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Georgia territory—thft road i- now com pier. ■(! from Chattanooga to Trenton and daily train* arc rnnningon it. Three hundred and sixty-eight bill* have been introduced into t h«.‘ House and pro hal.lv one third of the number have been introduced into (lie Fenate. The I/’gislatui tnay adjourn in the forty davs. but the prospect now is, that it may be "prolonged a few days beyond that time. “ Tt esday. November 117. not SB—AFTERNOON SESSION. senate nru.s on their passage. To faeiliute the disposal of Real Estate. In relation to Juries, to legalize revision of jury box. s. Pas-, and. For relief of N. A. K. Mcßaldwin. Pass ed. To peril et the. lav. sos equity to marshal the effects of estates. Passed! T*o amend -eetion 3401 of the Code. J>o:-t. To < pahle the Justices of the Inferior (’..arts to rai.-e money to build their Court Houses and Jaib. authorizes the issue of county bonds. Passed. For r.-ltif of Albert Fields. Lost T , incorporate Lumpkin Porcelian Cos. To incorporate the Savings Bank of Lumpkin. Passed. Adjourned to 9j A. M. to-morrow. SpNATE— MORNING SESSION. \Vkunekd*y, November 28. The Senate met at 10 o’clock A. M. Prayer by R« v. Mr. Brooks. Tbe House resolution to provide ft.r the more prompt distribution of the laws and journals of the present session was concur red in. , Also concurred in the resolution for the rdief of soldiers maimed in the State or] (Confederate service cow resident in the State. _ • The hill to authorize the Masonic Fra ternity. to raise by lottery money lor build- ] ing a widow’s and orphan's Home in At-j lanta, was taken up as the unfinished busi- j m vs, and after considerable discussion the i hill was passed by the easting vote of the President. The hill to alter the law in relation to the admission of testimony, ho as to allow parties interested to testify, was taken up and after considerable discussion was lost by a vote of HI to 17. The Senate thou adjourned till 4 o'clock this afternoon. HOI HE—MORNING .SESSION, Wednesday, November 28. reconsiderations. Mr. Pottle, moved to reconsider rejected hill to aid in construction of the Savannah, Griffin and North Alabama Railroad agreed to. ~ Mr. Morris : To reconsider rejected bill to allow all persons who have practiced medicine four years to practice without li cense-agreed to. ~ ... Mr. Hand: Moved to reconsider bill rejected yesterday for the relief of A. Fields —agreed to. WEDS INTRODUCED. Mr. (Menu, a resolution. To increase the pay of employe, son W. A A. R. R. Also, in relation to certain wood con tracts oil said Road. Also, a resolution to appoint an a vent to (•; nipile and publish in hook form a com- I etc roll of all Georgia soldiers in the late war, together with inedientsof heroism, Ac. Also, a bill to repeal the charter of the Southern Express Company. Mr. Starr: To incorporate a Turnpike nod. , Mr. Pottle: To incorporate Buena Vista Manufacturing Company. Mr. Hughes, of Twiggs : For the relief of Dr. E. M. Newman of Twiggs county. Mr. Hughes, of Union : To change the time of holding County Courts in Union and Towns. _ Mr. Cameron : To abolish the County Court in Telfair county. Mr. Kibbu: 'To organize anew .Judiciary Circuit, to be called the Oconee Circuit. Mr. Lawson : A resolution requesting Congress to pass a general bankrupt law. Mr. Finch : To change the line be tween Sumpter and Schley counties. Mr. Davenport : To allow Pryor Pace to peddle without license. Also, to suspend the office of Sheriff and other collecting officers in all civil cases. W. Mitchell: To amend the Code so as to punish men who whip their wives. Mr. J. J. McDowell: To allow fiduciary agents to com promise certain claims. Mr. Stewart: To incorporate Flat Shoals Manufacturing (Company. Also, to change the time of holding the semi annual terms of the County Court in Spalding county. Also, to define the powers and duties of Commissioners, who set apart the yearly allowance of widows and orphans. Mr. Tucker: To compensate election clerks. Also, to increase Sheriff’s fees in certain eases. Mr. Humphreys: To amend section .'1.(112 of the Code. Mr. Lindsey: . •-h person,- for hunting with lire. . i,.-<e. the '■LhhatL Vlso, to change fsiiportor I oiirt <>l 1 • Mr. Baynes : T ■ ; ~ Jasper and Putnae, Also, to declare i . vent, the legal in terest in Georgia. Mr. Dußose: To amend the charter of Sparta. Mr Smith: To.amend the charter of the Washington Institute. Mr. Phillips: A resolution relative to I)r. lily’s artificial limbs. Agreed to. Mr. McWhorter: To amend the act ap piopriuting money to D. B. Sanford for et rtain services. Mr. Harlatn: To prescribe the mode of establishing lost wills and other papers. Mr. Dart : For the relief of R. J. Hous ton. Mr. Usry : To change ti e time of hold ing Glascock County Court. Mr. Morris: A resolution to subscribe for V\ illiams A Wellborn’s pamphlet. Agreed to. Mr. Hill: To incorporate the Atlanta Land A Mining Company. Also, to change the name of the Coweta Judicial Circuit. Mr. Johnson: To exempt certain maimed soldiers from poll or city tax. Mr. Thomas: To protect the people from injuries from horse thieves. Mr. Carter: so authorize the Inferior Court of Echols county to regu.ate charges for ferriage in Echols. Mr. Wiiiivnghaui: To authorize the Governor to purchase the Stone Mountain for anew penitentiary. Mr. Adams: For the relief of Susan J. Ta> lor. Mr Swearingen: To incorporate Attn ptilgas. Mr. McDougald: To compersate Dr. Rains for treating suiall-pox. Also, to compensate jailors for dieting. Mr. Harrison: To authorize the con struction and building of carriage railways in the streets of Savannah. Mr. Smith: lo regulate the collection and payment of jury f e> in Clinch county. Mr Hardeman: To incorporate the Oe nuibree Gas-light Company. Mr. Howard : so incorporate the Bar tow Foundry A Manufacturing Company. Mr. MeOouib: For the relief of Joseph Miller. Mr Hand: To change line between Ear ly and Baker. Also: To raise a fund to be used for the education of the colored people. Also : To consolidate the offices of Stew ard and Treasurer of the Lunatic Asylum. Mr. Redwine: To change the time of holding Superior Court of Fayette county. Mr. Starr: To extend the benefits of nu Act to prevent spread of small pox to certain parties. Mr. Seandrett: To change the time of advertising rt a! estate by administrators. Toe relief bill was made the special or der for Friday next- A Senate resolution, appointing a com mittee to examines. C. Elam's rcyision of the Code was agreed, to. Mr. Hardeman introduced a resolution, restricting and explainii g the bill for ex tending State Aid to the Macon A Bruns wick Railroad. Adopted. • A resolution to print 700 copies of the memorial of the Cotton Planter's Conven tion was agreed to. NEW MATTER. Mr. Bvrd : To amend the law relative to establishing lost deeds. BIDES ON THEIR PASSAGE. The bid to extend State aid to Savannah, Griffin and North Alabama Railroad was made the special order for Friday next. To fix rates of wharfage to be charged by persons owning landings on the rivers in this State. Withdrawn. A seat on the floor was tendered Hon. E. G. Cabaniss. Adjourned to .1 o’clock P. M. The bid noticed above, to facilitate the disposal of real estate, authorizes a com pany to organize a lottery for the dl>p, sal of lauds, in the city of Augusta, and it will lie a great public benefit; open up a mar kot lor t ho lami< which arc now our onlv property, and find purchasers for them, and insure good prices, and bring a large amount of capital into the country. Those who own the franchise vrili make money for themselves and their stockholders. From the well-known character of the corporators for integrity, the public will have unlimit ed confidence in the management of the affairs of the company. State aid to railroads still occupies the attention of the House. We have a special order, as will be seen above, for Friday next, on this subject. L. (J. Wednesday", November 28. SENATE —AFTERNOON SESSION. The Senate met at 3 o’clock, p. m., and took up bills on third reading. BILES ON PASSAGE. Bill to punish insurrection, or attempt at insurrection, on the part of convicts and members of the chain gang, with death. Referred to Judiciary Committee. Bill to make the maiming of hogs and other domestic animals a misdemeanor. Passed. Bill to exempt the county of Worth from the o erntioh of the road laws, so as to ii.ow persons to work more than three meo.