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■ .%* ' OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXV. (Chronicled Sentinel. 11 i:n k y moo h i--. A. It. WllKilir. TEEMS OF M BStItIPTION. WEEKLY. I.r«»'»nthfi 4 u> ZZ"“ ■ c IS J. It. \\ . JOHNHTON , fhwSocs» iUniCfr. A ( (.1 STA, <• \ : M KD> KhliA V WOK\TvG. BEPTF,MBKR 2«. The Radical Kiel al Indianapolis. Our readers have been advised through our telegraphie column.-* of the fact that the President o.'the United States was prevented by a mob from addressing his constituents at liidianajKilis, the capital of the State of Indiana, while on his return to the Federal capital from his visit to Chicago, whither he had gone to join in the honors there paid to tin; memory of the lamented Douglas. This grossly outrage out and indecent exhibition of popular fury against the Chief Executive of the nation, must cause every lovefof his country, and of |«ipular institutions, much uneasiness and apprehension for the future. For the first time since the foundation of the Gov emmeut, has the Chief Executive of that Government lieen publicly insulted in open day, and his presence before the People made the occasion for the use of the most, i.ppn.bi lasLnguago, at and the employment. I.me,nlhw 1 year' of the lowest billingsgate, against his |>er onal andpoliticafletion. Notonly have his public acta ls;cn denounced and condemned, but his private character lias been tra duced and villiiied to an extent which, among honorable men, in private life, would have demanded a speedy vindication, even to the extent of force and violence. Tied up as the President is, by his posi tion and oath of office, his enemies have, with the recklessness which impunity from responsibility is likely to produce upon mean, low spirited and cowardly minds, followed him from place to place as he journeyed to Chicago, with the rapacity of howling wolves and the malignity of devils incarnate. Even in Philadelphia, a city second in size to but one on this continent, and .somewhat proud of its civilization and refinement, an insult was offered to Mr. Johnson ami his suite, wholly gratuitous and inexcusable. Taking their cue doubt le w from the precedent thus set by the city of Brotherly-love, the hangers-on and riff-raff of the Radical party in other lo calities through which the party passed, have, at the instigation of their party leaders, succeeded in inflicting a disgrace upon the national character which can never be entirely obliterated or effaced. These disgraceful and fanatical demonstra tinns of popular indignation, culminated in Indianapolis, where their fury was so in tense and their violence so marked as to prevent the President from addressing the numerous crowds of his friends there as sembled. Doubtless the leaders of the mob then hail their instructions from Stevens, But ler, Forney and Company, and it is in this view of the matter that the outrage com mitted, and the violence resorted to by the infuriate populace, is invested with an im portance and significance which should nr rest the attention and challenge the con demnation of all the true men of the North. We see in this Indianapolis de monstration, the commencement, of that new era of blood and carnage which the Radical leaders have been threatening for the last live months, and which has in creased within the last five weeks just in proportion as the conservative party lias seemed to gather strength ami support from the Northern people. The. Washington caucus which planned and inaugurated the New Orleans riot, and gave countenance and support to the in famous plans of the most infamous Brown low, had also in view and under advisement the propriety of fermenting collisions be tween the white and black races at the South, and the law-abiding conservatives and the Radical revolutionists of the North. The speeches of their leaders and the utte rances of their press, most clearly establish the fact that they have determined to plunge this country into another terrible war, if necessary to carry out their uncon stitutional and aggressive policy. It, therefore, behooves the friends of law, or der, and constitutional government every where, to put the seal of their deepest con demnation upon such demonstrations as that under review. We have not yet received full particu lars if this uncalled for and wholly unpro voked violation of the common decencies and amenities of civilized society, but the following which wo clip from the Now York Herald's correspondent gives the fullest account of that disgraceful catastrophe which we have seen. The writer says “an informal caucus was held, which discussed the propriety of holding a Radical meeting that night. On the arrival of the excur sionists there was an immense crowd, and the first carriage, containing the I’resident had hardly started before the roughs com menced breaking in upon the procession, blocking the line of march, hooting and yelling and groaning. Those in the pro cession bore it patiently till the transpa rencies were attacked. A free fight was then begun; dozens were knocked down with clubs ; knives and pistols were lively used. Not less than twenty shots were fired in the densely crowded square, which caused a general stampede. But the crowd returned after the firing ceased, and the wounded wore borne off; but the firing was begun by a man named Stretcher and a Radii#!, which resulted in the death of a stranger, and the crowd again scattered. Generals Grant and Raw lings went down in the midst and remon strated with the rioters, urging them to respect the President and themselves, and retire. 'Hie llemhl further says : "tine man was shot in the log, another in the knee, and two in the neck and face on the outbreak. The two latter are danger ously, if not fatally wounded. They were earned away and their names cannot be ascertained. V man named Howard StretelioF was carried to jail for shooting two men in the last melee. Several men were wounded, but none are known tube killed. The police have not appeared in sufficient force to qin ll the disturbance. Five men are reported seriously wound ed and one fatally, and one by the name of Stewart killed. A number were knocked down and badly beaten besides. The dis turbance is apparently over. The Radicals tirst dispersed the crowd and then scatter ed themselves, as is supposed, to avoid ar rest. The reporter of the Journal, standing at some distance from the tiring, was wound ed in the hand. The Stewart alluded to is dead, having three balls in his body, although onlv a quiet looker on. The artVur is one of the most disgraceful that ever took place, and must have been premeditated by the Radicals, from ttfeir manifest concert and organization. They commenced tlnv affray unquestionably, and without the slightest provocation or justification. 1 witnessed the beginning and ending of the tight from an upper window that com manded a view of the whole street. Another important fact in connection with the riot is that the Radical attack was mainly directed against the Irishn on in the torch light procession. The tirst trans parency knocked down and destroyed was this: “Irish American citizens greet An drew Johnson, President of the United States.” . (titbEß in Liberty County.—E. \ ulee, Agent of the Freedmen's Bureau in Liber ty county, writes to the Savannah Herald, denying the report recently published, of a baud of Regulators iti that county. He says that no such a band exists there. There is, as in all communities, here and there a man who disregards law, and lakes upon himself to redress grievances. He deems this statement due to the good name of a county distinguished for the good morals, intelligence and regard for law and order of its inhabitants, Massachusetts vs. Georgia. “The secret of the success of Massachu setts is obvious. <S he works. That is the wholeof it. She has neither a slave, nor a i servile, nor a lazy population. Rich and poor, men and women, all alike honor la -1 iior in precept and practice. lienee her industries are productive and diversified; for universal labor renders manifold forms A,fit inevitable; anil universal education makes it easy to procure any- number of intelligent work people. Where there are no free schools, skilled workmen cannot l>e found in sufficient numbers to second andjrender profitable the enterprise of the capitalists. This is why the Kouth is a wilderness —even the liest cultivated por tion of it—in comparison to its natural re sources and capabilities."