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snide & Sentinel. WEDNESDAY MOBMXfi, SEPTKMBKB •'>. ‘ The (onst Rationalist anG the fUW*l* plila l int form. WV are Sony to find our esteemed co temi > rary across the street still opposed to the great conservntirc and national movement inaugurated in Philadelphia lor the nre-vrvatinn .f constitutional lii*rty , ( j t . r j!„. Constitution of the 1 nited <1 ;lt the n Mutation of the Houthcm S,a.t-. -and people to all the rights privil ,■2.- anil franchises to which they tire en title 1 und- rthat instrument. The Editor ~j tin- tiiuthmalist take- around j.. ainst theplatform of the Convention in it long article which appeared in that paper of the 2f)th insi. We propose to-day to review that art; ' somewhat at length, and in doing so we shall take up seriatim tl„. a- larationx of principles enuncia ted in the Philadelphia platform. The fir.-t of the scries is in the following words. j-t. \Ve imil with gratitude to Almighty Cod the end of the war and the rr mm of p.. . | ■ and b lov< and lai L To this th Constii t ■ 1 ‘with a h. art full of gratitude to that nicr> il'ul Rang . we , iy amen. 'J'he second proposition is as follows: id. The war just elosi-d has maintained 11, ( authority of tic- C institution with alt the powers which it confers, amt all the ; fictions which it imposes upon the (ten or .! i ioverament unabridged and unalter ,-d: and i. has pre- rv.-d ti,-, t'nion, with the i- pjat rights, dignity and authority of tin*.state-, perf-s-t and uninipuiro-I. We It id thought at lea no-Southern man would deny the propositions contained in (hi. article, and h ast of all were we pre pa:- 1 to find a lea-line Southern journal— one which to . -due extent at h:ast rnu- t. he regard-sl s the exponent of-Southern «.-• time,it. declaring that V.h resolution it, - H.iP ;nciit 4 oi ’the .Ram o! L 1 - -State, ui r,.-.. i i--if to th : Federal G overnment wasun -ue and iiiogi.- ,1. The ita-Jk-al - ha.---1 heir op: . r,i to the re -on-t rc -i polity ofl'r id-ml John-m upon the dogma that 1 i- iiiiination of the war did not restore the States of the South to their former and ancient relation - to the Federal Govern ment. They declare t hat by the re-ult.-t of the late civil war the Corn'dJerate States are d< priii-1 of th -ir ri-.-h. as co-equals in the Confederation of States known as the I ,'t ited Stat-s. They claim that the South no : tl Con t-tit-ition "f the Ciiited States because by th-'ir own voluntary act. they dissolved the twhich bound them to the Federal Hi,inn and that they# arc not nor cannot |„- one: lii-ial- 1 of that <' ms deration un it- a; l,y the censent of the conquering] tower —the Federal Government. Their whole conduct during- the recent session of Con .»r« • was ha.-ed upon this assumption of i d< it) ut tion of the Ft deral lin ion by the war. On the nth ,-r hau l Mr. Johnson and all the Con.-Tvativo men of the North ha-.-,- in-:..tel that by the victory acquired by the Federal arms over the Confederate State ■ and the surrender of the Con federate (1 ivcrnm nt the lawful authority of the Federal Government was aeknow- I- I ami immediately became tie: supreme law of the land. The Southern States each for itself ratified the results of the Confederate overthrow, and accepted the terms of defeat. These terms were a re turn to their old allegiance to the Federal (iuverninent under the (' institution of the United States. The war was waged on tlm pat t of the United States, according to all their official dccla rations solely for a restoration of th* In ion under the Con stitution. Our acceptance of the terms of surrender was in view of these repeated declarations on the part of the United States Government as to the object for which they prosecuted the wax against us, and in the belief tint our capitulation would restore, us to our ancient relations as sovereign ami e-ped States, to the Federal Government. IJp to the meeting of Congress in Do - euibi r last there bad been no avowals of a line of policy differing materially from b- l- i ‘ o (hi -p. -lion. Very eh ■F ■ i >.. I : ,al bo ; - -In ran, manifest that th Radicals w-’, - Ito do t >tlie ■" uthorn Sta , prt s n ii-ion in th- t'odei; i .legislature, I>X ‘W ill's, i ..is -ithei F.s-i are to Is, I'-ni s in I, ('(institution f 'b- S iti S. 1 'll lie- .(• l- - the I*ti ; . the lla-li- ils, the contest has been and will eoiiliir-e 1. be waged by the conservative men of the North. If, by the results of the w tr, the / iihm hag not hi npr » - l, wiili the equal rights, dignity and au thority of the States, perlect and unim paired, then the Radicals may impose upon the South such terms as they please, be fore admitting us into the I moil us mem bers thereof. The Constitutionalist says that “we are unable tr silicide with the .sentiment that the war just closed lias pre served the Union, with the equal rights, dignity and authority of the States, per fect and unimpaired. So says Tliad. Stevens, and Wilson and Sumner, and lienee they oppose the principles, laid down by the I’hiluilclphia Convention upon this is,-ue. If the ( 'onxtitntionali.it and Tliad. Stevens are right in their position on this point, then as a necessary conse quence the Southern States to-day are but the conquered provinces of the Federal Government, and must submit to any terms which the conquering power may dictate as a condition precedent to their rehal-iliation as Stines of the Union. We cannot yield a ingle point on this question. W o maintain that the resolution under re view contains the true theory, and the only one hy which it is possible tor the FoutE ern States ever to ho restored to their rights and privileges under the Constitution. To oppose this principle is to oppose Southern representation in Congress, and Southern equality mulct he Government of the Unit .1 S etes. This we cannot do. fL’he third resolution declares: ;.,t. Hep: . r.tutimi in the Congress of tIHV Cniteo Stc.ti-.-. s.tni in the i teetotal College, isa right roco rnic.ed liv the Constitution as abiding in every State, and as a duty imposed epon the people, fundamental in its natu. and essential to the existence of our Republican institutions, and neither Congress or the itenera! Government lias any authority or power to done this righ, to any State, or to withhold itsj enjoyment under the Constitution, front the people thereof The ('■ . ih'4 will not even on- j dorse the truths of this resolution without a qualification. So anxious, our contem porary appears to be, to find fault with the proooediu -of the Convention, that he win not give Ids absent to a proposition which only declares the true and hitherto accepted grounds upon which our whole structure of civil tioveminent depends, ilesfys that representation in Congress and the Electoral College is only a ret U atid net a Jut;!. Admit his position to ho true, that the S; ties are r t ion.:! vo send representatives t > Congress we ask in all candor, how a declaration of that sort can at this time materially affect the interests of the Southern States. Are wo not now anxious to he allowed the rnjr/ifof represen tation? Have we not insisted for the last eight months upon this re,At? Hew then can that which we esteemed a privilege and right, mo-t de-trahle to 1 e iahead. Ite eomo offensive to us when placed iti the attitude of a duty to ho performed. Such criticisms arc. it seems to us. ill-timed and in had taste. It must 1-e remeut’-crod that the South are to-day denied the right of representa tion in Congress, while we are required to jay our full share of the taxes and ox jlenses of the Government. We have con tended and so have the Conservative men of the North, that there was no power in the Government to deny this great right of representation to any oi the ■''do. - oi the Union. That if a State was denied representation, then the Government could not assume to lay taxes upon her people. The Radicals contend that the Southern States are in the Union, hi far as to authorize the collection of taxes, but not in to the extent of being entitled to rep resentation in Congress and the h.ectund College. This resolution was found to meet'the outrageous perpetrations of the Radicals, and is in truth founded upoifthe plainest provisions of the Constitution. The fourth resolution is merely an cx ortation to the people ofthe United Spates, to elect no one to office who*- opp —d to the right of representation as laid down in the foregoing resolution, and is m tlie lowing words; 4th. Wo call upon the people of the United States to elect to Congress as mein hors thereof none lint men who admit this fundamental right ol' representation, and who wiil roeeivy to seats therein loyal representatives from everv Mate in alle giance to the United Stated, subject to the constitntional right of each House to ju-lge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members. “To thi-. the Constitutionalist says, and we give his words in full ; “The fourth is n<-i endoraahle. A dead llv --a.ises tile ointment of the apothe cary to slink and “loyal representatives' spoils ti, - whole proposition. It is my right to send any representation ! choose, provided lie come;; up to the requirements of the Federal ( ’-institution-, and no one has a right to limit my choice by extra constitutional tests.'' The word “ loyal” is peculiarly objec tionable to the Constitutionalist. Indeed hi - whole opposition to this resolution is Ua I upon the use of that word in de scribing who should be admitted as repre sent a tiv— in tbo national legislature. Wc are not prepared to say that any govern ment should admit among its counsellors or law-makers persons who are ili.-loyal to it.