- rom th ir reside nce. Pa el. Bill t. allow the Central railroad to change its track, so as to shorten the distance between its terminus. Passed. Bill to extend to three year? court con tracts. Lost. Bill to abolish County Courts. Made th< order for Friday next. Bill to allow county solicitors a e often dollars in cases of conviction of misde- j meaner. Lost. Bill to incorporate the town of Vv bite Plains in Green county. Passed. Bill to require constable and sheriff sales to be published in some newspaper twelve months. Passed. Bill for the relief of Martha A. Britt, of Crawford county. Passed. Bill to repeal all laws forbidding aliens to own lands in this .State. Passed. BILES INTRODUCED. A bill to declare of force and effect a certain bond executed and delivered to the United States of America by the State of Georgia. Mr. Casey: A bill to amend the 877th section of’ the Code of Georgia. Adjourned. Thursday, November 29. The Senate met at 10 o'clock a. m., and without tran-aeiing any business, adjourned till termonw morning at 10 o’clock, for the purpose of observing the National Thanksgiving Day. house —afternoon session. Wednesday, November 2>. BILES INTRODUCED. Mr. Dorsey: To incorporate Gainsville and DaLlonega Railroad Company. THIRD READINGS. A resolution requesting the Governor to pardon R. \V. Cbidd out of the Peniten- ] tiary, was adopted. !i!EI> ON THEIR PASSAGE. 1 To change time of sessions of the Supe* I rier Court of Spalding county. Passed. To amend sections 1,578 and 1,579 of the ] Code. Passed. To let. the Public Printing out by con tract. Lost. ! To amend 1.112 th section of the Code. | Lost. ! To legalize certain acts of the Justices of the Inferior Court of Pickens county. ‘ Passed, < Trfnlfuw all persons who have attended ' one course of lectures to practice medicine and charge for the same. lost, yeas 35, j nays 98. . in consideration of to-morrow being Thanksgiving day, the House adjourned I till Friday morning Oi o’clock, j In my report of this morning’s proceed ing-. it will be recollected that Mr. Pottle, I of Warren, moved to reconsider the bill ! lost yesterday to give State aid to the Sa ! vanriah, Griffin A North Alabama Rail i road. When Mr. P.’s position on State | aid is known, it may seem strange that he ! should make ,-ucli a motion. Mr. P. is one ; of the mo.-.t consistently conservative mem j hers of the House, and when the accompa | riving remarks of his, on making the iuo j tion, are taken into the account, his motion ! niu.-t not be taken as an evidence of incon j sistency or vaxeiilation of principle. On | making the motion, Mr. I*. said: “My | uniform opposition to State aul—and 1 1 here announce that 1 am as much opposed ' to State aid now as I have ever been—l 1 make this motion because the friends of the bill say they have not bad a fair chance; tliat they have other views to present to the consideration of the House, which will influence it to a more favorable hearing; and being unwilling to deprive them of a fair showing, I now make the motion to reconsider. THE LEVEE. Being a sort of homogenious character, I accepted the following card : GOVERNOR AND MRS. JENKINS, At Home, Wednesday evening November 28th, atTj o’clock. > Net having had the pleasure of a previ ous visit to the “Mansion,” since its “re construction” and “rehabilitation,” and desirous of inspecting the “appartments oft.hu handsomely-fitted-up home ot our worthy Governor and Lis accomplished lady, i repaired, at an early hour, to the scene of tlie festive occasion. Those who have been so fortunate as to be present at Mansion under similar circumstances, under the old anii 1 helium regime, will appreciate tlie difficulties of your correspondent in taking a pen-and-ink photograph of the miirlng panorama. The admirable arrange ments are due to the liberality of the Rep resentatives of the people, and the good judgement of the Committee on furnishing ‘ the Mansion, so far as the frame-work of this public reception is concerned. I i found the Governor and lady, and liis interesting family "at home," dispensing their hospitalities in good old Georgia fashion; that is, welcoming all with a hearty shake of the hand, to the goodwill, good wishes, and physical and mental en joyment. of the evening. It occurred to me, on witnessing the quiet la.- 1 “ reconstructed ” animus of this puti -1 i, <v; ti n, tlia . if Mr .lames Gordon Heme. i. of the New York lie/aid, could bine been present, ho would have with* ! drawn liis pronuneiatnento for marching : one hundred and fifty thousand “ hoys in blue " into our amiable fold, to shoot bay j onet, and burn up what Sheridan and j Sherman left us. Positively we didn’t hear j a man, woman or child say nigger; and ; if there was any thought or feeling on the j subject of our internal woes, it was“kiv : ered up much!);,’ as Art emus Ward would say. fhere were many gay and beautiful | women, and many elegant, gentlemen pres i cut, arrayed in the costliest, attire, and | apparently unconscious of the desolating effects of the late war. Among the ladies, ] white Alpacca dresses and gold-bespangled ! overskirts seemed to be the favorite fabrics J and colors. These latter suffered severely i by too close an approximation to the rude and uncultivated legs of some gentlemen, whose entire knowledge of the Terpsieho -1 rean art seemed to have been obtained at a corn-shucking. All the rooms, which were open for the reception of the public, had dancing; but the evening was so warm and inclement, and the crowd was so great, that no one | outside of the ini mediate participants in the ! dance could possibly be entertained, or even comfortable; but this is generally true on all such occasions. i cannot close this brief and hastily pro' i pard account of the greatest affair of the season among the beau monde, without : alluding to the feast which was gotten up with the most studious regard to the eom -1 fort of the inner man. There was a great profusion of meats and sweet meats. The j tables literally groaned under their precious | burden; and when the guests had partaken to the full, there were many baskets full j left not only of fragments, but of whole cakes, etc. —in fact, enough to set another handsome collation. Then: was one feature of the occasion, which deserves medal notice —there , was no liquor of any description offered by the I host of the Mansion, and as a consequence it was the soberest crowd that ever col lected within its walls on a public recep : tion. l lie peaceable and decent portion of the company return special thanks to Gov. Jinkins for his wholesome provision. I My time and space, Mr. Editor, forbid a detailed account, Isyond these lines; in a , few words—it was a hot and rainy evening, j hut by the blazing light of diamond-eyed damsels, land Col. Trobei's gas fixtures) i and under the sweet sunshine of sunny smiles, “all went merry as a marriage bell,” and the pleasures of the evening were continued