— Sew York Tri bn iic. The impression sought to bo made by- Mr. Greeley, in the above extract is, that the superior educational facilities of Massa chusetts, as compared with the Southern States, has made her people more intelli gent, industrious, wealthy, moral and reli gious than the people of the South. These educational privileges arc claimed to have made Massachusetts wealthy and prosper ous, while u thf. t South is a wilt!onus*—even tin best cultivated portion of it.'' Now we deny both of these propositions, and a sim ple reference to the census tables will show that Philosopher Greeley is at fault in his statements as usual. The population of Massachusetts and Georgia is not equal; the latter be ing about ninety thousand less than the former. Let us now look at the eon-us tables and ascertain if '‘(ieorgia is a ml-, deturm,” compared to the rich anu culti vated State of Massachusetts. We have before ns the census reports of 18f<<), from which we learn that The numlu»r of plantations and farms in Georgia were 51.759 Do. in Massachusetts 34,009 < ieorgia had acres of unimproved land 6,378,479 Massachusetts do 2,133,41)6 Georgia had horses, mules and asses 204,710 Massachusetts had horses, mules and asscH 42,250 Georgia had milch cows 334,233 Massachusetts “ “ 130,199 Georgia had neat cattle 1,097,528 Massachusetts “ “ 259,994 Georgia had sheep 500,435 Massachusetts had sheep 188,051 ( leorgia, total value of live 5t0ck£25,724,410 Massachusetts, “ “ “ “ 9,647,710 Georgia raised wheat, bushels... 1,088,534 Massachusetts, “ “ ... 31,211 Georgia raised corn, bushels 30,080,099 Massachusetts “ “ 2,345,490 Georgia raised potatoes, bush'is. 7.213,807 Massachusetts “ “ ... 3,585,384 Georgia raised cotton, hales 499,091 Massachusetts “ “ ... 000,00 fl It will be seen from the above tables that instead of “ a wilderness” Georgia is far in advance of the thrifty and blooming Massachusetts in the number of her farms, the amount of her productions, and the number and value of her live stock. We know that it has been the custom, heretofore, of our people to acknowledge the superiority of Massachusetts in this particular, because her Press and people have so long and persistantly claimed it. We have felt it to be our duty to expose the falsity of her claims, and to lay bare her real poverty as compared to our State. It is not denied that in manufacture we are far behind our eastern rival. Yet, we assert that the value of our cotton crop before the war was greatly more than the profits on all the mining and mechanic arts of Massachusetts. Let us again turn to the figures; GEORGIA. Value of cotton, (say in round numbers, 500,000 bales, at to ets. per lb..'. *25,000,000 j Value of manufactures, less ex penses 4 :..... £1,909,30) | Total value cotton and manu factures, £20,969,304 I M ASSIII ’HU SETTS. Annual products of niaiifae ture, mining and the mechan ic arts *151,137,145 ! Raw material used....' *85,850,771 Annual wages for employees... *39,784.110 *125,040,887 Deduct expenses leave 25,4(10,258 as the minimal profits in manufacture. Thus we find that the cotton crop of Georgia with her small manufacturing and mining products were valued at one million four hundred and seventy three thousand and forty sir dollars more than the much vaunted profits of Massachusetts manufic- hirers. 4 We have seen how much richer in live stock, cereals, Ac., we were than wealthy and refined Massachusetts. In the above calculation we have left nut the value of our rice and sugar crop which in 1850 was over ten millions more. et with these astounding figures before him, Horace Greely says that “the South is a wilder ness, even the best cultivated portions of it." The statistics in relation to crime and pauperism will show similar balances in our favor. We have not time or space to permit us to go through the whole tables upon these subjects—but wo pro pose to give a few figures upon each. PAUPERISM. Total pauperism in Georgia, 1,030 “ “ Massaehusets 15,777 CRIMINALS. Convicted within the year in Georgia 80 “ “ Massaelivsetts..7,2so In prison June Ist, 1850 in Georgia 43 “ “ Massachusetts.. 1,236 Intelligent, educated, and highly civ ilized Massachusetts has fifteen times more pauperism than Georgia, and more than thirty times as many criminals. We would like to run through the census more at length, and show that it is not alone, in the superiority of her agricultural productions and her comparative im munity from crime and pauperism that Georgia is far ahead of Massachusetts in the race for improvement, progress and wealth, but the length of this article forbids. Will the New York Tribune be pleased to explain how it is that in the very teeth of these figures it can claim for Massachusetts a superior civilization to our own. Ho! For Brazil. Those of our readers who are contem plating emigration to Brazil, will be pleased to learn that, in view of the supposed de mand for transportation to that country the ensuing fall, a company has been formed under a charter from the State of Alabama, which will soon have in operation a line of steamers from Mobile to Rio Janeiro. This line of steamers will great ly facilitate the removal of all who desire to east their fortunes in that country of wonderful productions, and unsurpass- ed climate. “The American and Brazilian steauishp Company, says the Mobile Register, ineor porateHbv the last legislature to establish a line of steamers between Mobile and the empire oflsniz.il. have organized and es tablished their office at Mobile. The en terprise is one of a most promising char acter, and under the control of K. Far rand, the able and energetic President, cannot tail to meet with such success a> " ill make an investment in the stock of the company reliable and remunerative. The capital stock is in shares sufficiently small, fifty dollars each, to be within the easy reach of all. and is being rapidlv taken up. No better time than the pre sent can be found to subscribe. The first vessel of the line established bv the company left Mobile rcfntly, having on board thirty seven passßinrers for the Brazilian empire. The next will leave from New Orleans next week." If the Radical, succeed in their plans of disgracing and degrading the white people of the Southern States, this company will find they have made a profitable invest ment of their funds, for thousands of our people will seek homes in the deep forests of the Amazon rather than submit to African equality here. MazINI, the great agitator, wilUiot ac cept the amnesty offered by the King of Italy. He intends remaining in exile, and will not return to Italv until Italy is com pletely free and the Rope King has been ■ deposed. .(ssessing the Cotton Tax—Meeting of the Ken Orleans Cotton Faetors. On the 1! th instant the c-otton factors of New Orleans held a meeting, the object of which was to memorialize the Secretary of the Treasury in reference to the assessment of the tax on eotton. They urge, at con siderable length, the numerous objections to the present district system —its incon venience and injury to the farmer. They state that the cost of weighing is greater in the country than at the point of sale: that it is often impracticable,owing to high or low water for the planter to meet the Assessor at his stated appointments; that these causes, or the sickness of the Assessor must often operate to the serious injury- of the planter and buyer—by delaying eotton which otherwise might have gone forward to meet drafts, or other obligations; that the number of Assessors re -1 quired by the present system is very ex pensive ; that the inconveniences attend | ing it are a temptation to resort to con structive weights, to save time and trouble, and thus defraud the Government or in i jure the planter ; that many of the places designated as points for weighing areutter j ly inconvenient, while a majority of the usual places of sale or shipment' are not made places for weighing; that a bond for j the payment of the taxon cotton is useless, . since the cotton itself is a sufficient securi- j ty. They further urge that the presimt law piae.e tit* planter Whefttanimt gWe'the security, at the mercy of the speculators, who are sure to be hard upon the track of the Assessor; that this bond interferes with the arrangement of planters, who wish to get an advance on coton, by hampering it with the control of treasury officers ; that the bonding of cotten may interfere with the discharge of cargoes by vessels, as a vessel arriving after custom-house hours on Saturday cannot claim the right, under existing regulations, to discharge cotton from another district, until after office hours on Monday. This will often cause detentions, and enhance the cost of ship ment. New Orleans, Mobile, Memphis, Savannah, Galveston, Charleston, Wil mington, Apalachicola, and a few other minor ports, are the chief points in the South for the reception and sale of cotton. The memorial further statesthat the plant er who produces cotton in the district with in which either of these points is situated, is authorized to ship his cotton without weighing, bonding or paying his tax, and in such proportion as lie may choose, to the point of sale within his district. But a planter who may be only fifty yards be yond the line of this district must first have his cotton weighed, marked and bonded, or else must pay his tax, before he is permitted to move it. The law is thus made to bear upon him with unnecessary and unequal severity, and he is deprived of the advantages which would result from an early shipment and sale of his crop. In conclusion the memorialists urge that the Government would have as good se curity for collecting the tax on the unas sessed cotton brought to the point of sale from places fifty yards, or fifty miles, or five hundred miles beyond the limits of the district, as it would have for collecting the tax on the unassessed cotton shipped from within (lie limits of the district. Having thus enumerated the