- authority. The safety of governments depend upon the good faith of those who make the laws no lc- than upon those who arc the subjects of the laws. If the law maker is an enemy to the Government which he is professing to serve, then be is doubly treacherous—for he betrays not only the government of which he is a mem ber, but those also whom he is presumed to represent. Wc ask in allcandor of our neighbor if he would have the Government of th : 1 :iit 1 Hi ate-- conducted and gov erned by those who are its enemies ? Ikies be b-Jie-o that the Federal Government would be true to the trust reposed in it by i the people of the United States, if it S should permit its enemies to control its ae i tims? Is there a single fair man in Geor ; gia who would l>o willin'' to vote for a Uep- ,r-M.:;iUuvo in Congress, who in an oemy ' the go ■■ i.incut of the -. luted H let— *r , siH-.v,.; Ur the poop'ie t-fcd-'ec- We h .j>e not. Wo -ttbiiit the right claimed by lie- Cm 'it-tioMtlbt to t any r u - .-entativc he i-lms. sprout: 'be eon* -.up o- the re- 'f "tits of -he Cons ti it; ,u. this question, whether the representative thus selected does come to the require ments of' the Constitution, must, however, be decided by each House of Congress un der its Constitutional right to judge of the election returns, and qualifications of its own members. No other qualifications than those required by the Constitution can be imposed by either House of Con gress. Neither can any- party or body of men assume P) decide upon those qualifi cations other than the body with which the representation is seeking admission. No “oxtra-Constitutional tests” are ap plied in this resolution. The very language of tlie Constitution itself is used in describ ing the power and duty of each House as to the admi tsion ot its members. tVe can not see that there is any ambiguity as to the true meaning of bis resolution, and particularly of the wool “loyal. The Con. volition meant to say and did say, that every loyal or true msn to the Government who possesses the Coastitutional qualifica tions was entitled to i seat in Congress. It was not meant that no one who had ever been in arms, or o.hcrwi.sc opposed the Government of the I-nited States, should be excluded from a seat in Congress. All those who arc at this time true and loyal to the principles of the Constitution are held to be within the qualifications laid down for representatives —and this , irre sj/retire of their past acts or conduct. Ir lie is a true man now —if he adheres to the Government and opposes its enemies—if he, in good faith, accepts the present con dition of allairs and honestly intends to support, maintain and defend the Consti tution of the United States, then by this resolution he is eligible to a seat in either branch of Congress. To this extent the resolution under review goes and no farther. With this understanding of its scope and meaning, we approve it. Certain it is, that the Radicals will not endorse this pi'opo sit ion. They will not consent that ‘ ‘loyal” Representatives shall be admitted to seats in Congi'i-ss unless they take the infamous u-s,. oath in addition to th (her qualificn terns tie '■ ousuiatii-n. This i„ itsell I, to di-' n ‘ ■ at" -.in. phrase v.-iiieh g - the Const / to dm so much pain, t uiieed, we are sorry to see - -air iiG libor is so sensitive upon the ~ tin.-, little harmless Word. Even the sight of it affects him as seriously as the sight of cold water is said to affects dogs who have hydrophobia. The fifth resolution affirms principles which have been decided bv the sword and from which decision it were worse than folly to appeal. fitli. The Constitution of the United States und the laws made in pursuance thereof, are the supreme law of the land, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. Alt the powers not conferred by the Consti tution upon tlm General Government, nor prohibited by it to the Slates, are reserved to tiie States, or to the people thereof; and among the rights thus reserved to the Slates is tiie right to prescribe qualifica tions tor the electivo franchise therein, with which right Congress cannot inter fere. No State or combination of States ha> the right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude, through their action in emi gres or otherwise, any State or States front the Union. The Union of these States is | perpot ual. Whatever may have been our individual views as to the constitutional right of se cession. it is very true that the people of the South have never united upon this subject. IYe arc inclined to doubt whether there ever was a time when a majority of people endorsed fully the doctrine of this constitutional right of seces sion. A great many of those who in IS6O-1 favored the withdrawal of the Southern States from the Federal Union based their action upon that great fundamental right which underlies all representative govern ments and must always reside in the peo ple—the right of self-government or Revo lution. That right no power on earth can deprive us of. If governments become op pros five to the people, the inalienable right to resist may be exercised. It would befoily.uay. madness, in a government,how ever to declare in advance that its people might, whenever they had the power and chose to exercise it. destroy its existence. These questions must he left to time and circumstances for their determination. All that good government can do in this par ticular is to encourage and develop by a wise and beneficent cottrse.a feeling of attachment and confidence in its people which will in duce them to shape their legislation and institutions in such a manner as will secure the perpetuity of its existence. We can. however, see no impropriety in the enuncia tion now ot tiie perpetual character of our government. The right of peaceable secession has been lost, if it ever existed, in smoke and blood of battle. The right of revolution still exists and can never he rightfully taken front the people of the l nited Mates. We earnest! • pray for peace—perpetual peace. We yearn for the goo l old days of yore when our fathers enjoyed j ' ggflow ing from a government conducted under tlio principles of the Constitution and ad ministered by men laithful to tlieir trusts and true to the people. We cannot see that there is anything in tins resolution antagonistic to the priaci ples laid down in the declaration of inde pendence. and quoted by our neighbor. Hie right of self government is not taken from the people hy this clause. It still ex ists as broadly and fully as it ever did. The right of revolution we have just shown is one out of an 1 beyond the Constitution. It is the grand fundamental principle of I Ja a right inalienable and inJestrueuble under our form of government. The sixth proposition laid down in the plat form .is as follows : 6th. Such amendments to the Constitu s may I pe-ip’.e there if,sis they may dn iu cx j iH- lient. tiut only in tlie mode pointed out by its previsions: ami in propping sueh amendments whether bv Congress or bv a Convention, and in ratifying tlie same,'all the States of the Cnion have an equal ami • tit indefeasible right to a vsiee ...id a vote thereon. , We are glad to find that our neighbor can sty for this in his own expressive language ‘"good!" The Radicals however oppose it, and denounce its author and supporter as be ing in league with Southern rebels to an nul the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery. It is known that that amendment did nothaveall tbe form ofapproval requir e-1 by the Constitution, an-f which this reso lution declares indispensable. All the States were not represented in the Congress which passed this amendment, and submitted it to the several States. The Radicals declare that it was the intention of the framers of this clause of the platform to nulify the slavery amendment, by declaring it to have been unconstitutionally passed. This is not true. Even if it were -.he several States through their respective Conventions have not only ratified the amendment in ques tion. but they have ail of them at least in which slavery exi.-ted adopted an or dinance abolishing slavery as a State insti tution. The seventh resolution of' the Platform meets with no objection, even from the Constitutionalist. 7th. Shivery is abolished anil forever prohibited ; and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever be re-established upon thejsnil or within the jurisdiction of tiie United States : and the enfranchised slaves in all the States in the Union should re ceive, in common with all the inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person and property. To show to the people of the North and West that the Southern people were hon est in their declarations, that slavery was gone, the following words, which are not embraced in the original draft of this reso lution were insisted on the motion of a delegate from Mississippi—“and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever he re-established.” The Constitutionalist in commenting a few days since upon this subject, stigma tized the action of the Southern delegates a- “dirt-eating extraordinary.” Now, for our life, we cannot perceive any evidence of dirt-eating in this transaction. The proposition may be tree, or it may h” false We believe it to be- tr.e. We nave no idea that the Southern people . -mbl now, if the qui.