Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877, September 19, 1866, Image 1

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OLD SERIES, VOL. IAXV. ifhvoniclc & Sentinel iienry Myon i:, A. It. WHKiIiT. Tiilf Ms OK >1 BM( hiktki.V. weekly. i yi-’£ th * ! 1!! 11 1 ?s J. It. W. JOHNSTON , ))*ufitC3#i Manager. A I * vi a , #, V : WEDNESDAY MOItMXG, SEFTKiIRER 1!1. Yankee Precept vn Yankee Practice. J lie extreme men of the North have for year- been waging a relentless war against tlie South and Southern people because the latter would not agree to acknowledge the African race as their espial, either socially, physically or politically. They l>"pt up this constant warfare upon us u itil th'ough the agency of a mighty struggle of arms, the South was’ overpowered and .-Every abolished. Their efforts in favor of the hlack race were limited according to tlu ir oft repeated and most solmen decla rations to the accomplishment of that ob ject. W e knew from the beginning of this sla very agitation that the movement was one purely for jxilitical power, and that the abo- I'teumri fifftli tun -tt JitUx 4m fire or frm neero, and not at an, only* so long as he affords them the means of ac quiring and retaining power. Now, that slavery is forever abolished in these Southern States, and nothing more can bo gained from agitation upon that mi »jeet, these pure-minded philanthropists of the North, have discovered that eman cipation, carrying with it all the rights of person and property, which are enjoyed by the white race, is but an empty name, a snare and a delusion, unless accompanied with those high political rights which have heretofore, in all soctiofis of the United States, been limited to the whites. They also demand that the emancipated blacks the ignorant, ignoble iml debauched slaves of yesterday, shall at once he admit ted to all the privileges of social equality with those who lately held towards them the relationship of master and owner. They have been engaged for the last five years in endeavoring to prove that the Afri can race in many part iculars was superior to ; tin! Caucasian. Since the war their press has teemed with articles intended to show \ that the capacity of the blacks for improve ment, and refinement was greatly in ad- j vance of their white neighbors. They 1 have demanded as a condition prcce- j dent to the restoration of the Union that [ the blacks should he endowed with the ! rights of citizenship and the high privilege of the elective franchise. These pretensions have been denied, and refused by the people of the Southern States. We have given the blacks all those great rights of person and property which our forefathers wrung from the hands of King John, but we have determined by the grace of (lod never to acknowledge either their social or political equality. Our motives and our actions upon these questions have been misrepresented and traduced. These. Northern negro worship pers have endeavored to persuade the ne groes that we were their implacable ene mies, and opposed to their enjoyment of any of the rights which thcircmancipation has conferred upon them. They claim that //try alone arc the friends of the poor 1 despised African. That they alone are willing to accord to him social and political equality. That only they treat the negro who justice, rey^get^.ud, Tho best Cbnimcntnry we’ran save upon” i their hollow pretensions of exclusive re- 1 gard and kindness for tho negro, is fur- i nished by the following extract from the I St. Catharine’s (Canada) Jounial : At tho Buffalo, Wow York, races last week Mr. Betts, of Welland, named his horse** Young St. Lawrence,” for the St,ooo purse,in f> to harness. Tho driver of this horse is a mulatto, named, we think, Wil liams, a very respectable, well behaved and elvil poison, amt ail excellent driver. No sensible person would think, fora mo ment, of objecting to this mail'* driving, bqtour Yankee shrlakers for freedom act ed differently, for no sooner had St. I.aw ionce appeared on tho course than Mr. Betts was Informed that lie must either withdraw iiis horse or change Ids driver. The latter lie refused to do, and receiving his entrance money back, the horse was taken off the course. It may bo that the fact of Williams be- j ing a mulatto caused him tube ruled out as a driver. If he had been a pure, rich blooded negro, he doubtless would have , been received :ts the equal and peer of the Buffalo Jockey Club. Unfortunately per haps for Williams, the blood in bis veins had been tinged by a mixture with the inferior trhitc liter, and he was consequent ly rejected ns an unfit companion for the Now York bloods. The Contrast Bet ween the two Phila delphia Conventions. The great and striking points of dif ference between the conservative and radi cal parties of this country are admirably exhibited, says the New York Ucnihl, in the contrast between the Union Conven tion. which met at Philadelphia in August, and the Nigger Worshippers' Convention, which is now in session in the same city. The one was dignified and statesman.ike, the other is violent and vulgar. The one welcomed the return of peace, 4he other insists upon the renewal of war. 'I he one declared emphatically for the Union, the other advocates a policy that must load to disunion, l’he one tavorod the restora tion of our white citizens to their constitu tional rights, the other is committed to the extermination theories of Parson B row Ido w and Ben Butler's cry for blood. The one was attended by some of our bravest soldiers and wisest statesmen, the other is composed of insane and rovoln- j tionary radicals. The one was an honor , to the country, the other is absurd and disgraceful. At the Union Convention all tbo States and Territories wore represented by dele gations chosen by the people and express ing the sentiments of the people. The delegates to the Nigger Worshipper s Con vention are without constituencies: they represent nobody but themselves : the ma jority of them never saw the States from which they profess to come, and Philadel phia loafers, picked up in the streets or the barrooms, pretend to speak for the loyal men of the South. The Union Conven tion assembled for a certain purpose, trans acted its business in an orderly and parlia- . mentary manner and adjourned harmon iously. The Nigger Worshippers' Conven tion has already wasted more time in wrangling, abusing th? conservatives and slandering the President than the other i Convention required for all its sessions. I The Union Convention had well defined and constitutional principles, which it in corporated into a brief, emphatic and in vincible platfoi m. The Nigger Worship pers Convention seems determined to re pudiate the only principle—that ofuniver a.il negro suffrage—to which it can be said to have any claim, useless bloodshed, riot ing. miscegenatioi, debauchery and an archy may be called principles, and they are certainly enunciated as such in the speeches of the radical delegates. Compare the characters of the gallant l)ix and Senator Dcolittle, the temporary and permanent chairmen of the Union Convention, with those ofTom Durant and Mr. Speed, who fill the same offices in the Nigger M orshippers Convention, and they will bo found apt exponents of the two assemblages. Compare the characters of the delegates to the two Conventions, the resolutions presented, the speeches delivered, the conduct and deportment of all concerned, aud it will be found that while the one was a body ouly equalled in * ability by that which framed the constitu tion, the other is a vicious collection of the most violent extremists of both North aud South. To impeach and remove the President and to incite negro insurrections in the South are the objects of these radi cals. openly avowed in such speeches as that of Senator Chandler. They exclude negroes from the Convention and want to keep the negro-suffrage issue hidden for a time in : order to delude the voters at the approach i ing elections, and are thus willing to break , all their promises to the blacks so as to se cure a little longer lease of political power. But under this concealment lurk dark and dangerous schemes which are only no"*' , and then revealed by the most reckies., of ; the ranters. .No More Cotton. It is a favorite theory of a few of our people that the true policy of the South consists in stopping the culture of cotton, ft i.s maintained that this policy will so | effect the pockets of the manufacturing classes, who exert a controling influence at the North, that they will cease their in tolleranee toward us, and inaugurate, in ! stead of civil rights bills, odious tax bills and universal suffrage—a policy of justice and conciliation. It i.s certainly very unwise to pursue a policy of self-impoverishment for the questionable purpose of injuring those who -cckjo degrade and debase u.j. It iij , TTtbe nose to spite the face, which has always been regarded as folly. The war for several years deprived the j North of her usual supply of Southern j cotton, hut the history of that period j shows no abatement of the war spirit, and j none of the pocket-philanthropy for which the calculating people of the East have ! had credit. The truth is, lanaticism does not stop to reason. It sweeps on in a re sistless tide of passion, until the obstacles which impede its progress are removed, or until it finds some new object on which its fury is broken. If the growth of cot- j ton were prohibited in each of the States now seeking reconstruction, the production j would lie