objections to the present arrangement, the commit tee further illustrate its burdens by ap plying it to the grain crop of the North ; and they urge in conclusion that unless a change is made, planters will turn their at tention to other staples, and thus the pro duction of cotton will be discontinued, and the revenue of the government be dimin ished. The committee recommend that, all the » ' ton growing States be arranged into a single district, and they proceed at length to show that there is nothing in the law to prevent such an arrangement. This subject is an important one, and though the eotton interest in Georgia has made no formal appeal fora change in the present system of assessment, it is felt by all concerned to be a clumsy, oppressive, and unnecessary arrangement—tending to official corruption, and calculated to dis courage the production of cotton. Would it not be well for our planters and factors to take steps to impress upon the Secretary of the Treasury the desire of the cotton in terest for a change in the present system. Discourtesy to the President. The Louisville Journal, in alluding to the refusal of the churlish and sneaking City Council of Cincinnati to extend the courtesies due to the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, says the act has not in the least injured that distinguished citizen, but it has made itself thoroughly despica ble in the eyes of all men whose good opinion is worth anything, and inflicted a stigma upon the place that will stick to it like the shirt of Nessus. The citizens appear to have been con scious of the disreputable conduct of their officials, and to have made up for the in tended and scurvy slight to the National Executive as far as possible by giving him a warm and generous welcome. Hence, the public should carefully distinguish be tween the course of the surly political ma liguants of Cincinnati and Iter noble and patriotic citizens. The address of welcome to the President delivered by Hon. W. S. GroeSbaek was admirable in tone and temper, and we doubt not truly reflected the opinions of the most respectable and enlightened citizens, not only of Cincinnati, but of [Ohio. Men like Hon. Lewis D. Campbell, an Old-line Whig, and Hon. George 11. Pen dleton, an Old-line Democrat, represent ing the best class of minds in the State, cordially approve of the patriotic course of the President, the Secretary of State, and their distinguished coadjutors, and oppose the mad schemes of the revolutionary J unto that would destroy our system of government and erect in its stead a crazy and bloody oligarchy of vengeance and devastation, that would curse the world through all time. These mean and groveling attempts to insult the President of the United States, on the part of certain petty eity officials, will recoil upon their own heads, and rather benefit than injure that honest and plain-spoken old patriot against whom the shafts of disunion malignity are hurled. (binpllmentary to White Soldiers. We have of course our own views as to the superlative merits of the Federal sol diers. Perhaps we have never accorded to thorn the exclusive possession of those vir tues which make up the aggregate of a perfect soldier’s character. But we have never so far forgotten their color and race as to charge that without the aid of ne groes a million and a half of them could not conquer sixty thousand Southern sol diers. Ben. Butler—the beast Butler —made a speech the other day at Philadelphia to the mulatto convention, in which he said: — "Had the negro not beeu armed, the re sult would have been far different.” In other words, two hundred thousand negro soldiers xcere icorth more than the million and a half of white troops. What do the white soldiers of the Union think of Ben now ? Robbery in Macon. —The store of our old friends. J. H. Anderson & Son, in Macon, was robbed on Saturday night last of about S7OO, by three negroes, named Charles Jones, John Humphreys and Jack Habersham. They stepped into the store to price some shoes, and while Mr. Anderson was getting the shoes one of them slipped around to the safe, which was open, and stole the mouev. The po lice were put upon their track, and Captain Simpson, the chief of police, captured themi at Millen. One of them confessed the thett. Only $lB5 of the money was recovered. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 2(5, 1S(5(». Whither are we Drifting? It Is becoming every day more apparent that we are losing sight of the true prin ciples upon which our Federal Government was established. The South has always contended for a stric-t construction of the Constitution of the United States : First, because such a rule was in full accord and consonance with the principles of the Gov ernment by it established; and secondly, because being in a minority herself she felt the necessity of that rule of construction which would more effectually protect the rights of minorities. There has been at no time of our gov ernment, so great a necessity for the ac knowledgment and enforcement of this rule of construction as at present. The powers which were wrested from the States during the progress of the war, and the wilful violations of the plainest provisions of the constitution justified and excused as they then were as necessary for the successful prosecution of the conflict, are now in dan ger of being adopted as the rule of govern ment, in a time of profound peace. The startling exigencies of the war having called into existence these violations of the fun damental law of the land, the people have to some extent, become familiar with their wrongs, and now are not only content to have the war policy prolonged indefinitely, but the masses of the North and West, are against The SouthTabout to forge chains for themselves which will prostrate at the foot of power, all the safeguards and checks which our Fathers, who framed the Constitution of the 1 nited States, were so earnest and so determined in their efforts to secure to us and our posterity. No Government founded upon a written Constitution, can long survive a latitudi narian construction of its charter. Power is aggressive. This is its history since the foundation of civilized society. Our fathers sought to check and curb this ag gressive tendency by the limitations and restrictions of a written const*tution. If the plainest provisions of that instrument can be explained away by a lax and flexi ble mode of construction, then their efforts were vain and their labor a nullity. We of the South are no more deeply in terested in a speedy return of the Govern ment to the rules of construction and modes of administration founded and adopted by the earliest statesmen of the Government than are our Northern friends. Their safety as a free people is no less involved than our owu in the current of events which are now shaking the fabric of free government on this continent to its very foundations, and which, if not speedily checked, will de stroy every vestige of our representative confederation. The Congress of the United States has already invaded the reserved rights of the States, in more than one instanee, upon questions of vital importance. The tax laws of the last few years could not in the purer days of the Republic have secured the support of any respectable statesman either in the North or South. The recent repeated interference with the rights of the individual States, in regard to their domes tic polity, 4md the proposed interference with the question of suffrage and represen tation in the several States, should cause the Northern mind no less than the South ern to pause and consider carefully whither they are tending^ All these questions of social and domes tic regulations; the qualifications of voters, the encouragement of education, the sup port of religion, and the tenure of office, were left by the Constitution of the United States to the direction and control of the several States. Our fathers did not at tempt to found a government, composed of several distinct and seperate States, whose civil polity should be in all respects simi lar or identical. No uniform rule was in sisted upon in the regulation of the do mestic concerns of the several States. Whether they were right or wrong is not now an open question. The experience of the last eighty years clearly shows the wisdom of their action. But with the lights of the past throwing their shadows before us, there is a growing tendency in the Northern and Eastern States to eschew the lessons of experience, in the fanatical attempt to crush the white peo ple of the South and elevate the African Upon our ruins. These Northern and Eastern fanatics will not tolerate the least difference in our social system, to that oi’ their own. They demand that the General Government shall, in defiance of the Con stitution, compel the Southern States to amend their system and alter their laws, so as to conform, in all things, to the de mands of the progressive Northern mind. This new school of politicians meet the question, it must be said, very boldly and candidly. They leave us no room to doubt their purpose. But, that the policy which they are now pursuing will tend to the inevitable destruction of the Government, tve do not entertain