--t.on was an open oeo. vote in favor of re c-toTMahiJig slavery. Does th-. (.' .sslitution-dist belie* ■ they would, r do- she believe they ought to do so? The mai who pt-mi-d th- - v . ' -and mo • 1 then-■ : c; -i the resolution, “was as true to the South during her late struggle as any one connected with the editorial department of the Constitutiona list. He is to-day as true a Southerner, as pure a patriot, and as able a lawyer as can be found in the limits of the entire South. Such a man, cat-dirt, indeed ! Such charges are unworthy of the source from which they come, and must foil to accomplish the end intended from theutter want ofdignity and propriety in the terms used to express condemnation. The eighth resolution simply declares what nearly every Southern State had al ready enacted, namely the invalidity of the Confederate Debt; and tiie duty of the Government to pay the National Debt. Bth. V/hile we regard us utterly invalid, und neve- to be assumed or made of bind ing force, any obligations incurred or un dertaken in marking war against the United States, we hold the debt of the nation to be sacred and inviolable, and wo proolai m our purpose in discharging this, as in performing all other national obliga tions, to maintain unimpaired and imun peached the honor and tha faith of the Republic. We presume that the Constitutionalist is not pleased with this resolution as it simply says in commenting upon it “there will bo plently of time to talk yis over when it comes up.” So we will pass it for the present, with the remark that it was essential for the success of the Conserva tives in the approaching elections, that a full recognation. of the duty of Govern ment to sustain its credit should be incor porated in the platform. The ninth resolution which has excited the indignation of the Constitutionalist and given it occasion to let off a little more of its classic epithets such as dirt-eating &e., is in the following words : hill. It is the duty of the National Gov ernment to recognize the services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just dosed, by meeting promptly and tally all their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the nation, und by extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen, tiie most generous and considerate care. The opposition to this clause goes upon the idea that by its adoption the Soutl is m: ■ • t- return thanks to the Union b- • n didc-itiug as. ’( is not true. Nc i t?;5« r<H<o!ti#.>n can be-. 1 into a declaration *ol’ thanks or g It is simply an affirmation of coat ever-. tndi be the and ttj Government in the premises. We propose to give to-morrow a full account of the manner in which this resolution was brought forward, framed and discussed, and for the present will pass on to the last and conclu ding clause of the Platform adopted : 10th. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who, in iiis great office, has proved steadfast in his devotion to the Constitution, the laws and interests of his country, unmoved by persecution and un deserved reproach, having faith immeasu rable in tiie people and in the principles of the Government, we recognize a Chief* Magistrate worthy of the nation and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast, and we tender to him, in the discharge of iiis high and responsible dutios, our profound respect, and assurances of our cordial and sincere support. This resolution does not. commit the South to any approval of Mr. -Johnson’s course prior to his elevation to the Presi dency. If it did there are thousands of true men at the South who could not ap- | prove it. So far as he has gone, however, ; in his policy of reconstruction, his course meets our general concurrence, If he has ' not gone so far as wo think he ought, doubtless he has done as much under | the circumstances by which he has been surrounded as was prudent and politic, having in view the ultimate restoration of the Southern States to their rights under the Constitution. But this article has al ready assumed larger limits than we in tended, or the condition of our columns will .tustify, and we reserve for another occasion what we have to say on this point Tli-e Bloodhounds of Radicalism. The fiendish malignity and ferocity of the radical leaders is illustrated in the re cent. utterances of their leaders and wri ter?. The gallant and distinguished Union officers who have signed the call for the Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Convention are stig matized by the New York Tribune as “base and treacherous hounds.” For working earnest ly in the glorious cause of promoting a healthy national sentiment all over this broad land, and allaying sectional animosity and strife, Thurlow Weed is denounced by the same paper as “an infamous old Til lain.’’ Gen. Logan, a candidate for Congress, in a recent speech, declared that “there is but one way to treat with rebels. Take the torch in one hand and the sword in the other, and march to the music of the Union, with the flag unfurled, and sweep over their territory. He had no sympathy for the leading traitors, no commiseration for them. He could forget no man who ha 1 lost his life and who had been maime’d in this war for the Union, and he could forgive no man who had fought against it. If elected to Congress he would carry out what he had said He could not forgive the South.” Boast Butler, at a political meeting at Glouc ester on the 25th, contended that the Southern people by their rebellion had for feited their property, tlieir rights and their lives, lie alluded to the New Orleans riot, laying tlie whole blame upon the reb el# an d the President, and declaring that if this state of things cannot be altered "we will march once mere, and wo be to those who oppose u>. Brownlow—for whom no beast is mean enough to become his incarnation—says that even- rebel must fe've Tennessee, and if any should be killed he guarantees par don to the murderer. These are a few “ specimen bricks from the classical utterances of those who had and control the dominant power in this government. If their rule is perpet uated, farewell civil liberty—,areweii peace. The Sandersville Georgian^ ays that A. O Haines Esq., was mortally wounded in an affray with James F. Smith, Esq., on Saturday. Both parties were citizens of hh-h standing and the affair is a matter ot universal regret. It is undergoing legal investigation. The Columbus E iV- ris informed that a woman (white) died under a pine tree near the city cemetery on Saturday night, after having lain there sick and destitute for several days. The Sexton buried her : utt Sunday Thc Soldier Kesolution of the Phila delphia Platform. The main opposition at the South to the Platform adopted by the Conservative Con vention at Philadelphia, is based upon what is called the “ dirt-eating" resolu tion. thanking the Union soldiers for their services during the late civil war. Yv'e have elsewhere said, in this issue, that no such resolution was adopted-by the Con vention. M e think that those who make this declaration are not aware that it implies a degree of debasement on the part ol some of the Southern delegates in that Convention which they would not dare to make in open and express terms. We insert again, for the correct information of our readers, the resolution which the radical press of the South are holding up to our people as that wherein their thanks have been voted to the Union soldiers: 9th. It i-s the duty of the National Gov ernment to recognize lltc services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the nation, and by extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows and orphans of those who have fallen, the most generous and considerate care. M ehave again and again read this resolu tion. with all the care and power of analy sis of which we are capable, and cannot find the least foundation ibr the charge made against :t. The Convention merely says that it is the duty of the Government to recognize the services of its soldiers and sailors by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims fur the services they have rendered. Whatever just and rightful claims their soldiers may have upon the Government, the Conven tion simply declares should be recognised. The resolution does not admit or deny that they have claims —upon this point the whole matter is left where it properly be. I longs— ;<> the Gover-.m. n: If they hare just and rtghtfn.l claims, then the r- olu -1 - l- c;* . - Tt a true..:Kc -t-’ty l of ' • 'A ru- -gnhse them. Tin Coin...-' /.i ...... •• no opinion on the matt i <i tin c. The wru *r was a mem- ber ->f thi dt-tca ■i. : : the resolution, and took part in the discussions which took place upon its preparation and adoption, and he knows that it was not intended to express any opinion on these claims, but to leave them all where they properly belong, to the Government of the United States. The history of this part of the plat form was given very fully in an editorial article which appeared in this paper a few days ago, and which wc reproduce in this connection, that our people may fully understand the difficulties by which the Convention.was surrounded on this subject. We are very sure that if the Southern peo ple could have heard the statements of the Northern and Western men of the necessity, to divide the soldiers’ vote at the North to enable them to hope even for a successful campaign against the radicals, they would be entirely satisfied with the results of the Convention. “Finally the address and platform hav ing been adopted about 12 o’clock, a mo tion was made to adjourn, when Mr. Hendricks begged that it might be with drawn, to enable him to submit a jnotion, which request was agreed to. He then moved to reconsider the vote adopting the resolution in the platform relating to the soldiers, to enable him to offer an amend ment to it. This was also agreed to, and he proceeded to say that the resolution as itstood (substantially as reported by Sena tor Cowan) would not satisfy the demands of the Western people. The resolution merely expressed admiration for the quali ties of the American soldier, commended him for his courage, energy and chivalric bearing in the field —his magnanimity and generous forbearance in success—and his frank and manly acceptance of the terms of defeat. It was said that the North and West dc mamled that a distinction should be made between the Northern and Southern sol diers—that the former were entitled to their gratitude and thanks for the part they took in the contest just closed. Hence he moved to strike out “American” and insert “ Cniou soldiers, and further to de entitFl to and mil<d ib .