increased in the border States, ! where it i.s found it can he grown success fully. Anew impetus would be given to its growth in South America, and the impe rial staple of the South wouid lose all in fluence in the commercial as well as po- j litical world. To u.s the cry of 11 Raimi no more Cotton" appears utterly without the support of ar gument or excuse. A\ c are deeply in debt; the cry of widows and orphans comes up to us on every hand for relief; our schools and colleges languish for sup port; the weather-boards on our very houses rattle in every breeze for want of re pairs, and public and private means are wanting to relieve these necessities. What agency so available for relief as the golden fleece of our cotton fields ? While it is true that our facilities for its production are much impaired, and are likely to dim inish year by year, it is also fortunate that tho enhanced value of the staple in the markets of the world promises to render the profit of its culture undiminished, and to yield a revenue sufficient to restore us speedily to a condition of comfort and prosperity. If, instead of stopping the culture of cotton, we invite capitalists to come to our borders and engage in its manufacture, we strike an effective blow at the intollerant spirit of those sectional agitators who load u.s with onerous and unjust burdens and j disabilities. We thereby not only increase the demand for the staple, but we secure for it tho convenience of a home market, and the diffusion of the profits of its nianu- [ tjmLu-c as j»4Uu..growth.among .cum-ueo-. pie. r ' The Georgia Delegates. The term delegate implies a constitu ency. In its application to those who as sume to represent Georgia in the Philadel phia “loyal” Convention, it is an utter misnomer. J. L. Dunning, J. W. Ash burne, 11. G. Cole and N. S. Morse are the leading delegates from Georgia. Who will say that they represent anybody in the State? Who appointed them?! Who respects them, either as men or as loyal politicians. Ashburn is a Northern man —a soldier of fortune, whose business career has been utter failue, and who is a mere cypher. Dunning is the only man of the four possessing any of the qualities that make a man —lie was years ago an industrious resident of Atlanta, but being! a Northern man, left Atlanta and went North during the war. Bryant is a very proper representative of the few misguided colored people who have, sustained him, and on more than one oc casion kept him out of jail, by becoming his sureties. If there is a man, white or black, loyal or disloyal, in the State, who would select Morse as a representative, we don’t know it. He lias been false to all parties and all colors- has out-Heroded Herod as an advocate of secession—urged the raising of the hlack flag against the Dutch thieves —as he called them —of Uoseoranz’s army —and disgusted all sen sible men by his abuse of the North. Cole is nobody in particular. He made money before the war in various ways, and built the Marietta Hotel. He was charged with offering to give the Federals any information, on their approach to Marietta, if they would promise to save his property. They saved it —but the ele ments punished his perfidy, in its destruc tion by fire soon after the Federal troops left. He loves money, and is soured at his losses— bis loyalty hath about this ex tent —no more. Such are the men who hail from Georgia in this assemblage of negroes and mean white men. We pro test against calling them representatives. They were never asked to go. and. there isn’t a white man in the. State but will rejoice if they never come back. Remember Philadelphia anti Cincinnati We trust, after the insult offered the President by the authorities of Philadel phia and Cincinnati, in refusing to tender him the hospitality of [those cities, that all Southern merchants who have respect for the Constitutional rights of the South, will resent the insult by giving their trade to cities controlled by more generous and just influences. We can conceive of noth ing more vulgar and contemptible than re fusing to tender the President the civilities due to the Chief Magistrate of the nation, and those who dared thus to outrage good breeding and reputable usage, must have felt that they would be sustained by the popular opinion of their constituents. Their hostility to the President results from the just and magnanimous spirit he has manifested toward the South. Tt is incumbent on us, as we cherish a becoming self respect to give those cities a wide berth in our mercantile# relations with the North. There are merchants in New York, Baltimore. St. Louis and Louis ville, who respect us, and who have not iOsi their manners. Sweden boro ian. —In Maine and New Hampshire are five societies, two Ministers and 262 members. In Massachusetts, six teen societies, eighteen ministers and 1.05 ' members. In New York, six societies, w ith three ministers, and 250 members. In Pennsylvania, ten societies, two ministers, and 500 members. In Ohio, ten societies, six ministers, and 700 members. In Ma ryland and the District of Columbia, s:x societies, three ministers, and about -I'" 1 members. In Illinois, nine societies, seven ministers, and 504 members, lhe congre gation at the corner of Fourth and John streets, Cincinnati, is said to he the largest in the whole denomination. A Place for Him. —We observe among the secretaries of the mongrel convention at Philadelphia the name of C. G. Bayler, well-known in Georgia for various sharp political aud financial practices. lie is reaching his proper level at last Good at Figures. The Editor of the Constitutionalist copies the following extract from this paper, and makes it a text for an argument to show that the Philadelphia Convention did not represent the people of Georgia. “At the Union Cgivention all the States and Territories were represented liy dele gates chosen by the people, and expressing the sentiments of the people.” The Editor enumerates the seven districts of the State, giving what purports to be j the exact number of delegates present at 1 each, and objects to the language above j quoted as a little more rhetorical than strict adherance to facts will allow, i Ii happens that the language quoted, wa- the language of a leading New York ; paper- whose comparison of the two Con- j volitions suited our*views so well that we adopted it as our own, giving that journal : the proper ere dit, which our neighbor ap pears to In.ve overlooked. It may suit the Constitutionalist to con trovert *he assertion of our friends at the North that the Philadelphia Convention j represented the people of these Southern States, and it will be gratifying doubtless I to the pseudo friends of popular Represen- j tation th< re to read his tabular array of the exact number of delegates assembled in our nominating district Conventions. But we arc at a loos Us see what good be accomplished to the cause of truth, of popular representation, or ofconstitutional liberty, by such captious commentaries. Will the Constitutionalist show wherein there lias been one single popular demon stration at the South in opposition to the Philadelphia Convention, unless it be by the nest of pestilent “loyalists” so-called, who are as repugnant to him as to us. Will the Constitutionalist assert that the delegates to the Philadelphia Conven tion were recreant to any duty devolving upon them as representatives of the South. Will that paper show wliat better mode could have been adopted of promoting reconciliation between the two sections, and what more judicious action could have been taken than that set forth in the pro ceedings of the Convention, for carrying forward the great object of defeating the Radicals and securing success to the policy of the President. It is easy to find fault. It i.s not easy to account for that spirit of fault-finding which levels its shafts at friends and foes alike. Gen. Grant anti the Radicals. The Radicals-have come to the conclu sion, says the New York Times, that Gen. Grant is not the man for their purpose, and they arc writing of him accordingly. His appearance with the President on the presentation of National Union delegates shocked the Radical sensibilities greatly, and his journeying with the President is the occasion for letting loose their pent-up anger. The Washington correspondent of a Radical cotemporary says of the General: “The Copperheads have got him, and the Republicans have been badly sold.” “A reputation has been foolishly built up,” declares tho same scribbler; from which wc infer that the great soldier of the Union i.s to be derided by the Radicals as a soldier, because they find that he is not available for their work as a partisan. Some of the Radical prints which had hoisted the name of Grant for the Presidency have dropped it, usually without remark; in other instances avowedly because his rela tions with Andrew Johnson arc too friend ly to he tolerated. We imagine that Gen. Grant will survive the catastrophe, and *qay even biggs ljia. qtarfr fra, the deliyer ance from BamcaTemDrares. ‘ The sole iler who conquered the enemies of the Union in the field, and set an example of magna nimity in his treatment of the vanquished, can hardly feel aggrieved by the abuse of the stay at home Disunionists. The fight ing rebel he might respect; the faction that would accomplish the end of the re bellion, while claiming tobo monopolists of loyalty, he cannot but despise. Life of General \. B. Forrest. The'Atlanta Intelligencer is requested to state that a gentleman of distinguished