into the “web sma’ hours ayant the twall.” L. 0. Friday, November 20. SENATE. The Senate met at 10 o’clock a, in., 1 pursuant to adjournment. Prayer by Rev. Air. Batler of the Sen ate. Mr. Gresham, moved to reconsider the action of the Senate in the passage of a ; bill to allow the Masonic Fraternity to rai-e money by lottery to build a \\ idow’s and Orphan’s Home in Atlanta. Lost. Mr. Thornton, moved to reconsider the action o*'the Senate in rejecting a bill to ; a’-lv-w partiesat interest to testify- in Courts. : Carried. He House resolutions in relation to Jefferson Davis, were unanimously concur red in. Mr. 0. P. Beall, introduced a bill to in corporate the Chenubbee Manufacturing Company. Mr. Gresham. -V bill to incorporate the Savings Bank of Forsyth. Also, a bill to authorize the Superior , Court of Bibb county, to raise by the sale of buds money to build a Court house and ! jail. . Also a bill to prescribe tr, what papers ■ Sh_rift's Ordinaries and Clerks shall ad vertise notices. . Also, a bill to authorize the Inferior : Court of Crawford to raise by bonds money with which to pay said coun tv's indebtedness. ’ Mr. Butler: a bill to incorporate the Agricultural Society of Richmond. Mr. Bedford : A bill to incorporate the town of Depotville in W are county. Mr. Kenan : A resolution relative to the repairs of the State House and Cupalo. Mr. McDaniel!: A resolution that no mw matter be introduced sfter Saturday, December Ist. Mr. Owens : A bill to amend the sever ed acts ia relation to the city court of Sa vannah. Also, a 1 ill to require Insurance Com panies not chartered by the State, and do ' ing business in the State, to give in under oath to the Comptroller, a statement of their condition. Mr Strozier: A bill to declare ail laws pa>-ed oyer the veto of the Governor to be pnma facui constitutional, and to require ministerial officers to so regard them. Also, a bill to increase the jail fees of Dougherty county. Mr. Turner: A bill to change the time 1 of holding the Superior Courts of Pauld- , , ing, Polk. Floyd, and Campbell counties. Mr. C. H. Smith: A resolution that -*-■ mi i— the work on Parliamentry Law and Rules of Order, now in course of preparation by John B. Weems, Esq., of Bibb, bo -üb muted to a committee composed of Hon orabies Howell Cobb. Thomas Hardeman, Jr., and Alexander H. Stephens, and if approved by them, the Governor be requir ed to subscribe for 1,000 copies of the same for the use of the State. The special order, the bill to modify the Coun*y Court Act was taken up and occu pied the attention of the" Senate the re mainder of the morning. HOUSE. Friday, November 30. RECONSIDERATIONS. Mr. Bulloch moved to reconsider the bill (lost yesterday) t© amend section 4112 of the Code. Agreed to. Mr. Hardeman introduced the following resolutions, which were adopted unani mously. The General Assembly wpuld do injustice to the great heart of Georgia not to some formal expression of their respect for the character and sorrow for the condition of the illustrious prisoner of State. Jeffer son Davis. All the generous pulsations of that heart are in unison and sympathy with his sufferings and misfortunes; its warm affections cluster _around the fallen chief of a once dear hilt now abandoned cause. There they will cluster and center while men admire all that is chivalric in nature; while they regard all that is constant in purpose: while they love all that is noble in virtue; while they revere all that is sublime in faith, and respect unfailing greatness of soul. Therefore, the General Assembly of Georgia do Resolve, That their sincerest condolence and warmest sympathy arc tendered to Mr. Jefferson Davis in liis confinement, and they look forward with anxious solici tude to the day when a magnanimous and patriotic President shall pot a term to liis confinement, and by the interposition of Executive clemency, restore him to a [ people for whom he so faithfully struggled, i and on account of whom he endures, with ; Christian fortitude, the hardships of a long and rigorous imprisonment. ILLS INTRODUCED. Mr. Gross : To incorporate the town of Ba-coin be. Mr. Dodds: To consolidate the offices of Sheriff and Special Bailiff in Polk county. Mr. Russell: For relief of Helen Lanth am. Mr. Mitchell: To change time of hold ing Superior Court in Thomas, Colquitt, Lowndes and Brooks. Mr. Law.-on: To confirm the title of the I . S. to certain lands in Georgia. Mr. Atkinson: to amend section 1579 of ■ the Code. Mr. Snead : To add additional section to I paragraph 2i'j2 of the Code. Mr. Maddox : To prescribe time for de- j positing deeds, liens and mortgages in Clerks office in Fulton county for record. Mr. Grogan: For relief of certain per sons. Mr. Wornble: To authorize John Gib son. a minor to settle with his Guardian. Mr. Wilburn : To change time of hold ing Court of Ordinary in Terrell county. Mr. Glenn : To allow Thomas Caldwell and W. G. Campbell to peddle without license. Mr. McDowell: To compensate teachers of poor children in 1864. Air. Robertson: For relief of A. E. Cul venin. Mr. Smith: To furnish certain books to j Clinch county. Mr. Gartrell: For relief of J. N. Schley and others. Mr. Russell: To incorporate the Savan- I tiah, Skidaway & Seaboard Railroad Com- ! pany: _ | Mr. Hardin : To prescribe mode of pro- ; ceeding against minors who are defaulters as road-workers. SPECIAL ORDERS. A bill for the relief of the people of Geor gia, and to prevent the levy and sale of property under certain circumstances. The bill was taken up by sections. \a rious amendments wore offered, some of which were accepted. Pending action on the amendments to the second section, the House adjourned to 3 o’clock, p. m. Yesterday being Thanksgiving Day, I there was no session of the House. The j Senate met, but adjourned without trans acting any business.' Many members thought we had so little for which to be ; thankful, that it was highly improper to j adjourn—while others thought that respect i for President Johnson, if no other rea ; son existed, should prompt us to honor | the day. I think we have great reason to j be thankful, that we arc alive, that we are j permitted to breathe t,be pure air of Heav i on instead of being stifled by the foul at- I Biosphere of a prison, as our noble martyr | ehief, Jefferson! Davis. We should be thankful we have such a President as An- I drew Johnson, such a Governor as Charles i J. Jenkins, and thankful that we have not such an one as Brownlow, of Tennessee. | The day was disagreeably wet, the streets I muddy, and out-door pleasures out of the I question. In doors, good dinners and good | cheer generally prevailed, and upon the whole, members had a fine chance, to recu perate from the fatigues attendant upon i (he dissipation of tin night before —not , that any of them dissipated at the levee other than silling up late, and dancing raiher immoderately. As will i ■ -ci'.a by the report above, the j House spent nearly the entire morning’s ; session on the Stay Law. Every member j seemed to have a particular case which he j desired to provide for and as a means of j carrying his point proposed some amend | ment. The bill, as it came from the Judici ; ary Committee, was taken up by sections, j and so mutilated, that the Committee fail ed to recognize its own child. In ordinary 1 oases, when the doctors disagree, the patient must die ; but this patient will sur j vive—all are determined to have some j Stay' Law, and failing to get their own pecu liar views engrafted upon it, will accept the next best. | I send you a copy of the bill now pend ; ing, which is a substitute by the Judiciary Committee of the House for the Senate Bill. L. C. Sorth Carolina. The following