And from the beginning of tiie i session to the end, with unrelenting hos tility, they have waged war upon the j President and upon every man who assists the President, including as limnbic a ja-r --son as myself among tho number. But you suppose that the waging of this war upon Andrew Johnson- -upon that man ; who, ill the Senate of the Unit-- ! Stales, stood like a rock and rolled hack the mad waves of secession which dashed against him, [cheers] do you suppose that An drew Johnson, who has suffered more for the Union than all the men in the Congress who denounce ltiin ; that Andrew Johnson is to lie driven from the performance of his high and sacred duty as a statesman, as a man, as a Christian ? Is it to ta- supposed tiiat by tiie denunciations of newspapers here in Wisconsin., qr elsewhere, that faith ful band who stood by him in sunshmeaud in storm will falter for an instant? 1 as sure you, fellowcitizens, three men who make these denunciations do not know tlu spirit that actuates the men who stand by Andrew Johnson. [Cheers,] , ilow easy for me, as an individval, to liayo floated with the passing excitement of the present hour, to have avoided all this denunciation ! My term in the .Sen ate does not expire for some years to come, j How easy to have avoided all this contro versy, to have acted with this dominant faction and party ! But- no fellowcitizens, 1 I tell vou t and I assure you, Ii is ascertain, : in niv judgment, as God lives and reigns, 1 that unless the people in this country sus tain Andrew Johnson now in bis deter mined effort to sustain this Union and to arrest the mad career of this wild tendency to centralization, vour constitutional lib i erties are engulfed in a vortex from which -they will never rise. [Cheers.] That ten dency is to despotism, the despotism of a i tyrannical caucus—the meanest of all des ! potisms from the days of the seventy tyrants 1 down. [Cheers.] There has occurred this session, in relation to caucuses, in < longress, that never occurred before in the history of the Government, and that is, that caii j euses undertook to bind their members upon questions of legislation. And vet those men have suffered themselves to “be led and bound hand and foot; and among them—in the House of Representatives against theirjudgment, have been led by Thaddeus Stevens, and the men associat ed with him, to make this unwarrantable unjustifiable, this most devilish warfare upon Andrew Johnson. [Cheers,] There is no species of denunciation in which these men haye not indulged, and with j whicn they did not fill their newspapers I tromone vqd qf tho country to the other 1 nere is not a day, or there was not a day some time since, when the. newspapers did not teem with the declarations, that Vn <lrcw .Johnson was “too inei. rated, too in toxieatcd;-’ that he was “continually un iter the influence of intoxications iliinks ami unable to perform tiie duties of his ollice. they charge upon him other things, which I could blush in this pres : :‘ n . ce u > mention ; but they are just such il ii bi-ral concoctions and infernal, infamous ! falsehoods as eveg were concocted Kv any bend from [he infernal regions. [Cheers,j Fellow-citizens, I am afraid I am detain ing you. [Cries of “Go on,” “Go on,’’] There is but one more point that J wished |to illustrate. It is this : You remember ; tlio terrible battle of Bull Run, July, lS.il. You remember when our forces went on in the morning flushed with victory, of the hope of victory, and eauie bank m dis aster ; and many members o,f Congress vyho Vent out to sec the buttle with tiie words “On to Richmond 1” on their bps, came fleeing back themselves lrom l.to field of disaster, and one of them, avern was captured and taken prisoner mmsem Now, leUoiV’pilieens, in vll r\ v ° «>2 .-•-i-;I Je defeat, when we were all humbled { and bowed down before Almighty God what took place ? Congress, bv an almost entirely urtanimons voice, <-.-d the purposes of the war, and the conditions upon winch the war should ei. i;v . qq,,,,, declared it in these words; “That this war is not prosecuted upon ourpartin anv spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, nor purpose of overthrowing or interfering with tlie rights or i -tabh-hed institutions of those States but to defend and maintain the sunr'cm-iev of the Constitution, and ail laws made' iii pursuance thereof, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the -'several States uninnia’jrk-l • that as soon as these objects are accom plished the war ought to cease.” \\ here did ('.ingress say, in that. resoln j (. uni > Y u AV ’ifi impose upon thorn negro sef -1 rage before tho war ceases ? Where did ( digress say, in that resolution, that tliev woind impose upon them this, that, or the j other conditions ? But they declared in most positive terms, and appealed