* ivarncs. L. "AO»Mh- : . gratitude iw replied, iii.it. .i ..ic resolution was passed in that shape they could not, without an entire disregard of tlieir own self-respect, concur in the report. They admitted that such an expression of opinion and feeling was proper and right on the part of the Northern men, but that no true man at the South should be required to say that he felt grateful for having been conquered and subjugated. They admitted that such sentiments were proper in one section, but were debasing and disgraceful to the other. A long debate ensued upon this question, in which one man, who said he was from the South, announced that he approved and would support the amend ment. lie was said to he from State the of Tennessee. Finally the matter was dis posed of by. the adoption of the resolution, which was reported to and adopted by the Convention, and which was drawn up by. Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, and is number nine (9) of the series in the Platform.” General Hampton. Wc are sorry to see that this gallant of ficer and distinguished gentleman, in an address which he made a few days since to the Soldiers’ Association of Anderson Dis trict, has fallen into an error in regard to the ninth article of the Philadelphia Plat form. In that address he says : “In the declaration of principles which compose that platform, I see it announced that the brave soldiers and sailors who sup pressed the rebellion arc entitled to the thanks of the nation.” Now, we submit, that General Hampton has seen no such announcement in any of the correct versions of the Philadelphia platform, and we are surprised that the General should have been betrayed into such a statement. If he is opposed to the platform adopted at Philadelphia, we think that as a fair and candid man he should not base his opposition upon a point so completely at variance with the true char acter of that instrument. There is not a line or paragraph the platform wliich can be construed into an expression of thanks to the Union soldiers by that Con vention. General Hampton must have known from the character of’ such men as Generals Dick Taylor, Battle, Harris, Mc- Gowan, of his own State, and a number of other distinguished officers of the Confed erate army, and lately his companions in arms in the glorious old army of Northern Virginia, and who were present as delegates in that Convention that no such sentiment eould have met their approval. We are pained at the necessity which requires us to make these comments: but justice to the gallant officers and soldiers who were in that Convention demands that we should make this correction. Hon. John Forsyth's Letter to the New York News. We invite the special attention of our readers to the able letter of the Uon. John Forsyth, one of the Alabama dele gates to the Philadelphia Convention, which will be found in another column. The people of Georgia need no introduc tion to this distinguished patriot and statesman. Born upon our soil, and sprung from the loins of one of Georgia’s most gifted and revered statesmen, his words will not fall heedless upon the public ear. John Forsyth does not feel that he, or any of the Southern delegates, “eat dirt'’ at the Philadelphia Convention. IL. does not feel that the honor or rights of the Southern people were trifled with in that assembly, lie does not lend the in fluence of his position and name to bolster up and support the Radicals in their war upon the President and the rights of the South. 11. docs not feel frumiliah i by association with such men u- Hendricks, Edridge. Bigler, Wood, Rogers. Johnson, Voorhees and Randall, lit infinitely pre fers the party of President Johnson. Doolittle, Ancona. Brooks. Browning and the great body of the Conservative ntas-es of the North, to that of Stevens, Wilson, Sumner. Greely. \\ ade. and the hordes of Radical disunionists who are attempting to overthrow the Constitution of the 1 inked Scat ■. an 1 to destroy lights and prosperity of the white race of the South. The it. hi'fa; Programme. There can }** - m ; -1 übt now. as to the course wi.j.-h '■ ! adopted by the Radicals, id i ,; . ITI elections in the North mtesshall snow that the i . - - in their favor, the actio:. : ; . ; . in the la-- -es sion of Cc _. - .... too clearly that they are >. t basts-! -. i- constitutional or legal rt •’ . Q islation 4? that body will n-u-k an era i-ime and wrong in the hist. - , i: r G v- rument, which will bq th *1 pxectdeutf for future tie: : of'tiie Govern ment by ti . have its control. Since th a i ij: . ; . . of that revolu tionary b . . n frequent and very dist.- > ' the intentions of their r . - * future. The moving sp Tits • , - /do not hesitate to declar mro ■- i take control of the Gov ai - departments, even it s ?,.«• ohe accomplish ed by for l The ii |i, ue President has already 1 i \- .. by then-leaders— indeed t • ;*■ was arranged in Washint - ;>* ■ the adjournment of Congo - ■ H ... - ' (rleans riot was a part of i ..••} i-i ti laid down, and it was ! t nstigate the few Radical.- .. . „i. call together the defunct : u , >O4 in order to force a c.iii: ,*, ;v the civil authori ties and This matter, we have ret • t-> :sk ..s freely discussed tn a so; is Hadical party in V> ash in ora s before the riot oecurre* * ; i-i- g: 1 now be seized upon a a-ase for the im pcaebin . -< i otb r ■ ets of the Presi dent v .. irporated in the charge? ■ hi- fall. The vote in the Set Rights Bilkaud the Freedn: sliov-'s that they have a reliable 7 so thirds maj -rity in that bo-ty. Wiic: ii - they can w-ai-rui Jim. iiuaii.- ;• u: in a uireci question -f i.up.-aeh m< of ;• mai •„> I> be te.-te<l. The: leaders of th R, ~7a .-y party art dc.'ermmcd to ‘.hat tud, it the approaching elections shall go in their favor. Not only is it proposed to adopt the forms of law in the prosecution of their fanatical and criminal schemes against the life of the Government, but it iis also open- Lv advised by some of their boldest und ablest leaders that a resort to force shall bo made, if necessary to insure their suc cess. Already they talk of the guillotine, and are preparing the public mend of the North to accept the speedy work of the axe and block ia lieu of the slower process of the law. In a recentjletter to an Anti- Slavery Society written by Wendell Philips, one of the high priests of the Radical Party, we find the following trea sonable and revolutionary language, to which we invite the special attention of our readers: “ Our duty is to put there (in Congress) men who will at every hazard save the na tion, remembering that they stand where the Long Parliament stood in 1649; and though the BLOCK AN'!) AXE in front of the palace may la no fitting measure NOW, they are bound to find and USE some measure Jit and efficient to secure their pur pose—the DEPOSITION of the per jured AND USURPING TRAITOR.” This is not merely the idle raving of a demented fanatic. They are the words of one who has as much, perhaps more in fluence with the Radical masses to-day than any living man. Philips but ex presses that which has already been deter mined upon by Stephens, Sumner, Wil son, & Cos. If they should fail in tlieir pur pose of a successful impeachment of the President, then some violent measure will be seized upon to precipitate a collision with the Executive, in which case they intend to use force—force sufficient to secure (as they express it,) “the deposition of the perjured and •usurping traitor.” The block and axe are to he placed in front of the White House and Andrew Johnson is to become the first martyr in the new revolution. We honestly believe that these revolu tionary proceedings can only be prevented or stayed through the success of the now CuiisenU .e party 7,7 ~ inaugurated ! in Philadelphia. If' the popular vote to jbe east in the Northern and W* !•< m • rimte.! this W. .mil -boat that, 'b- p- !<• • ■ op; ed to the Radical party, tl.on j their -1 -• -v ill bo detained from attempt ing to carry uai -.Suit incendiary sGii-Aiio. If, on the other hand, the Radicals shall secure the indorsement of the Northern masses in the approaching election, they will, despite of all opposition, proceed in the course already marked down for their guidance. In this view of the matter, the canvass which is now progressing in the North and West, is one fraught with the deepest interest to us of the South. It is in truth a battle for our safety fought by our friends upon their own soil. They are deeply interested in the issue it is true, but not to the extent that wo arij. Their lives, and property and liberty are not imme diately staked upon the issue. With us it is different. If the Radicals get the con trol of the Government in all its depart ments, there are very few men either at the North or South who doubt tlieir intention to harrass, degrade and punish the South ern people to the full extent which their bad passions may dictate. Confiscation of property, muck trials for treason, incarce ration in prisons, the dungeon and gibbet will he the fate of those who fall under the animosity of the dominant party. Can we of the South do nothing to strengthen the hands of those who tire making this canvass against our deadly foes? We think we can. Our Northern friends tell us that wc can do a great deal here to assist them in the struggle now pending. They ask of us an endorsement and approval of their course. They desire that we shall give them the moral tup port which would grow out of a cheerful acceptance of the Platform of Principles laid down by the Philadelphia Convention. It is already charged by the Radicals that the Southern representatives io that Con vention were hollow in their professions of approval, or that they misrepresented the feelings and views of their constituents. They insist that the people of the South are rebellious still. They seize upon every reported act of violence committed against the blacks, -and distort them into hideous cruelties. They charge us with still cher ishing feelings of animosity to the Federal Government, and to the people of the North. They take isolated cases of insults shown to Northern men, and magnify them into a settled determination* on our part to prevent their coining among us. We of the South know how false these charges arc. The sensible men of the North, also, knowhow much reliance is to be placed upon these exaggerated statements. Yet the great body of the Radical party get their information from the Radical press—a press in which the Dead Duck, Forney, stands conspicuous as bully and chief, with such papers as the New York Tribune, Cincinnati Gazette, Washington Chronicle, and Missouri Democrat , circu lating extensively in every village and ham let of the Northern and Western States, it is not surprising that the ignorant masses should be somewhat prejudiced against us. We are pained to confess that some of our people have acted in such a manner a> to give some semblance of truth to these charges. Enoug-h has been done already in this direction to produce, when skillful ly manipulated by these unscrupulous pa- { pers. the idea that the South is not suf-| ficiently reconstructed yet to enter into the | confraternity of States composing the j Union. The ill-advised and frothy vaporing of :' b Soul prominently before tbe Northern people as the expression of the true sentiment of the Southern people. We have witnessed, with pain, the publication in several of our Southern journals of sentiments calculated to do the cause of our friends at the North infinite harm. We have seen with what fearful effect these wordy denunciations of the Federal Government and the North ern people have been used against us al ready in this canvass. Our eyes have just fallen upon the following, which we clip from the Cincinnati Gazette: Socthf.x Lovai.tv.