is Governor Worth’s plan for the amelioration of the Freedmen of North Carolina as contained in h : s late i message to the Legislature of that State. Here is a practical scheme for the exihibi tion of Northern philanthrophy : “The people of the South, whether from prejudice or not it is immaterial to, the view I take, do not regard the negro as their equal. He is not allowed the right ot' suffrage. The North insists that this prejudice of the South does cruel wrong to the Africans among us. They are very poor, and few of them have acquired local attachments by ownership of land. The results of emancipation have made the whites poor also, and the uncertain con dition of our Federal relations prevent the ; influx of capital or population. Enter prise is paralyzed. Few are able to em ploy laborers and pay them liberally. On ! the other hand the dominant States are j rich in all of these. The wages of labor j are much greater than we can pay. In j many of them-are public lands of great fer- ] tility, which the laws give to actual settlers at n. moderate price. In one of these States a portion of ‘he people have given an earnest oi’ the principles they profess by electing two Africans as mem bers of their State Legislature. Every things seems to invite their emigration to the dominant States; hut most of them are too poor to pay for moviug. This difficulty may be overcome by directing the appropriation made to sustain the Freed men's Bureau of defraying the traveling expenses of those who may choose to move, allowing each one to choose tne State or Territory to which he would go. When thus left free and aided to ao where they may think their condition will be bettered, no grounds will be left for further sec tional strife as to their government. Who that would avoid the rock on which our ship of State is threatened with wreck will object to this scheme of reconciliation? It is dear that the Northern States will not object to it. It will place the negroes voluntarily emigrating to them under their : immediate guardianship, where they can look after their personal protection and mental and moral culture much more di rectly than they can by a Freedmen’s Bu reau. or any otter machinery, while they . remain here. I am sure North Care lina will not object to this scheme. If it be objected that the emigration would be so universal as to leave us fo r a time with out a sufficiency of laborers, and it be con ceded that this would be the result, who would not prefer to perform labor service until labor could be procured, to the in quietude and humiliation to which we are now subjected ? But such would not be the result North Carolina means to treat ner ireedigen with justice and humanity. Very many of them retain the feelings "of kindness and confidence which they form erly felt toward tbc-u- late masters, and these reciprocate the feelings and pay them fair wages, and give them every reasonable aid to better their condition." Although we may be unable to perceive anything "to encourage our efforts in the past history of the race. I respectfully recommend that vou propose this plan of national reconcilia tion to the Congrcs- of the United States. ; ’ A Brutal Outrage.—We learn that the body of a lady, whose name our inform ..... j, ac j forgotten, was found one mile and a half from Ruffs Station, on the W. A 1 Railroad, inahomwy mutilated con dition. The unfortunate woman had evidently been murdered, ami the bodj concealed. Eight or tea uegfoas hne been arrested, afid every effort m>„ be ing made to ferreu out the mysterious af fair. This is all we could learn, —-at lap. ■ a Intelligencer. Macon. —A notorious negrodepred^tor. named Davis, was shot while attempting to make his escape from an officer at Macon, a few days ago, and dangerously wounaeu. ii is thought he will die. The Memphis police are breaking up a gang of horse thieves who have infested , the suburb*. (fltvonick & §nitinfl. ! IVEDKESi)A Y~MOBMXG, DECKMBER oT The Bill for Hie Educatlcii of Maimed Soldiers. This measure presents itself to us alike j as one of duty and sound policy. There ( are hundreds of maimed soldiers, good men and true, throughout the State, who, ) bv the casualties of war, have been ren- ; dered wholly unfit for active service in i i life, and, by the fortunes of war, impover- j ished. Many—very many—of these are , mere youths. They were taken from the 1 grammar school and the college course at j I tbe very outset of educational life—that J ! period which, of all others, bears with the ! greatest importance upon after life. They j i went forth as soldiers, at the command of j the State. They have endured hardships , j and privations in the field and camp, and j \ suffered in battle. The return of peace j finds them maimed, disabled and impover- ! ; ished. AY ho can they look to lor aid but ; the .State, whose eomiftand they obeyed? j It is not proposed to pension them in idle : ness—to make them puppets for war’s i glory—but it is simply asked that the | State will extend to them that measure j assistance which should make them good i and useful citizens, and enable them to com mand a decent livelihood by diffusing know j ledge and instruction. Surely it is tlie I duty of the State to render such assistance, j It is a duty which,, in our judgment, 1 amounts to the highest obligation. But, ! further, it is not only the duty of the State, ] but it is sound policy to extend such assist i ance. AYithout it most of them will strug gle through life, embittered by sufferingand reckless in morals, or become miserable paupers, hanging, like mill-stones, upon the county thereby increasing that taxation which is the most onerous of all taxation—consuming but bringing no benefit. The bill introduced into tlie Senate by Mr. Thornton, and which, with some modi fications has received tlie approval of that body, proposes to meetboth the questions of duty and policy. It provides for both the maintenance and education for a given time at certain colleges. These colleges are Athens, Mercer, Emory, Midway and Bowden. It extends assistance to every maimed soldier under thirty years of age, who will avail himself of its benefits in accordance with its provisions. In return it exacts from the recipient, an obligation to teach school in any portion ot the State i’or a limited term of years, thereby ena bling him to support himself decently, and at the same time create a corps of native common school teachers. This bill is now before the House of Representatives. Some objections are urged against it, but these, so far as we have any knowledge of them, we think are fully and fairly met by the Athens Banner in the following manner : First: The scheme is apparently ono so cumbrous and awkward, as to fall through by its own weight. We say “ apparently ,” for, in point of fact, this obstacle does not or, at any rate, may not necessarily exist. As to the fact that the soldiers are not prepared to appreciate the advantages of a liberal education, and that, consequently, the Institutions would break down under a load of unprepared Students, it is not proposed to force all of them into the Colleges, whether they will or not, but only to afford the opportunity of attending to all who may desire it, and who, in the judgment of tlie College Fac ulties, may be sufficiently grounded in elementary knowledge to be profited by such attendance. Os course, if a man can I neither read nor write, he will get no good : from the measure, until he has prepared j himself to be benefited by it. This ho will j do, any other applicant does, by going I to a common school, in which, by the way, I the State proposes to aid hitn, likewise. ] Second : The project is only apparently ; very expensive. Let tlieobjector consider, j for a moment, the following lacts—(lst) the I actual number of the maimed soldiers under I the specified age. lie will be amazed to j find how few they are in comparison with I his first opinions. Five hundred or a thou sand would probably cover them all. (2d.) j Os these, not one half will be able or dis ’ poseu to avail themselves of the oiler. (3d.) | Some (only a few to be sure) wi 11 be able ;to bear their own expenses. Such, of course, will not be entitled to the benefit of the act. (!th.) These men will not all ap ply at once, owing to their different de grees of preparation, so the maintenance of them will he divided by being dispersed over several years. (sth.) And lastly from the very nature of the case, the expend i tore will bo but for a very limited period. 