to the <>od ol Battles, and appealed to Him in tlie midst ot disaster-at a time when from their humbled hearts they had a riffiit to appeal—at tlib time, too, when their appeal ; should have been made in all sineeritvand honesty—and they declared that they pro ; scented the w; r for the supremacy of the Union; for the salvation of the “States • not to destroy them, but for their equal rights and dignity. And when that was I accomplished the war should cease. And further, fellow-citizens, and this is i a point which I shall make and it is the I last,’•mo to which I will call your atten tion, and) therefore, it is one which I hope you will not forget: In the convention of 1864, when, in the midst of the war we placed Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson in • nomination, tho one for President and the other for Vice President, we stated in our , platform precisely ’the terms upon which j we insisted for the settlement of the war so far as the Constitution is concerned. We declared, in that, inasmuch as tho emanci pation proclamation had already been is ■ sued and ilie slaves were set free in many : of the .states, wc declared that we were in ; favor of the constitutional amendment which would set free all the slaves in all the State's. That wo declared for 1864, and it was all that we declared in reference to j tho Constitution of die United States; and we have no right to insist upon other terms against their consent. If they consent to i other terms, they may. It is 'true, fellow i citizens, that if wc choose, with the consent i of all the States, to change the basis of re ! presentation from population to voters, it : would be right. There is a principle in that which can be defended. But when j this Government of the United States says to the eleven States of the Union: If you | don't adopt negro suffrage, if you don't vote for (lie constitutional amendment, j you shall be punished for not doing it by ! losing half of vour representation, I need not say that it. is a cruelty, a degradation, ! that we have no right to impose upon , States in this Union which are entitled to j representation. [Applause.] Fellow-citizens, 1 have detained you lon i ger than I intended, but as this call has j been the subject of some remark in the papers, and elsewhere, and as it is the first occasion when I ha . e had an opportunity to speak upon the subject, at the request of an honorable gentleman, I have consent ed to occupy your attention with regard to j it, and have done so as bricllv as was con i sistent with the subject itself. [Prolonged j applause.] j Crops. j “J. Iv.” —(Rev. Joshua Knowles,) — writing to the Macon Journal if- Meissenge j from Oxford, Georgia, after an extensive j tour in the up-country, says: I From what I saw and heard, lam satis : fied that from the Oconee to the Tennessee ! rivers, a half crop of corn will not be made, | whilst the sweet potato crop will be, in | many places, almost a failure. Upon the i rich bottoms of the Etowah and Coosa, I I saw many fields of corn that will not yield five bushels to tho acre, where there should ! have been, with propitious seasons, 30. This is partly attributable to bad tillage— j the com standing entirely too thick and ! overrun with grass. r J hero arc small por | tions of nearly every county that have been favored with rains, and where crops of all kinds are promising. But. in the ag gregate, both cotton and corn are distress ingly short. This is the more to be de plored, its the wheat crop, at best small, had to he farced upon the market to meet pressing engagements. | I have met with intelligent gentlemen | from Alabama and Mississippi within the j last few days, and they give the same dis : couraging accounts of crops in those States, i The last advices from Last Tennessee, in ! regard to crops are favorable. The cotton crop in Marengo county, Ala., i is utterly ruined, says tho Recorder oi' Ma j rengo. j Kyle & Terry, proprietors of Oakland plantation on Oyster creek, have sent the ! first bale of cotton to Galveston. It was | classed as strict middling, sold for 40c. per : Hi., in specie, and received the premium of ! a silver pitcher from Sissmuss &, Cos. I The Empire Parish, published at Pla quemine, Iberville parish, La., says:—The I news from every nook and corner of this ! great parish of ours continues most en couraging, as far as the crops are concern ed. The cotton crop will, it is said, to out much better than was expected a mon ! ago. Our farmers will soon be busily e 1 gaged in cutting their rice. Some peop think tl iat the yield will Ik: fully up to th; of last year. The heads of the rice an well filled and the grains large. Tlie cane fields look splendid. The supply of th orange crop will be beautiful. A contributor to the Natchez Democrat gives a discouraging view of the cotton prospects, present and future. 