— Tlie Autrusta Ga., OowstttKtionetiixt lias hoard of a few men in the South who were once rebels, but now speak in terms of respect of the old liag, and advise their deluded and betrayed fellow citizens to return to their tirst love. Whereupon said OmstitutionaUat grows venomously furious, and discourses thus : Love it, indeed! And feel proud of it, and take pleasure when abroad in the old world in owning its nameand nationality! No, no, gentlemen who think thisthe right thing now to say in the premises, take the lod Scotch proverb, the homely olcnroro verb, to yourselves, and “let that flfastick i' the wall.” Indicate an obedience to law, and advise a stern ildelity to the letter and spirit of all engagements, but spare us the agony of a “loyal” crucifixion, and yourseives the deep blush that may some time, even in darkness, and in silence, and in solitude, suffuse your cheeks at remem bering you were once so far deluded as to counsel what is, in plain terms, but the systematic crawling upon bellies and the methodical eating of dirt. We are a beat en people. If you think that fact needs reiteration, proclaim it, for, perhaps, it may be that defeat has not so far tamed the lion but that at times he remembers that he once was free. But beyond that declaration, do not go. Imagine that hound, Beast Butler, grim ling at a South ern man’s speech or letter' which seems to say: “You and I, brethren, were wrong, and the lash of the Yankee is the hand of the Lord chastising us. Picture the leer of the Radical, and then fancy the loathing scorn of the Briton and liie Gaul.” Such is tne “loyalty" which Andrew Johns cl proclaims as existing all over the South, and threatens a coup <Veta because it is not admitted into Congress to govern and browbeat the nation. It is a loyalty which consists in detestation of the very word; in scorn for all who profess to love the Government in the South; and in dead ly hatred for all in the North who assisted to save it from destruction. Such “loyal ty” must be overwhelmed by the ballot us it one melted before the blase of steel. We insist that the publicaton of such ar ticles as this by the Constitutionalist is do ing the South infinitely harm. Wo can see no good reason for the expression of such feeling even though they are entertained by our people. There is wisdom in silence If our cotemporarics of the Southern press cannot approve ot the efforts of the Phila delphia Convention to restore the union of the States, then in the name of our com mon country we beg that at least, they will not lend their aid to the radicals in their attempt to destroy us. Every cerate expression used by ou! caper- is made an arcm .eat against us . ;** ' ,**»- » t | tniinotlixt- dors a>t truly represent the feelings of any respectable 1 umber of tin? people of (re irgia in this regard. Yet the people of the North take it for granted that the press but gives expression to the sentiments of the people. Some of the Richmond papers are also furnishing arguments to our opponents with which they are attempting to strike down i our friends. The Radical papers catch up I eagerly every expression of dissatisfaction which is uttered in the South in reference i to the recent action of the Philadelphia : Convention. One of them recently com menting upon the course of some of the ; Richmond papers in reference to the Gon ! vention, says : ! “Doolittle & Cos. cannot muzzle the Southern people as they muzzled the I Southern delegates. The former are speak , iug right out and telling the truth. We re spect them for this, just as we respect an i honest opinion, though we may believe it |to be erroneous. No one expects, and no honest man pretends to expect, the South ern rebels to change, under defeat, princi ! pies for which they fought five years. For this reason we are opposed to transferring i the Government to tlieir liandSj or pennit ling them to paiticipato in its manage ment, without such security as will pre vent them from getting up another re bellion.” We might multiply to almost an indifi nitc extent similar extracts from our Radi cal exchanges, but wo forbear for the present. We again urge upon our people the policy of a cautious, prudent and mod erate course in regard to our national af fairs. If we cannot cordially approve all that is done by the President and our Con servative friends, lot us try in a spirit of manly forbearance, to keep our counsels until the period shall arrive, when wc, once more clothed with the rights and privileges of a free people, may, without fear of injury u> ourselves or our friends, freely discuss all matters of public concern. Union Ratification Meetings—Enthusias tic Meetings in Augusta, Georgia. Augusta, Ga., August 25. A large public meeting was held in front of the City Hall to ratify the proceedings of the late National Union Convention in Philadelphia. The speakers wore <tenoral Durbin Ward of Ohio, and Hon. O. L. Per rin, of New York. No such meeting as the above took place in this city. It may possibly have occur red in Augusta, Maine, a more congenial clime for ratification of fishy principle's than .his. — Constitutionalist, Doubtless the meeting alluded to in the telegram was that which took place Satur :-iv niptht in Washington citv when the 1 sou Mr. Perrin and General Ward ad :■ sedan Union gathering of the friends of country and the Constitution. .fbe Constitutionalist, thinks that the ‘ l fishy principles’ ’ of the Conservative party cannot meet the approvaland endorsement of the people of this city. Upon this point we join issue with our neighbor. Wo be lieve that nineteen-twentieths of the peo ple of Augusta, will co-operate with the Conservative party in tlieir conflict with the Radicals. Indeed we do not believe that the course of the Constitutionalist in opposition to the Conservative movement meets the approval of even a corporal’s guard in this city, and we know that in the State the great body of the people are heartily in favor of sustaining to the ut most of their ability the great Conserva tive movement. Wo beg to inform the Constitutionalist that the friends of the movement intend to have a ratification meeting in this city in a few days, and we invite our cotemporary to attend the meeting when held, and witness himself, the cordial endorsement which our people will give to the great Constitutional Conservative party of the country. Assault on a Memphis Editor.—ln Memphis, on last Saturday morning, a man named Wood, Assistant United States Assessor, who had been the object of severe criticism by the Avalanche , caught Colonel Galloway, editor of that paper, in his office, and desired a confer ence. Col. Galloway was engaged at the time with a committee, and asked Wood to come another time, whereupon the latter applied insulting epithets, which caused Galloway to strike him. Wood then shot him in the hand with a gun cane. The wound is painful but not serious. Wood ran, and was pursued and arrested. There was great excitement on the street during the race, and at one time it was thought that Wood would be dealt summarily with. As soon as Wood was caught Gen. Forrest interfered and pre vented further demonstrations. Wood was lodged in the station house. Indians Still Tprbulent.— A special from Levenworth states that the Indians are wild with rage between Forts Laramie and lieno. The whole country is infested with hostile tribes. They say they will be exterminated sooner than give up the Powder river district. Mrs. Carrington, wife of the colonel cammanding, is report ed among the murdered. All the emigrants have suffered from the Indians. The most experienced and best mountaineers predict a fearful and bloody war. From the upper Missouri reports are received that the Blaekfeetand Crows have commenced hostilities. The Crows tore their treaty to pieces, and have murdered j ten men. Present for Gen. Lee.—Hon. Mr. Connelly, 1 P., who was a frequent guest of Gen. R. E. Lee, during the war. has sent to him from New Orleans the present or a splendid saddle of the English Horse Juan pattern, with holsters, valise, poekeus lor writing materials, and a spien u,u shabrack of astraean wool, bound with reil cloth. Ihe bridle and breast strap arc admirable specimens of workmanship—the whole forming a useful and worthy present The Christian Index, says : “The last Legislature granted a charter incorpora tmg the Georgia Manufacturing and Pa ner Mtll Company, 1,,-uu ; at' New nan : -'l. P. Kellogg, President, and William Amiz, Necretury. This company as or ganized, has already secured a capital of ■•! ti, erection of buildings for a cotton factory. It is to erect a paper mill, with a capacity to turn out one ton ot pa- i per a day. This is the kind of independence ; ior our people to achieve. ’ ’ Railroad in Montgomery.