1 The soldier can not avail himself of the \ bounty of the Slate afier lie has ; reached !he age ofßßWrty. ; of beneficial ios, therefore, must steadily 1 diminish. The College course is of only ■ four years length, so that oven supposing ■ iwhat is not probable) every man pursued the regular curriculum, eight years would ■ probably suffice to educate them all. ! Bearing all of these facts in mind, the fol- I lowing will not appear an unreasonable estimate of the first year’s expenses. Let ns say that two hundred maimed soldiers apply for maintenance and education at public expense. No such number will ap ply, but we will assume it as an example. Tuition Fees, say § CO Board, etc., “ 200 Books, etc., “ 20 Total Expenses, |2BO This would entail an outlay on tlie part of the State of §5(5,000. Asa recompense she would receive two hundred well-edu cated teachers, sent like healthful blood bounding through mortal veins, to every quarter of herdomain. Third : The scheme is like every other human project capable of abuse." This, we have already said, need not be. Un ] worthy College officers may admit unwor ! thy applicants for the sake of tho compen sation provided by the State, but, under due restriction such evils could be very readily prevented. These are the most sa lient objections to the bill. We will con clude with a brief positive argument in its favor. It Is unnecessary to impress upon our people the vital importance of an j educated class in our midst. Everybody ! realizes it and everybody is seeking an cd- I ucation, who can afford the means of attain ing it. What we wish then to consider es- I pecially, is the value of this particular j kind of education. Men are very prone to j oppose the fostering of advanced sys | terns, because they say that gooff ele- I mentary shools should be first established. ; “Let us teach our children ; they cry to read, write and cast acecounts; and then we can think about tlie colleges.’’ Yes, but how can you ever accomplish the first i object, unless j‘ou have teachers ? Previous i to the war, the country swarmed with Northern men and women who satisfied this want. Now, they not come here. The great desideratum in the country is a profession of liighh educated, zealous Southern Teachers. This end w ill be ad mirably attained by the provisions of this ' bill. Every year Colleges will send out a ; corps of earnest, laborious and competent : men, who will carry the torch of enlighten ment into every dark corner of the State. We must begin at the ton and educate i downwards. We must teafli the teachers ! before wo undertake to make them teach the children. We have one more point of view in which : to present this subject and we will stop.— i Reader, do you see tlie empty sleeve hang ing licm that man’s shoulder? You do, ! and you can see a great many more such, ; too.' Wcii, the arm which once filled that ! sleeve will never more swing an axe, nor ; handle a hoe, nor even so much as lift a morsel of food to its owner’s month. The very meat upon his plate has to be cut up i for him. Do you see another man slowly i and painfully hobbling over the ground I with a crutch or a wooden leg? You see | him, too. Well, that man will never more follow a plow, nor reap a field of wheat, nor do anything else for a livelihood which requires active physical exertion. Now these men are the sole vestiges left to us of a great nation’s prostrated hopes, of a lost cause |for which we and they fought and suffered and prayed so long and, alas I so vainly. At the Hotel des Invalides in Paris’ you might have seen such in tlie surviving veterans of the great Napoleon, standing, like broken col umns around the ashes of their idolized Emperor. At Greenwich in England you may see such in the war-worn, battle scarred men, who are basking out the balance of their days in the sunlight of a kind and parental government. Even in the United States, a wounded soldier has his pension paid him as regularly as when he was in the ranks. In the late Confed erate States alone, the public authorities make no provision whatever for the as sistance of men, who have been left by the tide of revolution stranded and wreck ed only through their faithful devotion to their native section. Now, ail that this Bill claims of the State is to afford to these unfortunate men an opportunity of sup porting themselves,—to enable them to euter a profession which will no t call for the arm or the leg, which lies rottiim on some. far-away battle-fieid. Shad we refuse this? Justice would require us to maintain them entirely; we are unable to do this ; w e can give them this amount of aid, and we shall Ire recreant to every principle of honor if we do not. “All this is and matter cf sentiment," says some obi jeetor. \"es, and—thank God for it!—eve rything that is noble, pure, holy aud ele vated in this world is a matter of semi meat The instincts of the people have been right in this matter, when they have seized every opportunity of e-Jeeting a maimed soldier "to an office. They will hail the passage of this Bill with universal approbation; they will visit its defeat with their severest displeasure. Kentucky.— A\"e learn through the Louisville Courier that affairs are growing so bad in portions of that State, the civil : authorities are calling upon the military to protect them in the enforcement of the laws. The Courier sat s. The unsettled condition of affairs certainly affords cause for serious apprehension that crime will : greatly increase in this State and also in Tennessee; and we trust that proper measures maybe taken to prevent such an 1 alarming result. State Aii to Railroads. The following ommunication on the ' question of State id, i, from the pen of j one of the most exjerienced statesmen aud able financiers cf lur State. AA e cheer fully give place lo ais article, because wc desire that the peojjie, and particularly the Legislature now in*ission, should receive the benefits of his great experience and mature judgment. AA e think that his views will be fouii bold, striking aud cogent, though we nay well doubt if they are conch:* V, upon the points A great deal can resaid in favor of“. Vale aid. and more pttieularly at this time, when individual eiu.rprise and capital is so completely puffs. 1 and destroyed by the results ot eru.ncipation, and other disastrous effects oflhe late war. AYe do not, by jiving publicity to the letter of Georgia, -itend to ba understood as endorsing his petition. Neither are we in favor of the indiscriminate use of the State’s credit for. tie purpose of stimulat ing and foster' . , , traction of roads, which would ’ with the vested rights of is :>r which might destroy the i : - id profits of other great State f >r of those of still more qu-sti £ ety, which, when built, would I ably pay a fair interest on .: required to build and equip ; But for tin ■ ding lines or main trunks for tru 1* ; . rel in and through our State. b £ the contemplated tracks would r. h the wild and un developed, tlf ■ ertheless rich and attractive port! ns the State, we think our course -hr; 1 :•< continue the policy long since adoptt- ‘ the Legislature furn ishing such .