literary ability is now engaged in writing a history of General Forrest’s cavalry com mand. The general desires that those who contributed to his promotion, should share whatever of fame or .distinction may be accorded to him. Any officer or private, who was in his command, and who can re call any anecdotes, incidents, or items of any kind, of interest to the historian, will please carefully prepare such manuscript and forward to Captain G. W. Adair, at Atlanta, who will give it the proper direc tion. There were two Georgia regiments at the capture of Murfreesboro, whose members could contribute items of great interest. The Georgia press, we are also requested to state, by copying or relerring to the foregoing notice, will confer a favor on the gentleman who proposes to write the his tory of “Forrest and his Command”—a history, when written, that will soon be in the hands of every family and school boy in the South. Comfortable Hiding. —lt was the privilege of one of the Editors of this pa per recently to experience the comforts pertaining to the lower railroad route be tween Augusta and Wilmington. The sleeping cars are the nc jilus ultra of rail road comfort, affording to a traveller all the comforts of a private room. These cars run between Atlanta and Wilmington —with baggage checked through—thus avoiding all care and all the trouble in cident to a change of cars. The track on on this route has been put in good order, and the conductors are agreeable aud at tentive. This is especially true of the Wilmington and Manchester road, where we were indebted to Mr. Fisher for cour tesies which were highly appreciated. He is not only a model conductor, but has the manners and style of a thorough-going business man, and an affable, prepossessing gentleman. Our friend Isaac Levy, of the firm of Levy & Jacobs, is the local agent for this line, of whom any information desired may be obtained. National Banks and their Cibcu lation. —The First National Bank at Fort Dodge. lowa, was recently authorized to i commence business under the national banking act with a capital of $50,000. This bank is allowed circulation, it having filled its bonds some time since, and before Comptroller Clarke ceased to establish new banks. C ireulating notes to the amount of sl,- 264,025, were issued to certain natioual banks, who, by a provision in their charter, i were allowed to increase their circulation. The total circulation of the national banks J now amount to $291,170, ' 15. The securities held by Treasurer Spinner on account of national banks, on Saturday last, were as follows: As security for circulation $331,910,700 As security for public deposits 38,565,000 Total $370.475,700 Fire in Nashville. —A fire occurred in Nashville on the 6th. destroying the grocery house of Onr Brothers, with a loss of $40.000: the store of Ewing & Cos., loss $38,000, and damaging others to the amount of several thousand dollars. Total loss about SIOO,OOO. oil which there was about $50,000 insurance. The fire origi nated in the second story of Orr Brothers. The secret distribution of arms to Radi cals by Gov. Fletcher is still going on. They are sent to counties on the border,* and'it is believed at St. Louis that he is arming his partisans for the November election, as they can hope to carry it in no other way thau by force. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 1!), 1.866. The President of the Radical Conven tion. It is refreshing to glanee at tie antece dents of some of the new disciples of loy alty, who appear to regard rebels with so much honor, and who are seeking to fix disabilities upon them. James Speed late Attorney General, who was made Presi dent of the late mongrel Convention in Philadelphia, is on the record as a stern opponent of the call for troops to “put down the rebellion.” He di(f not, like his brother Stokes, of Tennessee, volunteer as a soldier to resist Lincoln's usurpation, but signed an address to the people of Ken tucky, in 1861, from which the following is I extracted : “What the future duty of Kentucky may i l>e, we of course, cannot with certainty 1 foresee, hut if theenterpri.se announced in the proclamation of the President should ; at any time hereafter assume the aspect ! of a war for the overrunning and subjuga tion of the seceding States, through the lull assertion therein of the National jurisdic tion, by astanding military force, we do not hesitate to sav that Kentucky should promptly unsheathe her sword in behalf of what will then have become a common cause.” Yet we see this man making “common cause,” with negroes and adventurers of every grade, to humiliate, and oppress the people in whose behalf be avowed himself ready to unsheathe the sword. (Tattle in' Texas.— Therd are now from 00,000 to 100,000 head of Texas cattle pastured along the eastern and northwestern limits of the Slate, and des- tined for the markets of the cis-Mississippi. They are detained where they arc by the statutes of neighboring States, which for bid their being driven through them be fore the loth of November; the reason being a disease ealled the Texas cattle fever, which prevails in the summer months, and is contagious. Estimated at only §lO per head, there is here a value of $1,000,000 in cattle already underway for the East. A late number of a paper published at Corpus Christi, Texas, says that there is a single stock-raiser, on the Neuces river, whose brands now cover more than 30,000 head of cattle. They are sold there at about $5 per head. He could therefore sell off $150,000 worth of stock at this low rate, and still have enough milch cows left to supply the usual family demand. The Georgia Delegates to the Phil adelphia Convention—Who are They? —The Cherokee Georgian answers this question so far as eighteen of the twenty nine in the published list are concerned. The following fourteen are residents of Whitfield county: 'f. Nation, F. M. Nailon, 0. F. Nailon, Fred. Bender, JolinT. Compton, D. A. Dycus, G. B. Dycus, S. B. Dycus, G. W. Orr, Jesse Trotter, N. P. Hardin, Chas. Know. L. P. Gudger, All of these are said to be “unknown to fame,” and unobtrusive, except Harbin. The editor doubts whether half of them have read a newspaper since the close of the war, and the presumption is that these simple men are being used by designing persons without their full knowledge of what they are about, The four following are from county, and of the same class of persons : j Turner Floyd, Isaac McLane, G. W. McLane, A. S. Vining. An Eye to Business. —A correspondent of the New York Ilerald states that Amini dab Sleek never let slip an opportunity to 1 solicit subscriptions for red flannel shirts ! and toothbrushes for the poor heathen, and Mrs. Jelluby was equally benevolent fO-ifr.. ttfrftjMNfckt 9 irtAle -jdAvAjM®. -oi‘ R - boolaheglia, Emulous of these illustrious examples, the philosophical and philan thropic Greeley, with an eye to business, has opened a parlor at the Continental, and solicits subscriptions to the benighted Tribune— “payment always in advance.” The agent is advertised to be ready “to receive subscriptions in Philadelphia dur ing the session of the Southern Loyalists’ Convention.” On the wall of the room is (or ought to be) a banner bearing this mot to : Fleecy locks and black complexions Cannot forfeit nature’s claim, Skins may differ, but subscriptions Received from blacks and whites the same. Fenian Congress.— The second annual Congress of the Roberts and Sweeny wing of the Fenian Brotherhood convened at Troy on the 3d. There were fully one hun dred and fifty delegates present, represnt ing nearly all the States in the Union. Generals Sweeny, Spear, O’Neill, and other military notabilities of the Brother hood were also present. General Murphy was elected temporary speaker, and on the appointment of a committee on credentials the Congress adjourned to await their re port. The delegates appear disposed to frown down any attempt to introduce poli ties in the convention, all discussion of the action of Congress and the Administration in the observance of neutrality laws being debarred. I’at Men.— Our corpulent readers will not object if we say a few words in their favor. A contemporary says that no fat i man was ever convicted of murder. Stout people are not revengeful, nor, as a gen eral rule, are they agitated by violent gusts of passion. The fellow who works with skeleton keys is gunei ally a lean and wiry individual,- as he can only force himself through holes scarcely large enough to ad mit a cat. Imagine him alarmed and run j niug away, with a policeman after him. ! Corpulency is not the sign of villainy, but rather of good nature and good will to all men. Nice Sentiments. —The infamous wretch, Bro widow, capped the climax of his shame in Philadelphia, where he de clared that he would rather be elected to office by loyal negroes than disloyal whites —rather associate with negroes in private life than with white rebels rather be buried in a negro than a rebel graveyard and if he went to hell or heaven after death, he wanted to go with negroes rather than rebels. And we are told that he was the lion of the city—the city which refused a municipal reception to the President. Killed by Lightning. —We learn from the Sumter Republican that the Rev. John F. Berry, a minister ol the M. E. Church, and a member ot the Georgia Conference, was killed by lightning at his residence, in Ellaville, on Wednesday last. Mr. B. was in charge of the Ellaville Cir cuit, aud had just finished a discourse to bis congregation