the slightest doubt. We are glad to find that the conservative minds of the North arc at last rousing themselves to a full recognition of their danger. The Now York Times, in com menting recently upon this subject, sub mits the following pertinent question's: “Were the great fqundersof this Govern ment right in establishing a form of civil polity in which States with institutions! Constitutions, habits, customs, and man ners of* diverse and opposing kinds, were permitted equal political representa tion, and equal share in legislation, and equal power in controlling the administra tion of Government ? Ought they not to have first insisted that each State should put everything right, to the satisfaction of all the others, before agreeing upon a Union which should be binding and per petual? Ought they not to have insisted upon the abolition of narrow and fanatical laws in the New England States—upou New York abolishing the aristocratic system of land tenure then established—upon North Carolina removing the disabilities front the Jews —upon Virginia abolishing negro Slavery—upon South Carolina giving the people the right of voting for Pres idential electors—and, in short, ought they not to have insisted upon the prohi bition by all the States of whatever any body may have thought to be in violation of the eleventh commandment ? The wise men who formed our Government did not see fit to adopt this plait, however, for many reasons, the principal one of which, doubtless, was that they could not. They permitted the existence of innumerable dif ferences in the local laws and institutions of the States, for the very good reason that the Union could never have been formed at all on any other conditions. Our Union tinkers now, however, are deter mined to establish perfect uniformity in all respectsin all the States —all of them to be modeled after the inconceivable State which sprang from a maggot in the brain of Jean Jacques Rosseau. and which no man ever has seen or ever will see. But it may as well be understood that the fundamental principles established by the fathers must be our guide now if we would perpetuate the Republic which they founded. The Maine Election.—The National Intelligencer has the following suggestive comment upon the Maine election : So bright were the prospects in Maine of what was left of the old Democratic party, that it must needs have a State convention to present a candidate under old cognomens, watchwords and battle cries. The experiment has turned out to be a wretched failure. Good faith re quires this. If there is anything worse than “ Radicalism” to be opposed, or good in the restoration of representation to the excluded States, we ought to favor —to favor with the extreme strength of "head work’ '—those who would save the nation from fearfully menaced woes. “Willoughby" anti the Constitutionalist. ‘•The violence and other phases of Un political canvass are the absorbing topic of conversation, even in circles and on occa sions when politics are usually ignored. The probable results I have already pre dicted —with what reason, the Maine elec tion will have already told you. The Democrats have already received a sad lesson, and they are destined to tie hum bled Gill lower. It was a proverb of Franklin s that. “ If a man cheat me once, he is a knave: i: he cheat me twice, I am a fool. ' They have put themselves under the leadership ot a man whose whole career is one o fraud, violence, and un blushing demagoguery ; one who has been steadily and justiv denounced as most unfit to govern, they have accepted as a leader when greet qualities were most needed. .-g Mj . Johnson's tour Ims done the bush ness for him. it -a impos.-ible to express the vehemm’ee with which he is denounced by men of all parties. He has sun to the level (if he were ever above it) of Secretary Seward and Parson Brownlow. He is no longer feared by the Radicals; he is sim ply hated and despised. A few, who would apologize for him,[say that he is sim ply unfortunate-in his temper. A man who has no record of principle to fall back upon, has no recourse except to scold.” “Do our readers) suppose that the above extract is from the New York Tribune or the Philadelphia (Forney’s) Press ? If they do they are mistaken. Strange as it may appear to them, and to the great mass of the intelligent uiinds.of the country, our clipping is from the Augusta (Ga.) Con stitutionalist. the l*th inst, Why our JtiWjiPoraiT will -outiiiue a loss to discover, uhleMßreonng Ourselves to the conclusion (which we cannot yet do) that he is desirous of accomplishing his overthrow, and of delivering up the Gov ernment, in all its branches, to the tender mercies of Stevens, Suuiuer, Wilson and Company. J ust now, when the good men of the country, both North and South, are deeply concerned at the results of the Maine election, this writer in the Consti tutionalist, who hails from New York, and appends to his ill-timed, unwise anu sedi tious effusion the tignature of Willoughby , seems to gloat over the disasters to the Conservative cause, and joins with Greeley, Forney, Philips and Garrison in denouncing the man who, above all others, the South has most cause to thank and support. Why our people should join the Radicals in their denunciation of Mr. Johnson we cannot conceive. Will the Constitutionalist be so good as to enlighten us on this point. Whatever may be the opinion of the Southern people as to the President’s course before and during the war, we are very sure that we speak the sentiments of n inetmn twentieths of them now, when we say that we give him our cordial support and sympathy in his Her culean efforts to establish the Union and restore Southern representation in the 1 falls of Congress. The interests involved in the pending struggle are too immense to’ justify us in jeopardizing the issue by a captious, ill-tempered and puerile attempt to ridicule and denounce him who, above a’l others, is doing most and risking most in his efforts in our behalf. If it were true—which tve deny—that the President is no longer feared by the Radi cals, “that ho is simply hated and de spised,” does it give the Constitutionalist pleasure to chronicle the fact? Does it think that the existence of such a feeling at the North would aid the Southern peo ple iu their 'oppressed and now almost hopeless condition ? llow is the South to be benefitted by the continued denuncia tion of Mr. Johnson, and more particular ly how arc wc to secure our rights by belittling the efforts of the President and throwing ridicule upon his actions ? Does it become an honorable and brave people to handy epithets even though they are de served, with the power that has them devra and subject to its will ? j\VUat can we hope to accomplish by denouncing the President as “rt man tohosewhole career is one of fraud, violence andunblushing dema gogueryV' If this charge be true, then the Constitutionalist , is guilty of having lent its sympathy and support to one whose career was known by it to be one of “fraud violence and unblushing dema goguery,” for our cotemporary was a John son man and aided and sympathized with him in all his life long political struggle in Tennessee up to the very breaking out of the war. Then, we oppposed him. Now, when he has thrown himself in the breach between us and the utter degrada tion with which we are threatened by the Radicals, we support hitn, and will to the utmost of our ability, endeavor to strengthen his hands. A little further on this veracious and prudent “Willoughby,” says : “The Democratic leaders all over the country knew A. Johnson. They knew W. 11. Sewartl. They had been deceived and betrayed by both of them. Xet their leadership was accepted. The result is, that everybody is disgusted. The Radicals are in a rage of joy at the victories they aCiiieved and still expect.” Is “Willoughby” “disgusted with the mild, consistent and conservative course of the President towards the desolated and overpowered South, and docs the t 'onsti tutionalist so share in this Radical aver sion to the President that it.sprcads be fore its readers such unmitigated false hoods without a single word of dissent or disapproval ? If every body is disgusted, then certainly “Willoughby ’ is, and our cotemporary, is in rapport with its cor respondent. Again “ Willoughby" says : “That Mr. Seward atiU his immediate followers.are prepared to “turn tail, (as father Abraliam would sav,' the reports ol their private conversations, which reach me, afford evidence. Mr. Seward is re ported to have said that Johnson lias oe coine mad, (cra/.v.) and that he (Seward) is content to be under the harrow lor the next two years, to prevent him doing mis chief, and save the country Ironi destruc tion. Mr. Ravuiond is reported to have said, that they must stand by Johnson, oi in his rage lie would hand the Government over to the “rebels.” Such language, it used, is emplovod to justify the assent to the impeachment of Johnson, which for a i/iu.d pro quo, thev are preparing to Yield. If this hypothesis he true, JePerson Davis may congratulate himself that lus present jailor had before himagreater huiin.iation than it is possible lor lib* l to inflict. It »7oul(I seem that this conespondent of a