>•! .- ' 1. secure their comple tion, provided in sc doing the credit of the State shall not be mpaired or its financial interests too muff hazarded. AYe doubt the propriety at least just now of adopting <■ general system of State aid. YYe prefer tliaff the claims of each particular pEijeet should be presented to the Legislate upon its own merits. If the buildin/ of the road for which the aid of the Stab is invoked, would not conflict with other and more important State in terests, aid should be free from the further objection of being antagonistic to existing vested riffts of individuals, and gives fair promise :hat when completed its trafic and business will bo sufficient to enable it to pay a far iutere-t on the amount invested in its contraction and equipment, it pre sents a ’cry serious question whether the State siould not lend it such aid as will secure its construction. This view of the case is very mneh streng/hened if the projected Road is through a section of the State whose re sources are undeveloped, and which needs but the means of direct, cheap aud speedy r for its' products, to enhance its value and increase its productions. AYe know that the reply which is made by T the opponents of State aid is that all roads which premise to be remunerative to the stockholders, will be built by private en terprise aid capital. This as a general rule, we alinit to be true, though we could give remarkable instances in our own State of exceptions to this general proposition. Who believes that the YYestern & Atlantic road would have been built by private capi tal if tlieStatehaduotundertaken that great work? AVhen would the products of the rich and teeming fields of Southern Geor gia have been brought within easy access to our own seaport, had not the State lent its credit to the construction of the Savannah & Gulf railroad ? In neither , of these enterprizes has the State l#st a single dollar, while the build ing of llie roads has added to her wealth untold millions. But we have written more than we intended. Our object was simply to call attention to the very strong views presented by “Georgia” against State aid at present. I" is truly unfortunate, that when cx isti«g roads are scarcely self-sustaining, andthe State need all its credit, this par tial aud wasteful policy, should be sprung upon the country. Now, of all others is the time when we should economize what some judgment can be formedol i’utvie resom' Heretofore, this subject, . ive and wise, bi - manifest lo her superior co Jit. . u, )t v home and abroad. • road, no es disturbed, but ci ated, whilst the State was indemnified by a valuable and paying investment. The same impartial conservative policy was pursued, in fixing the Eastern terninus of the work in a cen tral position, upon the high ground of the Chattahoochee, where the enterprizc of our citizens from the centre, and the Eastern and Western borders of the State, was invited to a junction with it on, equal terms. Unaided, and _ after years of trial, sacrifice and toil, this wisely projected system was fiit lied, by the private enter prize of the cozens, and Georgia had the credit of tho most wisely projected and best finished railroad system of the South. The only plausable complaint was from the Southwest, and that was satisfied by the Savannah & Gulf Road, which the State could aid without any violation of the con servative principle previously observed, as i t disturbed no established intent, but de veloped new ones, and promised a paying investment to the State fur the outlay. But now it is proposed by the ruinous, waste ful and demoralizing system of “Btate aid,” to impair Stat. credit, when State credit is most needed—-dry up and dwarf the profits of'our great State work, and im poverish these works of improvement built by private enterprize, in pursuance of what was supposed the fixed policy of tlie State. These works, built to connect our Southern seaboard with the back country and the AYest, were constructed without ‘ ‘State aid, ’ ’ and constitute a large item in the taxable property of the State, and belong, mainly, to our own people, who built them. Is there justice or sound policy in striking down these improvements; drying up our own seaports, and impairing our State credit lo encourage speculation, “air lines,” or any other lines, the effect and object of which is to open rival lines to Northern ports, with stockholders and_ directors in New York? In the true spirit of the times, the most useless and destructive line seems one of the greatest favorites. The “air line” is called for by no pressing want or public necessity. It promises a rather shorter rival' Hue for \orthern travel, which, in saving a few hours in this foreign travel, would bring ruin upon millions of invest ments already made, and that, too, with out doing much for itself; for the road can never pay. This is obvious to the New York directors, or there would he no diffi culty in raising the subscriptions in the present plethora in the money market North. There should he no objection to the free intercourse between different sections of the Union; hut, in God’s name, if' citizen of the North wish to weaken still further our exhausted resources and staggering credit, let them pay the expenses of it, and not call onus to contribute to our own ruin. Tlie system may be partial at first, but when commenced •it will have, to go on, and in the end become general, and it may be safely assumed, that if this sys tem is established as a State policy, our great State work would scarcely pay ex penses. To settle this point, it is only ne cessary to analyze its business, and see where it comes from. It seems to me clear that this policy may be unanimously dis posed of on constitutional grounds. “No law shall lie passed by which a citi zen shall be compelled directly or indirectly to become a stockholder in, or contribute to a railroad or other work of internal im provement without his consent. If this provision in the constitution had Deen made in special reference to this evil and no other, it could not have been more opposite to the case in hand. Georgla. Chances of Life. ! An old document contains some inter : esting information unknown to many, and rarely encountered in the papers. Among : other things it contains a table exhibiting . an average age attained by persons em ; ployed in the various popular professions jof the day. In this particular, as in most ; others, the farmers have the advantage over the rest of mankind, as their average is sixty five. Next upon the docket come : the judges and justices of the peace, the dignity of whose lives is lengthened out to sixty-four. Following them immedi ately m the catalogue of longevity, is the bank who "sums up his aceount at : the age _of sixty-three. Public officers cling- to their existence with as much per tinaeity as they retain their offices —they never res: gn their offices, but life forsakes them at fifty-six. Coopers, although they seem to stave through life, hang on until they are fifty-eight. The good works of the clenrymen follow them at fifty-five. Shipwrights, hatters, lawyers and" rope- i makers (some very appropriately) go to- j aether at fifty-four. The “ A’i'lage Black- , smith,’ like most of his cotemporaries, j dies at fifty-one. Butchers follow their : bloody career for precisely half a century. 