— At the lheldin Montgomi 17 on the 27th, n the subject of voting 81. <><*), OCX) in aid 1 if the South and North Alabama Railroad, the number of votes cast fur aid 290; against ail 07. The papers state that few, if any of the citizens are opposed to the aid proposed, but they object to involving the city in the old afairs of the company, which are not in the best possible condition. The Cotton— Crop of Alabama. —It is estimated that Alabama will make one third of her old cotton crop. The crop of IKK in that State was we believe about 1,000,000 bales. If the staple maintains its present price, the nett return to the j planter will not fall far short of the reve nue derived from the larger yield of tor- j mer years. .Six of the New Vork dailies support the i President. Letter from Jelm Forsyth. Fifth Avenue Hotel, | August 21, 18(io. j To tlie Editor of the JSTw York Aries : IV hen the great, Julius in the Senate house beheld a iriend s dagger gleaming among the conspirators be felt a poie: ncy in its wound surpassing those of all the eleven, and the deathless and pathetic re proach burst from his lips —rt tu Brute ? And now it has come to pass in these late days that the Aetrs, which has adhered so unflinchingly to the late Southern cause, defying danger—and, more heroic, breast ing a storm of public opinion— -turns upon the Southern delegates to the Philadelphia Convention, with words of reproach, al most amounting to scorn, oi then- truck ling subserviency. Asa Southern man, as well as a dele gate. I feel impelled to take my pen to vindicate my colleagues and the people they represented against a charge so unjust and unfounded. That in a body so large there should be found individuals amenable to your re proach would not be strange. But one i swallow does not make a summer, and ir is not fair to condemn in the aggregate for j the sins of units. If there were Southern members in that Convention who so tar j forgot the dignity of the suffering and mis- ! fortune which they represented as to he- ■ tray their high trust, and to drag down the pride of reticence and endurance to the level of humiliation, and you choose to single them out for odious notoriety ami “bad eminence,” it is not 1 who would ob ject. Let slip your uogs and lay on the lash : to your heart’s content But I insist that I and the body of my colleagues shall be excepted both from the crime and the pun ishment. Reflect on our position in that Convention. We were strange, thougtf politely bidden guests in that grand council. We came there with no country, no flag, for we are not permitted by j radicalism to have either. The Govern ment is only allowed to recognize us when the tax-gatherer comes along, or our enemies require the form. farce of our State action to fix a Constitutional amend ment to the prejudice of our rights and in terests. The inspiration of the national I music, the rustle of the national fla —so ; sure to flutter and thrill the Lrea.- ts of true | met who tan call it their own—non» of ! tjieiS'.-.aWt ftr r> - tfbr v.i'J. ive uu v u -i • voice lU U><* GuV. ,t wb . . \ ' 'f emblemed by the flag, and whose is mem 'firs are breathe'] in the > iio:. ai rs. Reticence and dignity were the role for j men so situated. Not to make noisy com plaints and frothy speeches, or to wrangle about platforms • but simply to say, as the Narragansett chief when summoned before the British Colonial Council: “You have sent for me, and I have come!” It is most true that we were received with cor dial greetings by the patriotic gentlemen who were our political hosts. They lis tened to us with deep interest and respect. Old Democrats met us often with moist eyes and trembling grasps of the hand. But at last we were voiceless and powerless in the struggle that was to determine the destinies of the country—the battle ground and the com battants were all in the North, and all the dispositions for the contest were necessarily to be con formed to that fact. It is not necessary to say that, as a simple declaration of feel ings, wishes and principles, the platform and address would have been different, had they been left exclusively to our wri ting. 80, had the West penned them, the East would have found something to change, and vice versa —but constructed as they were for the whole , on that basis of compromise which must ever boa vial element of union between States so remote geographically and so diverse in pursuits and interests, it is difficult to see how either resolutions or address could have been better. Happily, the Convention escaped through the magnanimity of several dele gates the greatest danger to its integrity and harmony 7. The withdrawal of Messrs. Vallandigham and Wood assured the suc cess of the Convention in this respect. I take the occasion to deny, with em phasis, the statements in this morning’s Herald , that Sir. Vallandigham was noti fied by tlie Southern delegation that if he did not quietly withdraw they would vote him out. It is impossible to conceive a more odious and damaging imputation upon Southern delegations than this. What! turn upon a man who had suffered imprisonment, persecution and exile for sympathizing with our sufferings and trials ! If there was one wretch so heart loss from the South, I am happy 7 to say I did not and never wish to know him. My own views and sense of duty were very cleaf, and I belive they were those of every Southern gentleman in the Convention. It was, that wo could not, in personal honor or conscience, and with a due regard to the honor and conscience of our constituents, vote to unseat a gentleman whose right to a seat was patented to him by the gallant Democracy of Ohio, was as good as our own, and whose only disa bility was that he was our friend in trouble. Under the call for the Convention he had a clear right, for its theory was amnesty for the past and fidelity to a common p a triofic object in the future. It was upon this theory we of the South were there, and it was foreign to the objects and fatal to the effects to be produced, to begin the work of peace and harmony by persecuting and punishing for past political differences. I would not, and could not have remained an instant in that convention if any North ern delegate like Messrs. Vallandigham or Wood, properly accredited, had been unseated by vote. It was not the banquet to which wc were invited, and we should have gone home with the reflection that the North is not yet ready for peace and res toration, But happily and nobly on tlieir part, these gentlemen saw the rock, and removed it out of the path or harmonious action. The Convention became a great success, and Northern gen tlemen tell me it is doing great good and working well lor the cause of re union. I trust so for the common weal, for this has become a Northern as well as Southern question. There is danger that the disunion malady may become chronic, aye, and infectious, and it would he a sin gular spectacle to behold the 'xorth lay down its thousands of millions of treasure and pour out its blood in rivers to prevent the seceding South from breaking up the empire of States, and then, being victori ous, to turn round and decree and perpetu ate the event they took up arms to avoid. In truth, in the late war, both belligerents have so far failed of their objects. The South struck for independence and failed to attain it. The North armed and invoked her nationality to save the Union, and, up to this time —fifteen months after every Confederate arm has been grounded*—she has failed in its attainment. The oppo nents of the Union in the South are beaten, sincerely accept the armed political solution and are ready and anxious to gather around the old hearth, and. when permitted, to “rally around the flag.” All we ask is fair play, fidelity to the principles upon which the North appealed to arms in the j face of the world, and upon which we laid ours down, and that when we do conic in, vre enter by the broad stairway and the door to the temple of the Union, with heads erect in the consciousness that we have done nothing in all our struggles on land or water to bring a blush to the cheek of American manhood. This done, and you will surely find the best Confederate, fighters the truest and bravest upholders of the Constitution and the Union of the States. But you had best be wary of those who skulked and now claim loyalty when war flamed at our door stones, and the fire and sword of invasion were busy with the roof-trees and lives of neighbors One more word and I will _ check a pen running away with the teeming thoughts of this mighty subject. The Radicals have a novel method of preparation and proba tion for the rights and Ameri can citizenship. M hen we shall have be come emasculated and bereft of every at tribute of manhood, confessed ourselves traitors, stultified ourselves with thei pendous slander that we made <>i - flees and give up the flower of .our youth tor nothing, without conviction., and without a cause, and crawi and crone. i Ji«.u slaves to the feet of Stevens and Sumner and shout hallelujahs to the justice o. the lash in their benignant hands-tkeii the theory is that we are ready to become good i Americans and can be trusted as bra' e so : diers to advance the standard ot our ->a ' tional destinies. We of the South can | never accept these terms. «e owe n ! to ourselves and to our compatriots; ot tue i North to reject the degradation. H e nave j faith too, that it will not be requiri and >tus. The Northern people who fought \x : - nitli such persistent bravery, will not indorse the cowardly policy of radicalism; which ; insults and tortures its disarmed and iwn i resistant adversaries. We hide our time. We know we shall get back. A lrovi dential President leads the van of peace i and reconciliation. His firmness, courage, ! statesmanlike forecast, an'! masterly hiding i of his time, and trust in the American pco ! pie will prevail. He has strung ’oe par -1 ren rock and the living waters of comutu tional restoration arc gushing forth, hoon cr or later, the end is .dire. It is for us to wait. It is for you of the North to act, for the ark of our common liberties is the stake in the momentous struggle. Your ob’t. serv’t. John Forsyth. Alabama Delegate for the State at large. Well Pctt. —The Memphis Bulletin , discoursing on the constitutional amend ments presented for the acceptance of the country, makes this point: "It is specially provided that the Con federate debt .