1 'Planters, as a general thing, ’ ’ he says, ‘ ‘are dis gusted with the free negro system, and none more so than those gentry who came from North of Mason and Hixson’s line.” The planters about Jacksonport, Ark., in consequence of the late rains with which they have been 1 des.sed, now contemplate a j gseater yield of cotton than was hoped a few weeks since. Their corn has improved j wonderfully, and promises an average I yield. The Gidocston News Price. Current says : We are glad to be able to say that our accounts from the country are generally favorable. Almost every planter speaks of bis cotton as having improved aston ishingly of late. The freedmen, as a gen eral rule, are doing better than heretofore, for which General Kiddoo receives credit on till hands. 'The cotton fields are there fore now generally clean, and the planters seem pleased with their prospects. The weather lias been fine. Rains are reported as frequent in nearly all parts of the State, and sometimes in too great abundance. The earlier cotton is said to be opening in many parts of the West, and picking will soon commence, if no casualty occurs. — Since writing the foregoing in regard to the cotton crop, we have received a lett;*- from a respectable planter in Fort Bend, dated July 13, in which he says our last week’s report of the cotton crop was quite tofavorable. He thinks the crop, even if the worm does not do much damage, must fall greatly short of 100,000 bales for shipment from our seaports. But he rep resents the cotton worm as very destructive already in that and adjoining counties. In Fort Bend, Matagorda, Brazoria and Whar ton. he says the cotton planted falls short of the usual crop by some ten thousand acres, and a like deduction should probably he made from the crop of other counties. Even, therefore, should the crop prove a go.)'! one, there must be a large falling off from tiie usual number of bales. As r» general thing, he says, the cotton is not good, nor clear of grass. Ho adds : “As to the worms, I know the genuine cotton worm is upon us. I have seen them | strip one largo field of 1,000 acres. 1 have them in my own plantation, and hear of | them in every direction. Some planta- I tions in the lower part of Brazoria are al : ready destroyed. I have been planting in 1 the State since 1850, and have never before | seen the worm so early. Where, then, is i the prospect for 100,000 hales? It is well i known that where the worm comes early, it | sweeps the whole country.” We attach considerable weight to this account, and we therefore fear the crop of the State will fall liir short of the usual 1 estimates. Tiie Jacksonport (Ark.) Herald says: Yo one could desire more delightful weath er than that which we are now enjoying. ’I he late rains with which this section was blessed luis cause:! tho cotton and corn lichi.T to present a decidedly healthy appearance, and planters are now confident ii a great majority of cases, of making more cotton than was anticipated a few wi '-ss since. Corn lias improved wonder iuiiy. and bespeaks an average yield.— A correspondent writing jfrom Union, county says : I lie corn crop has already gone by the board in this county. Novcr., since Arkansas has been a State, have I seen such a complete failure in making corn. Scarcely a man will make more than enough to supply his white family, and consoqently, if the darky gets any, it will have to bo shipped. Fortunately, sine qua aon in Arkansas promises an abundant yield—the jaooms. Cotton, though very late, and a bad stand, may still, with fa vorable seasons, make one-half of a crop ; but st;l]_k is subject to a thousand casual ties. The negro, his faults, his laziness, his thefts and impudenca form the popular theme of discussion in every crowd, and how to rid the country of so great a nuisance, the .study of our statesmen. China.—A country where the roses have, no fragrance and the women no petticoats ; where the laborer has no , uooath and the inagistratenoson.se of honor ; where the roads bear no vehicles and the ships no • where the old men tly kites , where the needle points to the South and the -i'n of being puzzled is to scratch the ar&i nodes of the head; where the plt«*> of honoris on the left hand and the scat of' intelligence is in the stomach where to take oil your hat is an insolent gesture, and to wear white garments is to put your self in mourning; which has a literature without an alphabet and a language with out a vrauiujar. The Tribune of the ?th says that much I surprise is expressed in New Orleans at the public' itiou of a so-cmled dispatch frem Gep, &heridau to Gen. Grant, in a Yew iork paper. It'S stated that the dispatch was an altered and mutilated copy, placing the General in the attitude of indorsing ail thqt has hgea doue by the citizens,