1 Carpenters are brought to the scaffold at ! forty-nine. Masons realize the cry of | ' Mort! ’ at the age of forty-seven. Tra- j tiers cease their speculations at iom^rx^ Jewelers are distrusted with the tinsel of' life at forty-four. Baker:., manufacturers, and various mechanics, die at forty-three, i The painters yield to their colic at forty- 1 two. The brittle thread of the tailor’s life is broken at forty-one. Editors, like all i other beings who come under the special admiration of the gods, die comparatively young—they accomplish their errand of mercy at forty. The musician redeems ' his last note and plays his dying fill at thirty-nine. Printers become dea l matter at thirty-eight. The machinist is usually blown tip at thirty-six. The teacher usu- ■ ally dismisses Ills scholars at thirty-four ; : and the clerk is even shorter lived, for he must needs prepare his balance-sheet at thirty-three. No account is given of the average longevity of wealthy uncles. The inference is fair, therefore, that they are immortal.— Albion. Horace Greeley's Misrepresentation of like South. ' No reasonable person ever objected, while slavery existed, to laws placing the blacks in slave states underpolice surveil lance, and forbidding them to keep or bear arms; but such acts became absurdly ty rannical from the moment wherein slavery disappeared; and the wrenching of their arms by rebels from honorably discharged : Union soldiers, under color of State author ity, solely because the Unionists were ; blacks, was a very cowardly mode of re | neving the war of rebellion. So of all acts ; revived or re-enacted which shut blacks j out of the witness box in cases where only whites were parties, or inllieted on them any kind of disability which was at the same lime an indignity. This kind of legis- lation (see McPherson's Manual) was com- ! moil to all the rebel .States, though that of ! Mississippi was probably the worst. X re joice that South Carolina has had the good i sense to repeal her share of it, and Tiiail ; her iction in this respect as greatly con- j ducive to an early restoration of the Union, j But it proved unsafe to trust to local au- | thority and opinion, which may bo right I to-day and wrong to-morrow. The above extract we clip from an article j in the New York Tribune, of the 27th ult., j over the initials "11. G.” We do so fori the purpose of showing that the Republi- j can press will not give the South credit for ‘ what we have done in the way of securing ; to the negroes all the rights which their j status of freedom entitles them to. Greeley is the least bitter of the Radical ! leaders, and even he continues to libel and j traduce us. lie cannot be ignorant of the \ action of our State Legislature, which was j they?!-*' of the Southern Slates to clothe the negro with those rights which Greeley j is still complaining that wo deprive him of. j We ask the Tribune to show in what par- j ticular the black man is deprived of any j rights of person or property which are ac corded to the whites of this State. Does not the Tribune know that the negro is ad mitted to testify in all cases in our Cburts? That he can sue and be sued ? Hold and convey property, real and personal? Con tract marriages, make divorces, bear arms for bis defence, and do all other things necessary to secure full, free and perfect protection from our laws ? If the Tribune cannot point out any of those wrongs which it alleges the negro is subjected to in this State, will it have the honesty and fairness to correct its statement? [communicated. ] To the legislature now in Session; Middle Georgia, Nov. 21, 1866. Would it not be well to remember that there are two sides to the question of Re lief? To illustrate this: There are many men who have been complaining, more than anybody, of short crops and the neces sity of relief, &c., yet, in private, will ac knowledge that they have raised live or six thousand bushels of corn, and have re ceived, even for rent, from 60 to 100 wagon loads of the same. These same men, of means, owe widows and orphans a few hun dred dollars, for property purchased, and their promissory notes are all the assets they have in the world, except, pet haps, a small and humble dwelling in which they live. These humble creditors may petition in vain to get some of this corn, or any thing else that may be convenient; but nothing can be bad, and hence, by what little assistance they can get from an indif ferent world, they live in comparative des titution, while the debtor revels in abun dance, using and withholding that which is not his. own. Again, there are many who, at the close of the war, had 50 to 100 bags of cotton and fine plantations, &c., and have had plenty of money all the time, and yet, will not pay one cent of an honest debt, no matter what may be the destitu tion and necessities of their creditors. 1 hen, are there not two sides to this ques tion ? Is it not “robbing Peter to pay Paul?” Is it right to withhold by force from one, that which is justly his, and for which ho is suffering, and bestow it upon another, who needs it not. The truth is that class of individuals, who arc mostly indebted at this particular time, arc amply able to pay the one-lburtlx installment of their debts, yet they would raise a great cry for the relief of the poor for the purpose of hiding their own cases from view. The fact is, the poor are not interested in this matter but little, if at all, for the poor man never did owe any thing, and for the best of reasons. There seems to be a strange delusion in the minds of some that all creditors are necessarily rich , and all debtors poor —whereas the very reverse of this is nearer the truth at this time. The class called speculators, (who have been abusing themselves very much recently, for a purpose,) owe more than any other class, from the fact that they were not in the war, but stayed at home and bought alt the property they could, on a credit, and now, do not want to pay for it, yet want to keep the property. To satisfy himself, let any man look around in his own county, and he will sec that there are men who are making a great to do about relief, &c. They arc not willing to adopt a bankrupt system, by which they could come forward and pay their indebtedness as far as it would go, by a full surrender of what they have got, and bo released from the balance of in debtedness; no, no, they are not willing for that, but are anxious, that the (creditor should leave them in possession of the property, return the notes gratis, which were given for this property, and thereby, by a gra cious surrender, both of property and notes, leave himself in destitution, merely for the purpose of advancing to ease and comfort, these very much pittied debtors. The schemes of such men are fast being ex posed. Like au ostrich, they think they are hid, when their heads are under the sand. Being speculators themselves, as well as debtors, they have recently been loudest in their own denunciation, just like the thief, who heads the crowd in pursuit, crying loudest of all, thief! thief!! Great efforts have also been made, by in terested parties, to exaggerate,the amount of existing indebtedness, which, on a mo ments’ reflection, will be seen to be less than at any period of our history. Every man, at the opening of the war, made it a j point to close up his outstanding business, j and during that whole period and especially j the first two years, debts were being paid ; constantly 7, while, for the same time, no j general credit system prevailed, and hence, i it necessarily follows, that there is less i owing now, by far, than at any former j period. We curse the Yankees for disregarding ; constitutions, contracts, &c., and yet, we are following directly in