-Fall never be paid, and that the Federal obligations shall never lx: re pudiated. In the one case a compliment is surely paid to Confederate honor, in the other, we have a sharp sarcasm leveled at the ability and honesty of the Union. l it to be written on the face of the Con stitition that Rebels would be honest if they could, and that Unionists questioned their own integrity ?” The Crop Prospects. The followin': is an extract from a letter received from a reliable gentleman who lias travelled through the counties named. It is indeed a very sad state of affairs, but is, we arc assured, a true statement of the crop prospects in that section of the State: ***** “I never saw or heard of a poorer pros pect lor a crop. There .are hundreds of acres in Oglethorpe, Green, Elbert and Wilkes which will not yield a bushel of corn to the acre. The cotton crop is very short—it is thought will not be sufficient to purchase corn to makeup the deficiency. The freedmen. in many instances, are leav ing now for West Tennessee and Missis sippi. If they were to stay, they would suffer for bread.” A friend who lias just returned from the Roanoke region, in North Carolina, writes: I had a splendid time in North Carolina. Crops there are splendid: cotton in my old neighborhood will average waist-high. Some farmers calculate, should they have a late fall, one good bag to the acre, while a majority count safe on half a bag. _ The corn crop is tolerable good, though it has been much neglected, owing to the difficul ty in gat ting labor out of freedmen, and the w<a weather. The Southern Recorder says: A gentleman of promise writing to us from Newton count j 7 under date oftlie 18th inst.. says’: “Our crops in this county of all kinds arc almost a total failure. I de cidedly approve of your editorial course. THe Albany (Ga.) Patriot says: “We have recently been favored with copious showers. The weather, though still warm, is much more pleasant, and comfortable than it has been for some time past# The health of this section is not very good at this time —we hear of con siderable sickness of different kinds, both in the city and surrounding country. The crops, generally, are doing very well — planters, we believe, expect to make very near, or quite an average crop. From all wo have learned, in thisimmediatfteotion, we think average crops of both •.-orn and cotton will be made.” 1 he / '<itriot also .-a; • V, ..4.1. f;V F ... t 7 , sos V. orth y •' ■ crops oi corn and cotton arc ver, utfi aor •and will not mavo half the ordinary yield while in utner sections, the crops v.-fire never better. It is thought that the aver age yield of corn will be sufficient for the county. ’ ’ The Baton Rouge Advocate, of the 20th, says: As far wo learn there are few planta tions that are not more or less infested by the destructive “ army worm.” The pros pect of saving the late planted cotton is dim, and the old cotton cannot escape without injury. From letters from Rapides wc learn that the worm is making its ap pearance on Red River. Our readers will understand the basis of the apprehensions of the planting community, by recollecting that for every worm that makes its appear ance in the middle of August a myriad may reasonably bo expected in the same field three weeks later. The Mobile Register says: We learn from good authority that the army worm has made its appearance in the cotton sec tions of Greene, Perry and Marengo coun ties, and is proving very destructive to the crops. Planters whose farms have been visited by this pestilent “architect of ruin,” are satisfied that their crops of cotton will fall short by at least one-half of the former estimate. Os the corn crops, the Greensboro Bea con, of the IBtli, says: Owing to the excessive rains with which this section was flooded during the spring and first week of June, and the most disas trous drought that followed, the corn crop, even in the rich black lands, will be one of the poorest that haseverbecn made in this region. li e arc assured that the cancbrakc will make nothing like enough to serve it, whilst on the sandy lands, the crop will gen erally prove an almost entire failure. The Tallapoosa Enquirer has the follow ing on the subject of the crops : We have diligently inquired of the plan tors of our county in regard to the corn and cotton crops, and we are satisfied that all the rain that can fall cannot make over half a crop of corn ; and of cotton, there cannot be a fourth of the usual product. There will not be com enough made to sup ply the wants of our people, and unless it can be obtained from the Northwest, there must necessarily be great suffering. fount Jiismarck as a Man. There is in his character a singular mixture of frivolity and fanaticism, of pas sion and phlegmatic calculation. He ar dently desires to suppress all the liberal aspirations of the time, and yet has no re spect for the past. Ho raised himself to his present high position by parading his hatred for constitutionalism and revolution, yet it would not cost him the slightest effort to unite himself with democracy and socialism, if by so doing ho could attain his ends. In Parliament he is an open and uncompromising supporter of the theory of Divine right, while in society he as openly puts it to ridicule. He is a revolutionist of the reaction, and every day anew adventurous idea enters his head; yet he constantly falls back on his original principle, that of the extension of. the power of Prussia in Germany. A man of courage, ability, and determination, lie knows the weak side of our age, and how to take advantage of it, but is incapable of comprehending its nobler feelings, ten dencies, and efforts of taking in what is called the spirit of time. Superficial judges have often fallen into error of ac j cusing him of want of principle ; but ho is j only unprincipled in the choice of Iris means. Some say that he baffles all calcu j lation ; but in reality lie is only unstable. \ He has been described as the most uncon i scious of statesmen, while in truth he is I the most reckless. Those who, like the j desperate Austrians, place him on a par with Satan, do him a great deal too much honor, for he is too fond of good living and not sufficiently soured by misfortune to aspire to infernal dignities. Those, on the other hand, who call him a genius, sin against tile lofty meaning of the word. Wha,t makes him appear to bo so powerful is simply the disunion and want of organi zation of his adversaries. All his strength consists in clearly seeing what he wishes to obtain, while most of the other statesmen of our time have hardly succeeded in dis covering wiiat it is they wish to avoid. Moreover he lias —and this goes for much —a high opinion of himself, and a very low one of most other people. Philippus Ncri, who founded the Congregation of Oratory in the time of Luther, concentrat ed all his teaching into the following terse apothegm: “ Spernere mundum, sper nere teijmnn, spernere te sperm.” ('mint Bismarck is satisfied with the first and last portions of this rule ; the “ spernere t.e ip sunt,” he leaves to gentler and more pious spirits. — 11 Count Bismarck ’in the I'ort ni/jhtlij Review. ! A Freedman Looking for ihs Mas j TER. —The Journal of Commerce has the following extract from a private letter I from Demopofis, Ala., illustrating the new j order of things in the South .” A huge free hnan appeal el at the door of the office of ;!io Froedinon's Bureau here one day last week, when tlm following colloquy occurred : “is this the bureau “ Yes, sir.'’ “ I-: e come to see about my master, sab.” “Very well, what about your masterV” ' He’s done gone run away, sail. Bin gone since last Saturday, can't find him nowhar, sail, ’opec he’s left do country, sail; can’t got no track of him no how.” It appears that he had been working for a man v.'lio had rented a plantation on share.-. hiring hands, agreeing to pay tin m at the end of the year, and getting badly “in the grass,” owing to the late rains, be came convinced that he could not make much c-otton, decamped for parts unknown. There is likely to he more such inquiries, next fall, as many irresponsible persons, farmers, overseers, and others, who never owned a foot ofiand, are engaged in plant ing on similar terms. Who arc They ? We find the following names, purport ing to Ire Georgians; attached to the call fur the negro convention to he held in Phila delphia next Monday. Does any one in Georgia know these negro-worshipping miscreants, who attempt to speak for the people of the good old commonwealth? By inquiring in this city we can find out nothing about this list of little vil lians except as to the notoriously infamous down-casters. J. E. Bryant and Ambrose These creatures are not citizens of Georgia, and we doubt if' any of the list are: Henry <1 Cole .J L Bender G W Ashburne M G Dobbins Nailon Adam Psawnkoehee I M Nailon Turner Floyd ( r Nailon Isaac McLane Frederick Bender G\V McLane John i Compton Daniel Ingle DADyeus B Hart man . f frycus *J esse Trotter B Dycus N P Harben G 'A Orr L Bunet A S Vining N W Wright M Van Endrent Charles Know Jas L Dunning LPGridger Ambrose Spencer The rot lias attache 1 the potato crop in the Ottawa country owing to the late con tinued rain and wind. The oat crop l, al so a good deal damaged. These two pro duets will he scarce here in the coining winter. ft The Negro in Liberia—His Repugnant to Labor—The Mulattoes a Separate Caste--Entlai euieist ol the “ Crewmen’’ —Eticcts ui Missionary Operations, rt,-. In a letter received by a German clergy man, residing in one of the Western States, the