and returned home. Scarcely had he taken his seat when he received the stroke ot lightning, which killed him instantly. Ilis wife, who was in another part of the house at the time, received a shock which prostrated her. Serious Railroad Accident. —An Ex press train was thrown from the track on the New York Central Railroad on the sth. killing six persons and wounding forty eight. The accident was caused by a switch being left open. The locomotive plunsrcd into the sand and turned over. The three next cars ran together like a telescope,- and were left lying in a heap. By the partial burning of the Water town arsenal some eighty brass field pieces were destroyed. They were worth about a thousand dollars each. Probably most of the metal can be cast over again. Ohio Nominations. —George 11. Pen dleton and Theodore Cook have been nom inated for Congress by the Democrats and Johnson men in their respective districts in Ohio. Pacific Railroad. —Gen. Pope on the 4th. entered the initial stone of the main Pacific Railroad, Southern branch,*; at Junction City, Kansas, J , in): pimsiDßsrs mu. j *>ri!liaiil Reception at i*t. Louis—H e .Makes a Brilliant Speech and Explains the New Orleans Affair. A telegram from St. Louis, dated Sun day last. September 9, says : A complimentary banquet was given last night at the Southern Hotel to Presi dent Johnson and his Cabinet. General Grant, Admiral Farragut, and the Diplo matic Corps. Soon after being set down at the “South ern.” a large crowd collected' on Walnut -rreet and called lustily for the President He answered their summons by appearing on the portico, and delivered the following address : Fellow Citizens of St. Lows : In be ing introduced to you to-night it is not for the purpose of making a speech. It is , true I aiu proud to meet so many fellow citizens here on this occasion, and under the favorable circumstances that I do so. | Cry, “How about our British subjects.”] We will attend to John Bull after a while, so far as that is conferred. [Laughter and loud cheers.] I have just stated that I am not here for the purpose o.f' making a speech, hut after being introduced, sine ply, to tender you my cordial thanks for the welcome you have given me in your midst. [A voice, “Ten thousand wel- ! | comes”—hurrahs and cheers.] —Thank l you, • sirs, I wish it was in my power to address you unler favorable circum stances on some of the agi this time—questions which have j grown out of the fiery ordeal that we have passed through, and which! think as important as this we have just passed by; though the time has come when it I seems to me they all ought to be prepared for peace, the rebellion being suppressed and the shedding of blood being stopped, the sacrifice of life being suspended and stayed. It seems that the time has ar rived when we should have peace ; when the bleeding arteries should be tied up. [A voice “New Orleans.”] Go on. Per haps if you had a word or two on the sub ject of New Orleans you might understand more about it than you do ; [laughter and cheers,] and if you will go baj-k a id ascer tain the cause of the riot ir, New Orleans, perhaps you would not be so prompt in calling out “New Orleans.” If you will take up tho riot at New Orleans and trace it back to its source, or to its immediate cause, you will findyut who was responsi ble for the blood that was shed there. . If you will take up the riot at New Orleans and trace it back to the Radical Congress | great cheering and cries of ‘ ‘Bully, ” J you will find that the riot at New Orleans was substantially planned. If you will take up the proceedings in their canvass you will understand that they knew [cheers] that a convention was to be called which was extinct by its power having ex pired. That it is said that the intention was that anew government was to he organized, and on the organization of that government the intention was to enfranchise one portion of the population called the colored population, who has just been emancipated, and, at the same time disfran chise white men. [Great cheering. ] When you design to talk about New Orleans [con fusion) you ought to understand what you are talking about. When you read the speeches that were made, or take the facts on Friday and Saturday before that Con vention sat, you will them find the speeches were made incendiary in their character, and inciting that portion of the population— the black population —to arm themselves and prepare for the shedding of blood. [A voice—that’s so, and cheers.] You will also find that that Convention did assem ble in violation of law, and the intention of that Convention was to supersede the re cognized authorities in the State govern ment of Louisiana, which had been recog nized by the government of the United States and every man engaged in that re bellion —in that Convention, with the in tention of superceding and upturning the civil government which had been recog nized by the government of the United States —I say that lie was a traitor to the Constitution of the United States, [cheers,] and hence you find that another rebellion has commenced, having its origin in the Radical Congress. These men were to go there. A government was to he organized, ysJSkin. Uoni-iana to he suspended—set asicFe and overthrown. You say you talk to me about New Or leons, and there the question was to come up when they had established their gov ernment, a question of political powers ; which of tho two governments was to be recognized? Anew government inaugu rated under the defunct Convention set up in violation of law, and without the will of the people. Then when they had estab lished their governments and extended universal or impartial franchise as they called it to this colored population, then the Radical Congress was to determine that a government established on negro votes was to be the government of Louisiana. [Voices, “never,” and cheers and “hur rahs for Andy.”] So much for the New Orleans riot, and there was the cause and origin of tho blood that was shed, and every drop of blood that was shed is upon their skirts, and they are responsible for it. [Cheers. ] I could test this thing a little closer but will not do it here to-night. But when you talk about New Orleans, arid talk about the cause and consequences that resulted from a proceeding of that kind, perhaps, as I have provoked questions of this kind, though it does not provoke me, I will tell you some wholesome things that have been done by this Radical Congress [cheese] in connection with New Orleans, and the ex tension of the elective franchise. I know that I have, been traduced and abused; I know that it has come in advance of ine here. You have, as elsewhere, been told that I have attempted the exercise of ar bitrary power in resisting laws that were intended to he forced upon the Govern ment. [Cheers, and cries of “hear.”] That I had exercised the veto power [•'Bully for you;”] that I had abandoned the party that elected me, and that I was a traitor [cheersj because I exercised the veto power in attempting to arrest, and it did arrest for a time, a bill that was called a “Freedmen’s Bureau bill.” [Cheers.] Yes, that I was a traitor; and I have been traduced; I have been slandered. I have j been maligned. I have been called a Judas j Iscariot, and all that, I know, my coun trymen, here to-night, that it is very easy to indulge in epithets. It is i easy to call a man “Judas” and! cry out "traitor. But when he is called upon to give arguments and facts lie is very often found wanting. Judas ! There was a Judas and he was one of the twelve Apostles. Oh, yes, the twelve Apostles had a Christ. [A voice—“a Moses, too.” Great laughter. J The twelve Apostles had ! a Christ, and he never could have had a Judas unless he had had twelve Apostles. If I have played the Judas who has been ! my Christ that I have played the Judas with V V\ as it Thad. Stevens ? Was it Wendell Phillips ? YV as it Charles Sum ner ? [Hisses and cheers.] Are these i men that stop and compare themselves 1 with the Saviour, and everybody that dis- j fers with them in opinion, and try to stay and arrest their diabolical and nefarious policy to be denounced as a Judas! [“llur- ! rah for Andy,” and cheers.] In the days I when there were twelve Apostles, and when there was a Christ, while there were ! Judases, were they unbelievers?— Yes, while there were Judases ; there were unbelievers. i Voices— “three groans for Fletcher, Yes ! oh. yes I unbelievers in Christ, men who per secuted and slandered and brought him be fore Pilate, and preferred charges and con demned and put him to death on the cross to satisfy the unbelievers; and this is the same persecuting, diabolical and nefarious clan to-day who would persecute and shed the blood of innocent men to carry out their purposes. [Cheers.] But let me tell you —let me give you a few words here to night. It is but a short time since I heard someone say in the crowd that we had a Moses. [Laughter. I And I know sometimes it ha-, been said that I would be the Moses of the colored man. [“Never, and cheer.'.] Why, I have labored as much in the cause of emancipation as any other mortal man living. But, while I have striven to emancipate the colored man, I have felt and now feel that we have a great many white men that want emancipation.— [Laughter, and cheers.] There is a set amongst you that have got shackles on their limbs, and are as much under the heel and control of their masters as the colored man that was emancipated.