leading Southern Journal, was anx ious to have Mr. Sewa.d and Mr. Ray mond abandon Mr. Johnson and tuin upon him, because “Johnson has become mad” in trying to secure for the country, and more particularly for tlio South, the acknowledgment of the supremacy of the Constitution of the United Stales, and the recognition of the rights of the Suites. Even if it were clear that the President would not be sustained by the people of the North, we submit that it would be ex tremely ignoble and madly execrable for the South to aid and foster such opposi tion, and we can see no other possible effect which the publication of such senti ments can have than to encourage our demies in their attacks upou our friends and perhaps cause some of them to falter in our defeusc. ' The concluding sentence of the last ex tract is so despicable in its character as to excite in the breast of every true man a feeling of horror and disgust for the heart that could conceive or the pen that would record such mean and contemptible an ticipations. Having proceeded to review evidently with intense satisfaction the probability of a successful impeachment ox the President, “Willoutrhby” finally descends to give his advice to the people of the South as to the course they should pursue in ease the Radicals shall succeed in destroying Mr. Johnson. Hear what he says : “The true course for the South is to let the battle be fought out among these pinks oflovaltv. Its interference can but preju dii e'its interests : and when Victory is de clared, negotiations may be profitably re sumed by men represent the actual and not a manufactured Southern opinion, approaching baldly and courageously the actual and not assumed power at the Xorth. No fear need be entertained of ‘‘Confiscation." That will prove a rock on ■which radicalism w ill split. With due deference to this “pink of chivalry,” we submit that the true course I of the South lies in a dignified, manly and cordial support of the President, and the conservative party of the North. If we cannot give them an active and tangible support, we can. at least, give them the moral aid of our approval and endorsement. We are not content to stand listlessly by and see our fta'euds striken down, if we can do anything to prevent it. We are noc wil ling to have our destiny placed in the hands of the Radical party, because in such an event we can see no probable mode of secur ing ourrights. "When victory is declared” over our friends, and the bulwarks of the Constitution are battered down, it will be too late to “negotiate” with any hope of good results. Our policy, most clearly lies iu using all honorable efforts to prevent a necessity for negotiations with the Radi cals. The South does fear, and most just ly fear the enforcement of the scheme of “confiscation,” with which we are threat ed by the Northern extremists. It is idle to tell an intelligent, observaunpeople, that there is the least chance that the Radicals, if successful, will‘'split” upon this ques tion. If our only hope is bound up in this contemplated disagreement of our ene mies upou the question of a division of the spoils, then our condition is desperate beyond precedent. While we are not without fear as to the result jrf tl>q pending Congress, we wgu.ld “be- fivi&rtt) tftir Yfosit!6ff"’asf'''Bol!fh<3i'n journalists if we failed to contribute what ever of ability tve possess to procure a de cision at the ballot-box in our favor. We confess that the recent election in Maine has somewhat shaken our faith in the ability of our friends to win the race. But shafi we therefore turn upou and rend them ? Are we not still as deeply in terested iti the struggle as we were five weeks since? Is it not the duty of every man in the South to do all he can to stay the progress and defeat the plans of the Radical Destructionists. In conclusion tve beg to say that we have written more iu sorrow than in anger. We desire to cultivate feelings of cordiality and good will with all our people. If what we have written shall appear harsh, we beg in advance to say that our intention is to level whatever of harshness is herein con tained against the course of some of our friends, and not against them. We are willing to accord to all men honesty and good faith in the promulgation of their ideas. If wc differ—as we certainly an— and the Constitutionalist on this question, we shall endeavor to confine our strictures exclusively to its course as a public journal. The future will prove who was right, and to this unerring arbiter we confidently refer the whole matter. lie-inauguration of tlic Statue of Wash ington at Lexington. Our readers will remember that General Hunter, of the Federal army, entered Lexington on the 13th of June, 1864, and destroyed the Institute building, Governor Letcher’s house, and stole the bronze statue of Washington, cast by Hubbard from the celebrated statue by Moudon, in the rotunda of the capitol at Richmond. Since the conclusion of the war this statue was ordered to be returned to the college by the Legislature of West Vir ginia, and the re-inauguration of the statue, with appropriate ceremonies, took place on Monday, the 10th inst. General Grant had written to President Smith that be would be present, but afterwards gave notice that his acceptance of the invitation to accompany the President to Chicago would prevent his going. Governor Letcher was the orator of the day, and we make the following extracts from his speech, which was reported for tSSFUevr ¥«ftfc-''Sll9rte -Sfnwtking .jfoHun ter, he says: “Thespirit which marked the conduct of Gen. Hunter on that occasion was in admirable harmony with that spirit wiiich warred on the arts and literature of the fifth century, in the Roman Empire, and lias secured for him an immortality that will be as enduring and undying as at taches to him who burned the temple of Ephesus. Some men court notoriety, and are utterly indifferent to the character of that notoriety. Whether (ten. Hunter is one of this class I know not; but certain it is, if lie was in quest of notoriety, when lie came here, at the head of the army, he lias abundant reason to be satisfied with the brilliant success which lias attended his efforts. No Virginian will ever forgot either his nativity or his name, “ While the ea th bears a plant, or the sea rolls a wave.” He speaks of Gov. Pierpont in the fol lowing terms, and considering tlic Radical course of the Governor, we think he “draws it extremely mild: ” The friends of this institution are great ly indebted to the Executive of Virginia for the zeal, promptness and public spirit displayed by him, in securing its re-estab lishment, and aiding by all the means within iiis power its reconstruction. We honor him for his services in this behalf—for the aid and encouragement he has given, for the important and valuable services lie has rendered to the great cause of scientific and practical education. In the name of the Board of Visitors I return him our thanks. Ilis allusion to Gen. Grant was simply respectful, and very brief: And in closing this branch of my im perfect address, it is both a duty and a pleasure to thank the General, command ing the army of the United States, for the Interest he has manifested, and the favor lim lias shown in furnishing tlic arms ne cessary for the successful operations of the institution, and in restoring the Cadet bat tery. We hope to lay before our readers in a few days the conclusion of this admirable address. It contains advice which wc would all do well to accept and remember. Bad for Baltimore. The Monumental city has dimmed its prestige with the South, and with liberal spirits everywhere, by tlic refusal of its city authorities to tender the hospitalities of tlic city to the President. It thus sinks to a level with Philadelphia and Cincinnati in bigotry, intolerance, and downright vulgarity. Whatever 'the craven souls who disgrace the council boards of those cities may think of President Johnson, a becoming respect for tlic Chief Executive of the nation demanded that the dignity of tlic office be recognized, and that ho bo re ceived with the courtesy and consideration due to the presiding officer of the Govern ment. There is no measuring the depth of Radical malignity and meanness. All the low-flung dregs of ■ humanity seem to have formed a league to rule, ruin, and disgrace tlic American character. Who can doubt that there is enough of .manli ness left to put down these disorgatiizers ? Tt must be done, or out goes the light of American civilization. Gov. Swann, of Maryland, ashamed of the ill-mannered plugs who control the city council of Baltimore, made arrangements to meet the President in a becoming man ner. Ex-Gov. "Bradford was appointed to deliver the address of welcome at the Eutaw House. The Governor declared that the State would pay the expense of the reception, but avowed his willingness to pay it out of his own pocket. Brownlow —the reverend and saintly Brownlow—in the course dl a harangue in New York the other day, made use of the following language, as reported iu the pa pers of that city: “I am sorry to say to you. gentlemen, that you do not fully and thoroughly un derstand tiie tone and temper of the peo ple at the South. The very old Scratch himself is in them all yet. It is their pur pose to bring on another rebellion. It is their purpose either to restore slavery by proclamation, or else to have pay for their emancipated negroes. Never with my con sent." When the Governor stated that “it is their purpose either to restore slavery by proclamation, or else to have pay for their emancipated negroes, does any man in the South, Radical or Conservative, suppose that the speaker was not fully aware he was telling a deliberate falsehood? Certainly net. Is it any wonder that the Governor of Tennessee is come to be al most universally recognized as the synonym of all that Ls repulsive and abominable—a disgrace to our common humanity ? He is a fit champion of the cause of Radical ism—whoso entire stock in trade isthe per version o? the truth in reference to the South, and an utter disregard of all that is manly, just and constitutianal. Speech of Hon. W. H. Seward, at Louis ville, oil Tuesday Last, Fellow-Cleizexs : It is the first time in my liie that I have ever had the honor to address a portion of the people of the State of Kentucky. 