following account is given of the con dition es the negroes in Liberia. The writer is a sea captain, who has visited Brazil, the West Indies and Africa, and has observed the condition of the blacks in these various countries: The colony of Liberia was founded in ti yea* 1823, on the coast of upper Guint in Africa, by the colonization society i. the United States of America. It was de signed to assist colored people in emigrat ing to Africa, and to aid them in findin an asylum in that country. By buym land from chiefs of neighboring tribes the colony has been extended to the limits of 300 square sea miles. The occupation assigned by nature to the inhabitants of Liberia is agriculture. The soil, exceed ingly rich, and as fertile as any soil on the lace of the earth, rewards all labor, even the most negligent and superficial. Never theless. the free colonists, having sprung from the negro race, overcomes his natural indolence and laziness no further than to cultivate so much land as is required for keeping him from starvation. In the vicinity of Monrovia, the capital and scat of government, named in honor oi' Presi dent Monroe, there may ho seen some thousand acres with plantations of coffee and sugar, yielding the richest possible crops, but they belong to intelligent aud ambitious mulattoes. ' ’ * Further in the interior of the country there is no trace of any plantation or cul i ture, although it is evident that the ricli i est produce is to be had for a small amount |of labor. The common negro has no im pulse in himself to do anything more than to gain, in an easy manner, what is abso lutely necessary for his subsistence, which lie can easily obtain in a country in which nature has bestowed so very great a fer tility, producing all the necessities ‘of life in abundance. The laziness, whirl* is in • separable from the disposition of a negro, ; will be the rock on which the republic of Liberia will be wrecked. A negro does | not wish for anything hut sufficient food fi r himself and his ■ family, a i. v.. nore than the forces him to work. ' he ti’Lgi • (lie earth is m ueh i the breeding of for him. The —i ouej in Liberia must be imported \ will \*ith little tilings is the only business he is in clined to do. Asa mechanic he leaves his work so roughly and badly done, or rather undone, as to satisfy no one but himself. Everything of any usefulness that is to be found in the four towns of Liberia is im ported. The Republic, with its present limits, lias been in existence for about 40 years past, and yet there is only one sin gle road, which lias the length of five sea miles and the breadth of the track of one wagon. The road was built under the su perintendence of the first American agent and with American money; it runs lroni Monrovia toward tjie interior of the coun try. Since the time that Liberia has had its own government nothing at all lias been done to promote communication. The large natural forests in the neigh borhood are the abode of innumerable wild beasts, which molest the colonists inces santly. _ These forests are also the source of pernicious exhalations and deadly mias ma, which kill half of the inhabitants. It is for the interest oftlie commonwealth as well as for that of every inhabitant to cut down those forests in order to sell the pre cious wood of the large trees to purify the air, and to gain several millions of acres of the richest virginal soil. The inhabitants, however, are satisfied with taking at a time no more wood than is necessary for building a small farm-house. They suffer themselves to be attacked by the wild beasts oftlie forests, and they continue to breathe the air filled with a poisoning mias ma, which causes fatal diseases among them, without making any attempt to be relieved of those plagues. Hence we must conclude that negroes, by nature, have an aversion of tilling the earth, and that their disposition to woi'k industriously is, by nature, no greater than it was in their condition of bodily bondage. As in u.is condition only force and the fear ol‘punish ment could move them to work, so in Libe ria absolute necessity and the fear ol ta • vation causes them to work, because M o have no master who provides them V. ii food and raiment-. The probability very small indeed that negroes ever wi cease to he slaves of ablsolutc necessity, and become diligent and intelligent bus bandmen. It. is very improbable that the; race ever can exist iiy itself, and they i ■ not mix with white men in the manner in which different races of white men have been mixed together. The mulattoes in Liberia form a separate caste, higher than common negroes—a caste similar to the rank of nobility in Eu rope,, and they would have usurped all power long ago if they had not been watched and kept down by the American Colonization Society. As soon as this pressure is taken off, the government will fall into the hands of the mulattoes, be cause property and intelligence always rule over indigence and stupidity. The repub lican government then will come toan end, and the mulattoes will make themselves tlm lords oftlie land, and the despots over the people; they will he tyrants, much worse than white slaveholders overwore. In reality, such is already the condition of the people in Liberia, 'flic negroes called crewmen, natives of Africa who have been subdued, a mild and meek race, willingly bend under the yoke of bodily bond age. On the plantations of sugar and coffee, mentioned above, in tlie house of the rich mulattoes, and in those of Christian negroes, tlie whip is used upon their servants who are crewmen as much as it was ever used upon slaves in America and in the West Indies. There arc no worse masters than mulattoes. Al though offspring of the white and black races, they hate both races invetorately, and they vent that hatred whenever they can. Besides, mulattoes rule by an in domitable love of money, and tlieir loose ness of principle and tlieir laxity of morals let them indifferently .use ail means to j achieve their purpose. At present they | strive after riches by cultivating their plan ! tations, but undoubtedly they will prefer j the greater and easier profit of trading in j slaves as soon as they have the opportuni ty of so doing. The Christian negroes in Liberia will not join them in that trade, but they will do nothing to hinder it. The | Christian negroes in Liberia, as well as no -1 groes everywhere else, are much too indo i lent and too lazy to doanything which they 1 are not compelled to do; and as long as I they do not suffer from want materially it j is all the same to them whether Liberia be a republic, an absolute monarchy or slave I State, provided that they need not work. ! The negroes of Liberia walk on the ■streets silent and with slow steps. Those who are wealthy stride about, wearing high, white cravats, in the fashion ofPurf tunic preachers; those who are poor are dressed less uniformly, hut they keep their faces contracted hi the same solemn and stern wrinkles. I hey salute one another in a formal, still manner. W hen two men happen to meet on the street, who wish to speak to each other, they do so with af fectcd manners, with a sot speech and in a low voice, as if they were afraid of disturb ing the devotion of a congregation in church. He who knows thenatural cheer fulness and merriness of negroes, which cannot be exhausted and never extirpated, which requires only the least impulse to break forth into loud and joyful mirth; their fondness for talking and their great pleasure in singing qualities which cannot be surpassed, even by the .severest treatment—qualities which can be turned to virtues and blessings for them by the grace of the gospel— must be greatly astonished at the apparent con trast which he finds in the deportment of the .inhabitants of Monrovia. This de - portment is tlie consequence of the reli gious constraint which sectarians and mis sionaries of sects exert noon the iuliabi .tants of Liberia. Willi blind zeal mis taking I’hariaism for Christianity, they have endeavored, forcibly and unnaturally to change the harmless disposition of tlm v people. They have changed their cl a , - ter and appearance —whether they la. . changed their nature, and if so, whethi for good or evil, will l>e discovered by fa turn events. The clergymen, those sent by American Missionary societies and seels, as well as those who are natives, have gre: authority over the minds of the negro Liberia. But this authority seems to La founded on fear and noton love. All author ity which Is founded exclusively on fear, without being mixed with love, tends even tually to evil. 11’ those who founded Liberia wish to have this republic as n, stronghold lor their religious doctrin and to this end endeavored to propagate and establish these doctrines by the aid of missionaries, nothing can be said against the policy which has been followed in Libe ria, that is, as lar as they are known, shows ‘ that they have succeeded in suppressing the commission of evil deeds by the fear of punishment. But it docs thence not fol low that the hearts of the negroes in Libe ria have been essentially changed, and that i they do not sin frequently against the first | four commandments. This effect has been brought about in Liberia by doing violence to the disposi ! tion of the negroes; for their childlike de position has been suppressed and des troyed by the prohibition of the most inno cent enjoym it under severe penalties ; and in this way they have been deprived of all moral power of their own. or have been mis led to hypocrisy. Besides, friendly inter course among them has been destroyed by sectarianism, which is as common as it is in the I nited .States of America. Intol erance of sectarians lias brought it to pass that different sects oppose one another in such a manner as to cause every member of one sect to shun all communication with the members of any othet sect. It is evi dent that this exclusiveness of religious sects must very materially injure the pros perity ol the body politic of the common* wealth.