— ■ [Cheers.] I call upon you here to-night as free men. as men. to favor the emancipation of the white man. as well as the colored ones. I have been in favor of emancipation. I have nothing to disguise about that. I have tried to do so much, and have done as much ; and when they Moses and the colored man being led into the promised land, where is the land that this clan proposes to lead them to J. heers. | When we talk about taking them out from among the white population and sending them to other c-liiues, wliut is it that they propose ? Whv it is to give us a “Freedmans Bureau. And after living us a Freedman s Bureau, what then? Why, here, in the South, itis not necessary for me to talk to you, where I have lived and you have lived, and under stand the whole system and how it oper ates. We know how the slaves have been worked heretofore. There is the original owner who bought the land and raised the negroes, or purchased them, as the case might be—paid all the expenses of carry ing on tho larm, and after producing to bacco, cotton, hemp and flax, and all the various products of the South, bringing them into the market without any profit on j them, while those owners put it all into J their pockets. This was their condition ! before emancipation. This was their eon diiion before we talked about their j “Moses.” [Laughter.] The President continued to discuss the I Freedmen’s Bureau Bill and said: There were respectable gentlemen who conteud that the President is wrong because he ve toed the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill; and all this because he chose to exercise the veto power, he committed a high offence, and he ought to be impeached. [Voices, — j “never. '] Yes, ves, they are trying to ! impeach him. [Voices —“let them try : it.’] If they were satisfied they had the | next Congress by a decided majority, as I this—upon some pretext or another— j violating the Constitution ; neglect of do ing or omitting to enforce some act or law, upon some pretext or other they would va cate the Lxecutive Department of the United States. |A voice—too bad they don't impeach him.] But as we talk about this Congress, let me call the soldiers attention to their immaculate Congress. Let me call your attention to—oh ye.-, this Cl filth MM f ItaTTCrTltvt Tnafcff *W?tf l tilts' Executive because he stands upon the Constitution and vindicates- the rights of the people, exercising the veto powei»in their behalf. Because he dared to do this, they can clamor and talk about im peachment, and by way of stimulating this increasing confidence with the soldiers throughout the country they talk about impeachment. So far as offences are con cerned, upon this subject of offences let me ask you, [voices, “plenty here to-night,”] to go back into my history of legislation, ! I an d even you of this State, let me ask if | there ir a man here to-night who in the dark days of know nothingism', stood and | battled more for their rights than I. [Voices, good, and cheers.] FROM PHILADELPHIA. Further Proceedings ofihe Radical Pmv 'Yoiv—Report of the Committee on the Address. Philadelphia, Sept. 6. —The Southern delegates met at National Hall at 10:30 a. m. Prayer by Rev. Dr. Bedell. m. i 'reswell, of Maryland, presented the report of the committee on the address. The representatives of eight millions of American citizens appeal for protection and justice to their friends and brothers in the States that have been spared the cruel ties of the rebellion and the direct horrors of a civil war. Here, on the spot where freedom was pi offered and pledged by the fathers of the republic, we implore your help agaipst a reorganized oppression, whose sole object is to remit the control of our destinies to the contrivers of the rebel lion, after they have been vanquished in honorable battle; thus, at once, to punish us for our devotion to our country and to the interests of themselves—not in official positions, hut in the fortifications of the government. Others have related the thrilling story of our wrongs, from reading and observation; but we come before you as the unchallenged witnesses, and'speak from personal knowledge and sad expe rience. If you fail us we are more utterly betrayed and deserted than if the contest had been decided against us ; for, in that case, even victorious slavery would have found profit in the speedy pardon of those who had been among its bravest foes. Unexpected perfidy in the highest place. of the government accidentally followed by one who adds cruelty to ingrati tude, and who forgives the guilty as he prosecutes the innocent, has stimu lated the almost extinguished revenge beaten conspirators, and raw rebels, who offered to yield everything to save their lives, are now seeking to consign us to a bloody grave. Where we expected a benefactor wc find a persecutor. Having lost our champion, we return to you who can invoke Presidents and punish traitors. Our last hope under God is the amity and firmness of the States that elected Ahra ■r* '* : ■ 1 .if.ffiwsott : Di%*i**l The nest statement"of ottr cause' is die appalling yet unconscious confession of Andrew Johnson, who, in savage hatred of his own record, proclaims Ins purpose to clothe four millions of traitors with power to impoverish and degrade eight millions cf loyal men. Our wrongs bear alike on all races, and our tyrant, uncheck ed by you, will award the same fate to white and black. We can remain as we i are, only as inferiors and victims. We ! may fly from pur homes, but we should fear to trust our fate with those who, after denouncing and defeating treason, refused to right those who have bravely assisted them in good work. Till we are wholly rescued there is neither price for you nor property for us. We can’t better define at once our wrongs and our wants than by declaring that, since Andrew Johnson affiliated with his early slanderers, and our constitutional enemies, his hand has been laid heavily upon every earnest loyalist in the South. History, the just judgment of the pre sent and the certain confirmation o*‘ the future, invite and command us to de clare that after rejecting his own remedies for restoring the Union, ho has resorted to tho weapons of traitors to bruise and beat down patriots. That after declaring that tho reconstruction that he practiced, upon the maxim that tnone but traitors shall rule ; that while in the North he has re moved conscientious men from office and | filled many of the vacancies with the sym pathizers of treason in the South, he has ; removed the poor patriot and selected the convicted traitor to fill his place ; that after brave men who have fought for the j old flag have been nominated for positions, | their names have been recalled, and avowed rebels substituted; that every original Unionist in the South, who stood fast to Andrew Johnson’s Governmentfrom | 1861 to 1866 has been ostracised ; that he has coith, ted the loyal court by offering premiums for defiance of the laws of Con gress, by openly discouraging the ob servance of oaths amidst treason ; that while refusing to punish the single con spirator, though thousands had earned the penalty of death, more than a thousand Union citizens have been murdered in cold blood since the surrender of Lee, and : in no case have their assassins bcenbrought to judgement. That lie lias pardoned some of the worst of llebel criminals North and South, including some who have taken human life under circumstances of un paral lelled atrocity ; that while denouncing and fettering the operations of the Freedmeu’s Bureau, lie, with full knowledge of false hood. has charged that the blacks are lazy and rebellious, and lias concealed the fact that more whites than blacks have been protected and led by that noble organiza tion ; that while declaring that it was cor ruptly managed and an expense to the Government, he has connived at a system of profligation in the use of the public patronage and public money, wholly with out parallel save when the traitors haiiK rupted the treasury, and sought to dis j organize and scatter the army and navy ! to make it more easy to capture the Gov ; eminent; that while declaring against the injustice of leaving eleven States unrepre sented lie lias refused his assent to the liberal plan proposed by Congress, simply because it recognizes the supremacy of a ' loyal majority, and refuses to perpetuate , a traitor minority; that in every State South of Mason and Dixon’s line his policy lias wrought the most deplorable aonsequenees. it has erected a formidable j barrier to free and friendly intercourse between the North and South ; it has pre vented emigration to the South ; it has al lowed the rebel soldier to persecute the teacher of the freedmen, and to burn the freedmen s churches in which they wor shipped the living God ; that a system so barbarous as this has proved to be should finally culminate in the frightful riot of Memphis, and still more appalling massa cre of New Orleans, was as natural as | that a bloody war should flow from the teachings of John C. Calhoun and Jefferson Davis. Andrew Johnson is responsible for all these unspeakable cruelties, and as he ; provoked, so he justifies and applauds them, sending his agents and emissaries into the refined and patriotic metropolis to insist upon making 'his reckless policy a test upon a Christian people. He forgot : that the protection extended to the four teenth annual Convention in Philadelphia was not only denied to the free people ot New Orleans on the 3d of July, when they assembled to discuss how best to protect themselves, but denied