1 do not disguve from myself the pleasant flattery that ? am received by you wi:h kindness and r|| spect. 1 confess to you that although tint is the beginning of anew personal ad', quaintance, yeti never ii life wa; , more free iu speech, tree in tbGc free in heart than lam on tile j geut or casion. [A voice, "That's and cheers.] I tcei that I am Kfcmmed,' by the State without which iqy early knowledge of political events reveatg to me -that the United States would heve been unable to go through a second war of American independence; without the valor and heroism of Kentucky the Unit ed States would have gone down [cheers] in the war of 1812. All my later know ledge and experience bear testimony to me that, confounded as Kentucky was by the beginning of the late civil war, divided as she was by the institution of slavery, which she had so long cherished and maintained, { torn as she was by the ties of kindred drawing her in opposite directions, and im pelled. headlong as she was, by some ofhsr ! precipitate, and may I not say unprunjAhgy statesmen, yet 1 am able, from the Cabinet ] j of Abraham Lincoln at Washington, to j declare my firm belief that but for tneloyal ! ty which Kentucky did exert, and the bravery which her soldiers and sailors did put forth, the last rebellion had possibly been a success, and the United States now a divided people. | Cheers. ] Am 1 not then at home in Kentucky? [Cries, “Yes.”] I who never suffered, as Ken tucky suffered, the thought of disunion to overbalance in my judgment the great in terests and integrity of the Union of these States. [Cheers.] Fellow-citizens, I want to acknowledge your welcome, to thank you for it; and I mean to say here to-day what I would say elsewhere. [Cheers.] There are some circumstances disclosed to me on this visit which will enab'e me, l hope, to dispel some of the illusions, and to ' overcome some of the prejudices and pas sions of the people amongst whom is my own personal residence. I am able now, ■ after having traveled with the President of the United States from the seat of Gov ernment though the State of Maryland, through a portion of the Keystone State, through the great State of New York, from the seacoast to the lakes, along the lake coast through Ohio, Michigan, In diana and Illinois, and into the'State of Missouri, and back again through the States of Illinois and Indiana, to drop in just for a moment and look upon the bor der of the State of Kentucky [cheers], to declare here now in your presence of the whole people of America—aye, I suppose that wnat I say even here may be heard across the Atlantic and tlic Pacific —1 de clare before the world that while the peo ple of the late free States, no longer ex clusively free, are divided as to the consent j for the restoration of flic republic, the | people of this late slave State of Kentucky, and I infer from it the same as to all the rest of the slave States —are unanimous for the restoration of the Union. [Cheers and cries of “iniou. ” | Aye, more; l knew it intuitively. I knew that fifty years of debate is not allowed to any peo ple upon any question that is not enough to bring tlic mind of any reasoning, re flecting and enlightened people to a con clusion upon tlic matter that lias been de bated. We have had fifty years of debate on this question of slavery. What is it all worth now after you have accepted the abolition of slavery and declared for tlic j freedom of the whole race ? What lias the j debate been worth if your sincerity in mak ing that resolution is to be questioned ? , Nay, more ; 1 know another thing which I am confirmed in by the spectacle around me, and it is this ; that whatever distrust \ or jealously or fpredjudices or passions may have been heretofore encouraged in this State, or in any State south of us, against the Union of the United States, or whatever ambition .may have exifte'i A ’ Git- ;■<-'■ ,'G', -ib'l may have led any portion of them into the rebellion, I pronounce here the conviction that the people of this State, and of all the late insurrectionary States, have become sound in their loyalty, and are to be trust ed just as faithfully as the States that have stood by the Union. [Cheers,] This is founded on reason also. What on earth does Providence allow the scourges of war and the shedding of human Wood for, if it is not that through the trials of war we shall reach the conclusions which reason and humanity demand at our hands. . Those who have suffered most, therefore, are likely hereafter, to be the most loyal. I can carry this testimony home, i’ou have seen here the personation of the Un ion by thirty-six little girls. It is the first j time as I recollect, that the pleasant, rop j resentation has been enacted since the be- ! ginning of the civil war. Will the | people of Maine, will the people ofMassa- I clmsotts, of Illinois and of Wisconsin lot)- 1 ger distrust your sincerity in returning to j the Union, when you have presented the j renewed spectacle of arraying the States 1 of the Union, the whole thirty-six, in the 1 pure robes of peace, combined together \ and typical of a restored and indissoluble j Union. [Loud cheers,] Those who rep resented tire States were youths. That is my own understanding of the eondi dition of all the United States. Some of these representatives were not more than ten years old, AH tire States in this nation, each individual State, is in j its ninety-first year; and ninety years of ; the life of a nation are equivalent, accord- ' ing to my reckoning, to ten years of indi- i vidual life. 1 infer from this beautiful ! spectacle, that your hearts are in tlic res toration ; that wc shall be able to disabuse tlic prejudices of tlio.se who insist that you shall be traitors, though you never were, and tlrat you shall he rebels, though you fought to'maintain the Union. [Cheers, ; Fellow-citizens, I have said all that is ne cessary for me to say, except that I may perhaps add this one statement: Wc found a year ago that tlic war came to an end upon our hands suddenly, and, to many throughout the nation, unexpectedly. The restoration of peace was indispensa ble, and delay was dangerous and destruc tive. leading toward renewed civil war, The President of tlic United States consid ered and examined his counselors on three questions. Os those counselors, I was one. The first was, what ought to bo got ten frorir the States which were in rebellion as conditions of peace? second, what can be got ? and third, what is all that they can bo reasonably required to give? The President said: “I will accept theso States, so far as depends upon the aetiun of the Executive of the Government, provided they will do these four thing.-,; Ist, abolish slavery and accept the Consti tutional amendment for that purpose; 2d, repudiate secession; 3d, repudiate their own debt; 4th, accept the debt of tiie United States. Those demands wore no sooner made than they were complied with, and with alacrity. Tl>at being done, our faith was pledged to accept them and receive them into the councils of tiie < rpYuriimput. That is the ground wc oc cupy to-day. The declaration of Congress would have great potency if it had been convened during tiie war. Rut it was con vened in December, after peace had re turned, and when tiie constitutional i'unc tioqs of tiie Goveannrent had been re stored, and it excluded the Representa tives of eleven States. Therefore the ap peal is taken to the whole thirty-six States, and if thirty-six States of the Union shall give a majority against the President of Che United States, it will be an obstruction to him, and lie must wait the pleasure of the American people for the restoration of the Union. [Cheers. ] But if. in the restoration of the States, we have thirty six, our course will be sus tained. Fellow-citizens, I thank you for tiiis re ception. j Cheers.] A voice, “Give us a word about Mexico?” , Mr. Seward—l will give you a word about Mexico. You are all in favor of an nexing more States. Just restore the States that we have got already, and then I will talk about getting more. [Laughter and cheers. ] The impression made upon