amidst the slaugh ter of hundreds of innocent men. N o page in the records of his recent outrages on human justice and constitutional law is more revolting than that which convicts him of refusing to arrest the perpetrators ot that savage carnival, and not only or re fusing to punish its author, but of toiling to throw the guilty responsibility upon un | offeuding and innocent freedmen. The infatuated tyrant that stood ready to crush his own people, iu turn, when they, strug gling to maintain a government, erected by himself, against his and other traitor’s persecutions, was even more eager to illus trate his savage policy by clothing with most despotic power the rioters of New Orleans, notwithstanding the heartless de sertion and cruel persecution of Andrew j Johnson. ! Maryland and Delaware, imbued with Democratic and Republican prineples which the fathers of the republic designed for all America, are now making determin ed battle with the enemies of free consti tutional government, and by the blessing oi God these States will soon range them' selves iu the line with the former free States, and illustrate the wisdom and benilieenee of the great character of Ameri can liberty by their increasing population, wealth and prosperity, in remaining. Ten States, the seeds of obligarehy planted iu the Constitution, by its slave feature has 1 ! grown to he a monstrous power, whose i recognition thus wrung from the reluctant framers of that instrument, enabled these States to enlarge themsevles behind the perverted doctrine of States rights. Danger of Another Civil War. The Petersburg Express forcibly ob serves that there is everything in the character and proceedings of the dominant party in Congress to justify the suspicion —yea. to inspire in every reflecting mind the belief—that they are not only disposed hut determined to resort to the most ex treme measures, if necessary, to accom plish their vile purposes. Cowards as the leaders are, they can yet, with their infa mous harangues, influence the credulous and confiding multitudes of their. followers mmmmm nt&tis will take good care to keep their own car casses out of harm’s reach. If they cannot draw the sword themselves, they can sound the trumpet at a safe distance, and so incite thousands of zealots, phrenzied with fanaticism and infuriated with hellish hate to deeds the contemplation of which makes humanity shudder. Men, or rather monsters in the shape of men, like Ste vens, Sumner, Kelly, Chandler, For ney, Butler, and sco os of other rad ical chiefs that might be named, talk of war as if they had the nerves of Achilles, and the spirit of Julius Caesar—as if they would be the first to panoply themselves and rush to the ensanguined field. But let war come and they will be found hiding themselves in the deepest caverns of earth to escape the perils of the conflict, Put these dastardly brutes, unfortunately, possess influence enough with their tongues and pens (the only weapons they know the use of) to plunge the land into the horrors of anarchy and intestine strife, and it is evident from recent and daily developments that they intend to exert this influence to the utmost. Who that thoughtfully con siders the scenes which marked the late session of Congress—the enormous and un scrupulous assumption of power by the rul ing majority—their reckless violations of the constitution —their fierce and malignant assaults upon the Presi dent for an honest and patriotic dis charge of his duties —their bold decla rations of their treasonable purposes— ! their contemptuous disregard of all the | pleadings _ and arguments for a peaceful | re-admission of the Southern common wealths to their places in the Union, after their military overthrow—who that thoughtfully considers these things, and in connection with them, the present still at titude of hostility in which these conspira tors against the republic stand towards its Executive head and his millions of sup porters, can doubt for a moment that an other struggle, more bitter and bloody than that which has just been ciossd, is impend ing ? It is just as well—it is a great deal better—for the conservative press to speak out openly at once, and tell the people that anew war is imminent—a war, the guilt of which will be altogether upon the heads of the radical infuriates who have dared to take issue with the President upon his policy_ of restoring the nation al unity, dignity and prosperity. What is the use of mincing phrases in so portentous a crisis? Why cry “peace, peace, where there is no peace?” Look at what has been said and ! done in Philadelphia in the last few days, j in that assembly of political vipers called ] tho “Loyalists Convention”—look at what j transpired at Cleveland when the President ■ passed through that city on his way to j Chicago, —look at the spirit of devilish an- imosity against that brave and noble do- MW-tw will- -Ci • V played by the usurping and revolutionary party who from their “ebon throne” in the national capitol, have as good as proclaimed themselves to be the supreme power of'the land! Look at the appliances which are being constantly brought by them to bear upon the approaching elections. Lnok at the turbulent and fraudulent manner in which they are attempting to put down popular rights and crush out resistance to their execrable schemes for subverting our institutions and shackling a free people with chains more* galling and degrading than were ever forged by oriental despot! Is it not time to awaken the whole country to a sense of the peril which hangs over it ? We arc no prophet, but we cannot read the “signs of the times,” as they now stare us in the face in every direction, without tak ing the warning from them with which they are pregnant. They denote, to say the least, an alarming precarious state of public affairs ; so much so, indeed, as to warrant the inference that we are on the verge of new troubles the end of which the eye of the Almighty can alone see. The elections soon to come off' in the Northern States will subject the government of ours and the people living under it to an ordeal infinitely more trying than any they have yet had to pass through. The last New York Express has the fol lowing paragraph on this subject, which in a few words fully sustains our views: “Bead the inflammatory and incendiary speeches made by certain Radical Congress men and Governors, in Philadelphia last evening—and say if tho point of them all is uot the inevitability of another war. This war is to be begun by an attempt to remove the President by impeachment— an attempt that will assuredly be made, if the autumn elections indicate no abate ment of radical strength in the North and West.” To the People of Georgia. Macon, Sept. 7th, 1860. j Having been appointed by the National | Conservative Union Convention which as sembled in Philadelphia, on the 14th of ■ August, one of the National Executive Committee, 1 respectfully call your atten tion to the following resolution, passed at a special meeting of the Resident Execu tive Committee, at Washington, Aug. 26, 186(5: ; Resolved, That the friends of Peace, Union, Liberty and Law be earnestly re quested, at the earliest day practicable, to call mass meetings in every county of the thirty-six States, and nine territories of the American Union, for the purpose of endorsing and ratifying the action of the National Conservative Union Conven tion***.” I cannot urge too forcibly upon my fellow citiz. ns the propriety of complying with the request of the committee. It was urged m an especial manner, upon the Southern members of the Executive Com mittee, to tall these meetings, for the pur pose of showing both friends and foes at the North, that the people of the South ! ratified the action of their representatives in 1 that Convention. It is asserted by our Radical opponents that the Southern delegates did not repre | sent the great mass of their constituency ; and that, as a people, we were yet rebel ‘ lious and disloyal. Hence this call by the Committee £>r the people themselves to speak in their county meetings. It is not my purpose to defend here the action of your delegates in the Convention. They are willing for future results to applaud |or condemn them. While they do not I claim that everything that was said or done in that Convention met with their entire approval, they do assert that, taken in its totality, its proceedings should com mand the approval of every man who sin ; eerely desires the restoration of fraternal : relations, harmony and union. Enough was accomplished to satisfy us that we have friends at the North, who arc man fully fighting in their own States for our interests and our rights. They simply ask .of us to aid them in their heroic struggle by giving them our endorsement. They claim that it will aid them in the elections now pending. Shall we withhold it. and thus say by our actions, we are indifferent and unconcern ed? We are far from the field of the con flict, yet we are, above all others, most deeply interested in its results. Our social equality, political liberty, our rights of person and property, all that we hold dear as a people, depend upon the success of the great struggle, in which our friends are now earnestly and mant'ul.y engaged. They ask our aid and co-operation in this dark hour of our country's history. Let me invoke our fellow citizens to come to the rescue. Indifference is unpardonable —inaction is dangerous. Uphold the hands of our friends, and the friends of constitutional liberty and State equality, i and the good work begun at Philadelphia may yet result in the triumph of constitu tional law and the restoration of the South to her former position in the government of our fathers. Respectfully, Thos. Hardeman, Jr., One of the Executive Committee, j Papers friendly will please copy. NEW SERIES, VOL. XXV. NO. 30 The Rads at Philadelphia. i One cannot read the detailed reports of ; the Radical disunion convention, lately in ■ session at Philadelphia, without mingled i “-'clings of amazement, horror, shame, | sriof an< i amusement. Are these fellows crazy, or are they more knaves than fools ? is the instinctive query of every one. From the proceedings of Thursday the . following gems are reset: A blasphemous scene. The Convention met at half past ten, and the Lev. Dr. Newman, of New Or lean?, yesterday elected Chaplain, opened ttie proceedings with prayer. After in voking the Dmue co-operation for the re moval of all prejudices growing out of race or color, the reverend gentleman ! „ v little on the subject of reconstruc hi'* : Sav „ e vve pray, from paitisau influences. Save us, we pray, from outside pressure.” This was a geu c <Y lnt t 0 ?id valence to call off the dogs °, Conservatism who are trying to bark the. Radical Southerners out of their con- 1 j vtctions. ihen Mr. Newman ealled the i Lord s attention to the President in this . Mise ; _ Hear u.s, we beseech thee, for ! our nation at large. Deliver us from the rule of bad men—[Cries of Amen] —aud j especially from him who, through satanie agencies, has been raised to authority over j u " [yells of Amen] —and who, abusing i that authority is endeavoring not only to ! take the liie of the .republic, but our uer- HKiani liberty. [Shouts’ of Great God, interfere. [Aniens till it seemed as if the roof would fill. | Oh. make bare thine arm, and save us from his ruinous policy [amens, and cries of "'Yes, Lord ’], from the had counsels of the bad men who surround him. [A dele gate, in an audible voice,” “Yes, Lord,. Seward and Weed, and all them hounds. ”J ]W e beseech Thee to discover to the American people the base hypocrisy of that party that sustains him. | “Amen,” loud er than ever, including one from Ben. j Wade, who was on the platform.] I Oh, send a spirit from Thy throne to j arouse the American people in this tre- j mendous hour.* [ Aniens from all parts of the hall.] So arouse the clergy, the men who are thy representatives, who are to declare the eternal principles of religion and political justice, that they, in turn, may arouse their flocks to the danger which threatens them. Save them, oh Lord, from the ravenous wolves that would devour them. So pour out Thy spirit that the women and children in the land shall he aroused to a sense of duty, to a sense of sympathy, in this grand struggle. | Amen, j Now, hear us, and answer us. Preserve j Thy servants before thee; have in Thv ! kind care and keeping their beloved fami- ! lies, far away, and grant that in all delibe- i rations we may be guided to right conclu- ! sions, and to such conclusions as shall ; overthrow tho policy of our enemies; such j conclusions as shall advance religion and I civilization ; such conclusions as shall re- j dound to Thy glory. And to the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, we will ascribe ever lasting praise, vorld without end. Amen.” Having said this, Dr. Newman took his scab and a disposition to applaud was manifest throughout the audience. FLAT-FOOTED FOR NEORO SUFFRAGE. _ W. Moss, of Missouri, offered a resolu tion declaring, flat-footed, in favor of negro suffrage, and said that he offered it for the purpose of testing tho sense of the convention. He made a lengthy and quite eloquent speech in behalf of the doc trine asserted in his resolution, and fre quently drew rounds of applause from his audience. While lie spoke, tho West Vir ginia, Maryland and Kentucky delegations sat biting tlieiv lips in anger, and betray ing in the most unmistakable manner an inward feeling that they had got more than they bargained for, and that they would like remarkably to be out of the scrape. DR. BRECKINRIDGE INCLINED TO SWEAR. Doctor Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and a few others of his way of thinking, arc in a state of mental ferment over the subject. The Doctor comes, as near as his religious principles would allow him, to swearing that if the convention indorses negro suf frage, it may go to the devil, for him. A MIRACLE—A WOMAN HOLDS HER "Tifra ct'Va i and Governor Brownlow, hut. neither of these gentlemen appearing, the audience demanded Miss Annie Dickinson, who had been occupying a seat in familiar prox imity to Ben. Wade on the platform all day. Miss Anna acknowledged ihc com pliment by appearing at the President’s desk, whither she was escorted by Senator Fowler, of Tennessee, who, at her request, asked that she be excused from speaking, on a promise to speak to-morrow. That would not do, however. The audience was irrepressible in its demands. Miss Anna had. to come forward. She bowed, and the audience hurrahed, then she said her heart was full, and pressed- her hand to her bosom to show how full it was. She neg lected to say what it was so full of, but simply stated that it was so full she could not speak to-day. She had been so over whelmed by the generosity and the earn estness of the Southern men to-day, that ■ her lips were silent and her tongue refused its office. Here audience cheered again, probably from sheer astonishment that a j woman’s tongue should refuse its office. Her heart throbbed. Anna said, in answer ; to what she had heard to-day, and now that the men of the South had spoken for the rights of the colored race, she would speak for the rights of hers North and South, hut not to-day. To-morrow slic would say something, pfrliape ; and then the gentle Anna tipped her head at the audience and disappeared from the ros trum, followed by loud cheers and cries lor Ben. Butler, Ben. Wade and several oth ers who were not present. A TENNESSEE JIISCEGENATOR. Maynard, a Tennessee Yankee in favor of bald-faced miscegenation—declared that the time would come when our children would i intermarry with the blacks, &c. llisinfa ; mous utterances were received with ap plause. (From the Atlanta New Era.| Facts for iter. Henry Ward Beecher. 1 In his letter to the Committee of the ; Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Convention, to be : Held at Cleveland. Mr. Beecher uses the 1 following words: “Churches in the North | crown every' hill, and schools swarm in i i every neighborhood; while the South has i but few scattered lights, at lung distances, i like likcliouscs twinkling along the edge of a continent of darkness.” I take excep tion to this language, because it palpably misrepresents the people of the South. The ! spirit of the letter I admire, and whilst I wish Mr. Beecher the most abundant suc | cess in yielding his immense influence for 1 the Constitution and the Union, I beg to correct the above statement. Presuming that Mr. Beecher does not intend to do injustice to the people of the South, and that he will accept the testimo ny of the United States Census of 1850, (the latest complete returns at hand,) 1 would call his attention to the following facts: In 1850 there were 21,387 churches m the Northern States, and 16,658 in the I Southern States. The proportion, 1 church to 628 persons in the North, and 1 church 562 persons in the South. The accom modations of these churches were 8.056,- ' 061 sittings for 13,434,922 persons North, and 5,541,875 sittings for 9,664,656 per ilous South. Thus, 64 persons out of 100 could attend service at the same Line in the North, and 57 out of 100 in the South, iucbtdi.nr/ whiles and, slaves alike. Thus the Northern States had only 7 per cent, i greater accommodations than the South ! cm. Surely this was not a sufficient differ ence to justify a charge of heathenism up : on the Southern people ! But if we exclude the slaves, as abolition teachers asserted that we did, from our 1 churches, we have the followingresults : Pojrala’n. N. State*. tt.mpa Sitting in X. Ciw. -/*>.,u-.i sutiuus iu .**. U«. Li in l'*J I Sj'.nlOJ ' Thus, 85 white persons in 109 coin 1 at tend service in the South, and only 61 in 100 in the North —a difference of 21 per cent, in favor of' the South Now. if we include the whole white population of the South, arid all the siav e.-, over 15 years of age, the Southern churches would accommodate 05 in 100 of-the popu lation South, against 64 m 100, the uc commodation of the churches .North . Yet. in 1850, we were a barbarous and heathern people! To place this contrast in a stronger . light, let us take six seaboard slave States in 1850, and put them in opposition to six New England States, and see what pro visoes had been made for the Gospel among the whites of both sections : NEW ENGLAND STATES. White Pop. No' Ch*. Accoxjj. Av per ct. M»v e >1.813 ‘-M» 3>>,W >. New Hampshire 31T.iv, 2 7:, Massachusetts i:m 1-177 Ki 7., Rhode Ifela and 143,*75 231 H« r >l 71 ; Connecticut Vermont 313,402 237/HI 7.7 2.70-VWS 4 M2 1 ,'.