the audience by Mr. Seward, says the Journal, was in a high degree flattering to his scholarship and logical power and conservative political views. Information is received from California that the Panama Railroad has been sold to an English Company, and the act is con sidered as prejudicial to the interest oi the citizens of the United States, crossing the Isthmus. The Radical members of Congress from Ohio, who voted last winter for conferring the right of .uffrage upon the negroes of the District of Columbia, are denying upon the stump that they are in favor of any such measure in Ohio. KEAV SERIES, VOL. XXV. NO. 40. Tlic Body of llahlgreii Again. | The New lork Heralds Richmond 'eor- I respondent has revived the subject of Dahlgren’s 'body. He says the Colonel’s | friends have been “grossly deluded by hav ing painted off upon them a fictitious body in lieu of that of tlic deceased Colonel,” | and adds: “I can state positively that the body given to his relatives was not the genuine one. and that tlip parties who secured it had not the slightest idea where the Colo nel s remains were interred. The fact was known to but two persons, and lean assure you that neither of these furnished any in .omiatioi as to their whereabouts. They are still where they were then deposited, and any impriAsion as to the contrary is the merest *(/-’ fston. The mail Martin Meredith Liipcontbe, who gave to the friends of Colonel Dal jgroii what lie repre sented as thd'!genuitie body, had no earth ly knowledge, directly or indirectly, of the j place of its interment. Wliat gave color to the idea of his having full information upoti the subfoftt ftas the fact of his having a contract for the burial of deceased Feder al prisoners, many or whom He often boast ed of having buried alive. The body of Colonel Dahlgren was not interred in ()ak wood Cemetery. Where it had been in terred remains a secret to this day, save to I the two who performed the burial service, | and these are gentlemen who would willing ly suffer death,rather than violate the in junction of seefesy imposed with reference j to the place where the body was deposited. So much for the Herald, man and his j awful Mystery. Niff tfffni we to aStfner ' authority, not anonymous and in every way trustworthy. In the Cressent Monthly for September, there is an article by Garnett Andrews, Jr., of Mississippi, entitled “Dahlgren s Raid; His Papers, Death and Burial.” Captain Andrews was tit the time of the Dahlgren raid an Assistant Adjutant General, of the Department of Richmond, then command ed by Major General Arnold Elzey, and had peculiar advantages for observing all of its occurrences and the events that fol lowed, both of which have been much dis cussed and much misrepresented. It is the object of the article, by the publication of facts, to defend the Confederates against misrepresentations generally, to prove the genuineness of the infamous Dahlgren pa pers, and to satisfy those, if any such exist, that no indignity was ever offered the remains of Dahlgren. We need hard ly say that Captain Andrews’ clear, un varnished statement must carry conviction to every unprejudiced mind. As our read ers are familiar with all tiie facts wo shall quote only the concluding portion of the article which bears upon the point raised by the Herald's correspondent, the dispo sition made of Dahlgren’s body. The stories once circulated in regard to the disposition made of the dead officer’s remains, but afterwards completely refuted, strengthened tiie conclusion that the effort of tlic Northern press to brand the docu ment as “a base Rebel fabrication,” is nothing but the last refuge*of shame—a falsehood. Soon after the •unfortunate oc currence, orders were given by Mr. Davis to have tlic body exhumed and restored to the friends of the deceased, in consequence of an application made by some ofthem to that effect; doubtless tlic very letter of General I tahlgrcn mentioned by Mr. Foote. 11. was then that its removal from the grave was first discovered ; and measures were immediately taken by .Air. Davis’ direction to investigate tiie mystery. The writer ol this article was detailed tomake a thorough examination and report of tiie matter, and after exhausting every means of informa tion, ascertained the following facts : The corpse in charge of Lieutenant At kinson was buried in his presence among tlic Federal graves in Oakwood cemetery, by the sexton and four reliable soldiers. The interment was managed secretly, ami the grave left unmarked, to prevent any possil(ility of its being outraged, suoli meas ures being thought prudent, though hard ly necessary, as the people wore known to be deeply incensed ujron learning the ehar aotcr of the dew! .nifmw-dusigas asuius*. were known to be cognizant of the place of’burial was strictly examined in private, and it appeared that none of them took partin, advised, or knew of the removal, it was, however, stated in tiie evidence that passengers on the high road near by were sometimes in sight while they were discharging this duty, and that a party of soldiers, returning front tiie funeral of a comrade in a distant portion of the grounds, passed by during tiie same time. It was the conjecture of many that some of those, or the people on the highway, discovered the nature of Colonol Atkinson’s opera tions, noticed tfio spot, and disclosed tiie circumstance to others, either foes or friends, to the deceased or his cause, and that in tlic former case, the body hud been taken up to _ gratify a shocking spirit of revenge, or, in the latter, to convey it to a secure place to bo preserved for the proper claimants. The second supposition was, in part, eor- j rcct. The public woll remembers that very ! soon after the feloso of the war certain Un- i ion men of Richmond published a state- ; ment clearing up the mystery. It is said 1 that a negro man employed about the ! grounds, noticing something unusual in the cautious movements of Colonel Atkinson and his party, concealed, himself and watched them, marking tlic grave upou j their withdrawal. The facts coming! through hint to the knowledge of these In ion sympathizers, they, suspecting the truth, dug up the remains at night, and j re-interred them somewhere in Hanover county. There they tested until delivered to he Dahlgren family, after peace was restored to the country. Until this discovery was made, the world persistently believed that the Con federate authorities had given away to a beastly ferocity, and would regard their earnest denial as nothing but a downright lie. Let it now be mpre careful in doubt ing that the papers were authentic. Garnett Andrews, Jr. The Vermont Election. —The Con servatives claim that instead of losing, they have gained in the late election. Here is what the Burlington Sentinel says on the subject: The Democratic gains are very largo, though tlic. Republicans have made large, though, comparatively much less, gains. On the Congressional ballot, the Conser vative men everywhere have done their work nobly, and thrown a very heavy vote for their own candidate, Waldo Brigham. The vote in this city alone for Brigham was 3G2, a plurality of 133 over Baxter, and only 25 les.s than the vote for Romeo 11. Hoyt. The reports through the State are as yet meagre. The Radical State ticket is, of course, re-elected entire Conservative men, however, everywhere, who have heretofore acted with the radi cals of the Republican party, are rogard , ing with favor the Philadelphia platform, and arc cordially indorsing the party and the principles of toe grand National Union Convention recently held in that eity. The Democratic gain in this eity over the vote of last year is over 3fMt per cent, while the radical gain is a little over 200 ; tier cent. , Secession a Massachi'sktib Doc i trine. —The following extract, from ; “Townsend’s Encyclopedia of the Great Rebellion,” shows that Massachusetts in times past, as now, favored the policy of obstruction when it was desired to add a State to the Union : “In January, 1811, the author of this reminiscence was. at Washington. lim question of admission of Louisiana, tneun Territory, into the Union as a State, wa.-. under consideration. “Air. Poydras was the delegate to on *rres* He was a Frenchman, and could not address the House in English. Air. Poindexter, the delegate from .Mississippi, was assigned the duty of presenting and advocating the admission of Louisiana into the Union as a State. “Josiah Quincy, member Irorn Boston, opposed the admission with great vehem ence. He denounced the purchase of Louisiana and the general principles of the Jefferson and Aladisort administrations, and said it might he necessary for Massa chusetts to secede from the Union— ‘Ami cably if we can, violently if we must.’ ” The Democrats and Conservatives in In diana wiil elect six, if not more of the eleven representatives to which the Slate is entitled. The best feeling and great en thusiasm prevail. J. AY. Bates, formerly a clerk at the headquarters of General R. E. Lee, was re cently kicked to death at Lynchburg, Va. by a butty named George Langhorn. * A California paper says that Air. Edwin Forrest means to reside in that .State six months, for the sake of procuring a divorce from Mrs. Forrest, to whom he has been paying an alimony of *3,000 a year ever since the celebrated suit years ago. Noble Words Fitly Spoken. e take pleasure in laying before our readers the following extract from Gov ernor Letcher's address, delivered at Lex ington recently upon the re-inauguration ol the " ashington statue. The sentiments to which lie gives utterance in such forcible and manly language, we have attempted heretofore to impress upon the people of the South. 1 must bring these remarks to a close, i lie war has terminated in bringing us all together and re-establishing the Union, h flic present condition of affairs, high a " d holy duties devolve upon the people ot all the States. If these duties are dis eliargedwiih prudence and wisdom, and faithfully and honestly—ifit spirit ot kind ness and conciliation shall be encouraged— it the past shall be forgotten, as it ought to be. under existing circumstances, then may we hope ford nion mid harmony, and the revival of fratyryal affection.. No government can endure, which does not rest upon the affectionß of its people. A wise, just, tolerant, upright administra tion of public affairs, will win back the affections of the South and entwine them around the pillars that uphold the I mon. as the ‘'clasping ivy' encircles the majestic oak. Kindness begets kinduess —confidence inspires confidence—charity and tolerance generate love and affection. Let all these ennobling virtues be culti vated and encouraged.' if the scenes of the last four year cannot lie forgotton by either side, let them at least be for-iveii ikitum -in i r -- T fn Vf>TVnnrT '7T-, . A+l. . d«uii waww cu n’TTimn iTi? oTncr ot the disagreeable incidents that occurred during-that sad, but eventful period. Let us all turn our attention to the re-establish ment of law and order throughout the land —to_ the revival of trade and business, foreign and domestic —let us all unite in a common effort to secure a return of that prosperity which characterised the nation in other and better days—and above all, let us, by precept and example, inculcate a spirit of harmony between the States and the different sections of the country. As a Virginian, devotedly attached *to the land in which I was born, and the people who have honored me with their confi dence, I say for myself and lor them also, that wo wish to sec that line of policy adopted, which will bring peace, restore confidence,, rouse up the energies of the people, stimulate production, develop the material resources of the whole country, extend commerce, and make the Govern ment universally loved, honored, and re spected. It i»our Government, and duty demands this of us. The chiefeausc of contention between the North and the South has now been re moved. How it was done, is a matter -of no moment —it is sufficient for us to know that it is an accomplished fact. The in stitution of slavery has bceu abolished. It no longer exists among us. Its abolition is fully recognized, undersiood and ac cepted. No one desires its re-establish ment, or seeks to re-establish it. In the language of President Johnson “the South ern States have conic up magnanimously, and acknowledged the tact, and have gone into their State Conventions, and ratified its abolition. ” We Lave, therefore, done everything to prove the sincerity ot our professions, that can be reasonably de manded of us. We are all disposed to deal with things as we now find them, and so to deal with them as to realize the* largest amount of available good for our selves and our posterity. A majority in the two Houses of Con gress lias denied representation to tlie peo ple of the South. Let us not, however, despair.on this account. An act so wrong in itself—so utterly indefensible,, cannot be justified or excused, either on the score of principle or policy. This will correct it - self, and ere long the people of the South will have their rights fully recognized. Let us be patient, and all will yet come right. Let us then boos good cheer. Let no one be disheartened or discouraged. A\ e must all do our duty, in a faithful, inde pendent, and manly way, and then we may reasonably anticipate a bright and happy future for ourselves, our posterity and our country. It.should be the policy of all to inculcate a spirit of concord, and so act, each to the ftthei',.'ai»;tAg>dvaiico the ceintnou ihtercsts tion, augment its w< -a! tiLjevelcsp its Tjrmnd - less mineral and other resources, rouse' up its dormant energies, multiply its chamois of intercommunication, encourage agricul tural, mechanical and manufacturing in dustry. This is due to ourselves, ns well as those who are to come after us, and who look tons for the adoption of*a policy that will plaeo them before the world in the most advantageous position. Let ns deal candidly, fairly, honestly, justly and char itably one with another, and then kneeline around.the altar of a common country, let a united prayer ascend to Heaven —‘‘(too BLESS AMERICA.” A Returned Confederate. The latest, and perhaps the last to come, returned. Confederate was in this city Sat urday, direct from the late enemy s prisons. Ilis experience since the surrender has been both eventful and tragic.- Soon after the termination ot the war he was, with other prisoners at •Johnson \s Island, liber ated. but was not furnished with transpor tation. Being without money he was at a loss how to get to his home, which is in Augusta county in this State, nine miles from Staunton. He, however, made his way to Indiana afoot, and, in passing through a town of that State, went into a hotel, thinking l>e might meet with some one who would give him assistance. A number of men were at the bar drinking, among them a Federal officer, who was talking about tlio war, and, among other things, said that he had taken an oath to kill every one of Ashby s men he ever met with. Without stopping t/> weigh the consequences our returned hero spoke up, on the impulse of the moment, and said, “he was one of Ashby’s men.” The offi cer at once drew a pistol and lired at him three times, each ball taking effect, but not in vital points. Our Confederate like a wounded lion, rushed on him; wrenched the weapon from his grasp, and shot the officer dead with a remaining ball. The Confederate was arrested, thrown into pris on, where he suffered long months of' con finement, and it was only very recently that lie was brought to trial, which result ed in his filial acquittal. 11c then started again for home, and reached here Satur day morning by the Tennessee train. He stopped at the Xor veil House, where he was recognized by gentlemen, who knew him and vouch for his respectability and reliability. He also had with him a copy of the records in the trial properly authen ticated, corroborating his statements. He was furnished with assistance, and started for his home Bumlay morning. His name is Simpson, and he was a member of A h | by’s command, while that knightly chief tain rode hi s wondrous rounds, and was the first to reach his noble form when lie t loll.— -J/yuchburtf Ji'publiccm. A Modest Sian in a Predicament. Mr. Tom Loughrin is noted all over the city for his modesty. He stands six f'« two in his stockings, and at least six feet of him is made up of modesty. At an early hour yesterday morning iyr. L. was mak | ii.g his toilet at his risidenee on l’rate avenue and Walnut street, he was stand ing in front of his mirror, with or.ly one i garment on —and that a rather short one— and had lathered his line preparatory to mowing his heard, when he wasstartled by a shrill scream from Biddy, his servant girl, anihi■ wife called to him that Brid get was on fire. Mr. L., with an admirable presence of mind, seized a quilt from the bed, and, reaching the bottom of the stairs at two jumps, soon enveloped the flaming damsel in the folds of tliequiit, andsmoth crel the flames before the girl was serious ly injured. While Mr.* b., was thus engaged some dozen ladies from adjoining houses, hearing the screams of the girl’ rushed in to sec what was the matter.— 1 hey arrived in time to see the tall form of j -■ bending over the girl. Tom looked around and saw the ladies, and, remember* mg that he had not finished his toilet, went up stairs a little faster than he hail come down. The ladies tittered, and at every titter, Mr. L. accelerated hi,- speed, and when he reached his room he was covered with a profuse perspiration. He says it was the most embarrassing position he was ever placed in. and hopes never to lie caught in such a fix again. The city council oi Chicago have passed a resolution that after January 1, eight hours shall constitute a legal dav's work for all men in the employ of the city. The store of Samuel Strotteu at New .Jiullslo, was lately destroyed by lire, and .Mr. Strotten perished in the flames. A Virginia paper states that of five hundred cadets who graduated at the Vir ginia Military Institute, before its destru.-- tion by Hunter’s forces, four hundred and seventy-live were killed and wounded in the army under General Lee. An unknown man was killed by falling from the cars at Indianapolis on Wednes day evening. He was on his way to Cin cinnati, ana his given name was Levi; no other tacts concerning him could he leared.