>10,812 72 .SIX SOUTHERN STATES. I .. . . White Pip No. Cus Acro:». Av per ct. \irgltiia MiI,SKI 2,386 H'KLeOn ■«;, North Cxolina 553/EK 1,787 5 77,1-3 pit South Carolina 274,563 1,1-82 4tK),4» Georgia 521,372 1/562 GdD.ViO 122 Florida 47,2«i3 177 44,4,0 Alabama 426,514 1,375 443,7<fe ,lw i ,717,ft#) *B,7«> J 14 | By this table it appears that the white people ot the .Southern States named had built 8, 1 69 churches, whilst New England hsd but 4,612, au excess of 4,157 in favor lof these Southern States. The sittings in I the Southern churches were, 3,025,669 ;in New England, 1,910,842, an excess of K 115,827 in favor of the Southern States. The average accommodation in the South ern States was 114 per cent, of the white population, and only 72 per cent, in New England, an excess of 42 per cent, in favor ol the Southern States. The white popu lation ol these six Southern States was only a fraction over 12,000 greater than that of New England. If we subtract the slave population un der ten years of age from the whole popu lation, these 8,769 Southern churches would accommodate 74 per ‘cent, of the white and slave population both, whilst New England furnishes 72 per cent, and the Northern States generally hut 64 per cent. Returning to the first calculation, wo have the following results : Sixteen Northern States furnished church accommodations for 64 persons fin every 100 ol the population, ail being free. Hus is progress, civilization, enlighten ment, &c.. &c. Fifteen Southern States furuishcdchureh ! accommodations for 57 persons in every 100 of the population, free and slave. This is barbarism, ignorance, wickedness, ma i hgnity, &c. _ G ic.it Britain furnished cliureh acconi imliiiiiiliiiwiwiiiiiii 1 j bid, enlightened, Christian, &e. Boston, Massachusetts, furnished church accommodations for only 56 per cent, of j her population, whilst Charleston, S. C., furnished 07 per cent.; yet Boston is a i Christian city, and Charleston unques ■l tionably “heathen.” | Kings county, New York, the residence V> "' r ' ** ecc “ cl t ’> and the county in which Brooklyn, the famous “city of churches,” is situated, furnished church accommoda tions for 44 per cent, of her population, whilst Henrico county, including the city of Richmond, Ya., furnished 71 percent.; yet Brooklyn, of course, is eminently Chris tian.and Richmond decidedly “lieathcn ish. Philadelphia furnished church accom ■ modations lor 45 per cent, of her popula tion, and Mobile 05 percent.; yet Philadel phia is near the centre of intelligence and Christianity, and Mobile is—nowhere. riuw, il the churches of the South are as 'scattered lights, at long distances, like fiohthouses timnlling along the edge of a continent of darkness,” what a commenta ry does this fact present upon the conduct of those who participated in the “Grand March to the Sea!” Orthodox. Atlanta. September 10, IStiO. Resolutions of the Northern Radical Convention, Mr. Hamilton, of Texas from the Com mittee on Resolutions, reported the fol lowing, which were unanimously adopted: RESOLUTIONS. Resolved, That the loyal people oftlio North in thanksgiving to Almighty God, through w hose will a rebellion unparallel ed for its causelessness, its cruelty and ils criminality, has been overruled to the vin dication of the supremacy of the Federal Constitution over every State and Territo ry- of the Republic. Unsolved, That we demand now, as we have demanded at all times since the ces sation of hostilities, the restoration of the States in which wo live, to their old rela tions with the Union, on the simplest and fairest conditions consistent with the pro tection of our lives, property and political rights, now in jeopardy from tiie un quenched enmity of rebels lately in arms. Resolved, That the unhappy' policy of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, is, in its effect upon the loyal peo ple of the South, un just, oppressive and in tolerable, and accordingly, however ar dently we desire to see our respective States once more represented in the Con gress of the nation, we would deplore their restoration on the inadequate condition prescribed by the President, as tending not to abate, hut only to magnify the perils and sorrows of our condition. Resolved, That the welcome we have re ceived from the loyal citizens of Philadel phia under the roof of the time-honored 1 lull in which the Declaration of Indepen dence was adopted, inspires us with an animating hope that the principles of just uiid etpial government which werewado stitution. Resolved, That with pride in the pa triotism or the Congress, with gratitude lor the fearlessmnlpersistent support they have given to the cause of loyalty, and their efforts to restore all the" States to their former condition as States in the American Union, wo,will stand by the > positions taken by them, and use all means consistent with a peaceful and lawful coiuso to secure the ratifications of the amendments to the Constitution of the United States as proposed by Congress at its rcce.it session, and regret (haftbc Con gress iirits wisdom did not provide l,y law sos tbo greater security ot the loyal people in the States not yet admitted to representation Resolved, duat the political power of the Government of the United States in the administrationo.f public affairs, is by its Constitution conliked to the popular or ltiw-making department of the Govern ment. Resolved, That thfc political status of the States lately in rebellion to the United States govern merit, and u,o rights of the people of such States arh poliiieal ques tions, and are therefore el eat) y within the | control of Congress, to the' xelusHm ol' and independent of any and «ev ( -ry other ! department of the Government. Resolved, That there is no riglg t politi cal, legal or constitutional in airy State lo ! secede or withdraw from the Union but iliey may Ijy wicked and iinaiitUi.Vi/.ed revolutions and force sever the which they have sustained to thu Union : and when they do they assume tlie at.-l I tude of public enemies at war with the i United States ; they subject themselves to i all the rules and principles ofinternational i law, and the laws of war applicable to bel ligerents according to modern usage. Resolved, Tilsit wo arc unalterably in favor of tho Union of tin- States, and earnestly desire the legal and speedy resto ration of all the States to their proper places in the Union, and the establishment in each of them pf influence of patriotism and justice, by which tho whole nation shall be combined to carry forward trium phantly tho principles of freedom and pro gress, until all men of ail races shall, everywhere beneath the Hag of our coun try, have accorded to them freely all that their virtues, industry, intelligence and energy may entitle them toattain. • Resolved, That the organization in the unrepresented States assuming 10 lie State Governments, not having been legally es tablished., are not-legitimate Governments until recognized by Congress. Resolved, That we cherish with tender hearts tho memory of the virtues, patriot ism, sublime faith, upright .Christian life and generous nature of thfc martyr Presi dent, Abraham Lincoln. Resolved, That we are in favor of universal liberty the world over, and feel the deepest sympathy with the oppressed people of all countries in their struggle for freedom and ; the inherent right of all iaen to decide and control for themselves the character of the Government under which they live. Resolved, That the" lasting gratitude of the nation is duo the men who bore the battle, and in covering themselves with imperishable glory have saved to tho world its hope of free Government, and re lying 011 the “ invincible soldiers and sailors” who made the grand army and navy of the Republic to be true to the principles for which they fought, wepledge them that we will stand by them in main taining the honor due the saviours of the nation, and in securing the fruits of their victories. Resolved, That remembering with pro- I found gratitude and love the precepts of i Washington, wo should accustom our selves to consider the Union as the primary i object of patriotic desire, which has here , tol'ore sustained us with great power in 1 our love of the Union. When so many of I our neighbors in the .South were waging : war for ns destruction, our deep and abid ing love for the memory, of tiic l-'atlier of His Country and for the Union is more do -rdy engraven upon our hearts than ever. The Home of Henry Ward Beech er. —Rev. Henry Ward Beecher’s farm and home at Peeks! ill, is thus described by a correspondent: “The farm is about two tnilcs cast of the railroad depot, and a beautiful site for a summer residence. The residence is a low-roofed, one story and a half building, and resembles very much an old-fashioned farm house. The carriage! house and barn and foreman’s ifesidcuce are all one edifice. In external appearance this building is more imposing than Mr. Beech er s home. The farm consists of about 40 acre.:, and 1 am told its cost may lie esti mated at $40,000. When 51 r. Beecher purchased it it was covered with rocks and stones, but lie has made it bloom and blos som with flowers, and so enriched its soil that it yields prodigious harvests. The farm is a garden. The whole of it has been subsoiled 26 inches, and every stone large or small lias been taken out and put into fences or drains. I never saw such vegetables and fruit. He has four acres of onions, and las* year sold 800 barrels, ihe ‘foreman told me he sold last year about $6,000 worth of produce ironi the place. Such onions, beets, squashes and dwarfed nears I never before witnessed. One small L ar tree, not three feet high, hade /pears on it, and many otiier trees seemed bur dened with their fruit. The total number of deaths from cholera in the city and coitnty of New York, since ; its first appearance on the Ist of May, is 829 ; of these 486 occurred in the public institutions on Ward’s, Blackwell sand Randall’s Islands.