their example, i Under the “buncombe” legislation, now | sought to be forced upon the country, con- j fidence has been so shaken in just and j certain government, that a man is afraid I to trust his next-door neighbor out of his | sight. If a contract is made, there is no j certainty that it can ever be enforced, for j this modern mode of legislation may, the ! very next day, render it all null and j void. Will not such a course destroy confi- j den.ee and thereby annihilate ail enterprise j and prosperity ? The great object of a i good government, is to secure personal rights, and when it fails in this, it is not J worth a thought. The most important ! elements in a good government, in our i opinion, ate certainty and permanency, for without these ao nation has ever accom | plished much, and without these there can be no hope or foundation for the future. | Whenever it is recognized to be a true j principle, that the majority have unlimit ed power, or that one man or any set of I men, or any legislative body or convention, j or any other power beneath the sun, can alter or annul any obligation or con- j tract existing between two individuals, ; which was made in conformity to laws ! existing at the time, and by this voiun- I tary and mutual consent —I say, whenever this is recognized as a fixed fact, then the j great foundation of civil justice and rights is destroyed, and the whole fabrick of gov ernment must fall to ruin. Then let such precedent lie viewed with caution. Let none ay be the motto. Let contracts and debts be met likemen, “though the heavens fall.” Let us go to work, and thus make ourselves able to do our whole duty, both to God and man. And above all, let us ; stop whining like sick kittens and sucking! doves, but imitating the proud spirit of old ; Virginia, let us preserve our former ambi- j tion and determination still to bear with , honor that proud and ever glorious title, ; the "Empire State of the South.” Truth. Milledgevi.ie papers please copy. The Boston Journal states that Ex- Govemor Boutvrel], in a lecture at Lewis ton, Me., last Wednesday evening, said ; that President Johnson and Mr. Seward I had known for more than a year that John j Surratt had gone to Borne and enlisted in j the army of the Pope. This statement was made before the announcement that Sur- ; ratt had been demanded, given up, and | had escaped from cugtedy. The Chattanooga A/. en'can Union says: | “The corn crop is turning out much better ! than was hoped for by the mo.-t sanguine. : Up the river farmers are jubilant over , splendid crops of corn, and the hay crop ■■ has been large,” 1 In Public and Private—with Let firs Speeches. By Henry Cleveland, , Esq. Wo have received from the National ! Publishing Company, Richmond, Ya., i some advanced sheets of this work, now in j press. The work, wo understand, will not j be for sale in Bookstores, but is to be sold only by subscription. The author is well known to our public in days of yore, as an | Editor of the Augusta Constitutionalist — i and during the war as tlie author of some j graphic letters upon the “Siege of Vicks- ' burg.” He is an easy, graceful, flowing I writer—an intimate friend of the distin- : guished statesman, forming for some time j one of Mr. Stephens’ bachelor family— i promises to make this work unusually in teresting. His sources of information are the best, having had free and unrestricted . access to all of Mr. Stephens’ eorrespond ! cnce for thirty years with the great intel ! lects of the Union. AVc extract from these ! sheets the following description of Mr. : Stephens’ home, or LIBERTY IIALL. The ordinary drawing-room furniture is all that meets the eye upon entering a neatly papered room. All the rooms are coiled, not plastered. Opposite the parlor is a dining room. — Its features are: Brussels carpet of white and red roses. The window-shades are a plain pattern of green and gold. Then an extension dining-table, an ancient side board, a silent clock on the mar.tel-pieee, before whose modest face no hands arc held, and a frozen traveler watched by St. Bernard dogs, displayed upon the fire screen. Next a pantry. Then a bedroom care fully reserved for an occasional visitor, a friend who at all times has a home and a welcome at the mansion, whenever he will come. Its common designation is— Mr. O'Neal’sroom. There is another bed chamber next the parlor. The upper rooms, four in number, arc neatly but plainly furnished, and kept for the guests, male and female, who often come, and arc always made at home, in what by the owner's own designation of long ago, is widely and familiarly known as Liberty Ilall. In the back passage there is always a cedar pail of pure coil water, that is so re freshing in the long, hot, summer days.— Then the po'rch, connecting the two rooms built to the rear, with the main building, and exteuding on the eastern side into a wide veranda, with massive square pillars. The first of the rear rooms is the library, a pretty room, fifteen by twenty feet, its floor covered with neat carpeting in stripes. The collection of law and political books is i large. Many valuable miscellaneous books i belong there, but numbers of them are al | ways out in the hands of borrowers. The li . brary is the collection of thirty years.— Numerous trunks contain the accumulated letters of a lifetime. A bronzed bust of Daniel Webster looks gloomily down from a shelf over the inner door. It isgray with dust, and bears no trace of that “ living light” in which his eloquence embalmed the flag of our country. Lie needs no bust or statue, lor our memories are the amber that keeps hisfame. Would that his shade might return, and re-utter to the whole land, those earnest words “To the sober men of Boston. ’ ’ The inner room is the sanctum sanctorum. It the visitor come in winter, a light tap is given on the door; a ijuick, but pleasant voice says ‘ 4 Come in, and turning the top knob of the door gives admittance.— All is open in summer. There is a pretty carpet of green and flowers. Low French bedstead draped in white. The walls too are white. There is a. bureau and mirror, cot-bed for waiting-boy “Tim,” wash stand, and toilet furniture. Over the mantel, Brady’s imperial photograph, taken in 1855, of which our third engrav ing is a copy. It is flanked on the right by the picture of “Faith at the Cress,” given while at Fort Wrrren, by a much valued lady friend. On the left by an embroidered watch-stand, and a pair of lamps. Then a book-ease with broken glass, and bundles of papers in great seem ing disorder. The disorder is not so great but the owner can readily find what he wishes, and before the confusion incident to the late war, no statesman kept such per fect order among so many various papers. There is a little round top writing-table, with eyelet press, and papers and scraps. More papers and scraps arc in the little table drawer, and the mind of the owner is the index to them all, if they are not dis turbed. That annoys him greatly, ilis old office, and another library, are at the court house, but he seldom goes to it. On the worsted hearth-rug of this room, in winter, and on the grass of the yard in summer, lounges a huge • brown mastiff named Troup. Near this larger specimen of the canine species, is usually-to be seen a little black terrier, with a chronic growl; he is called Frank. A restless yellow pup sometimes intrudes, but is generally sent away with the proper rebuke from his grave seniors. He bears the appropriate name of Sir Bingo Binlcs, one of the characters in Walter Scott's “ St. Ilonan’s Well.” Rio (called Reo) the famous poodle dog, the favorite pet and companion of the statesman for years, both at home and abroad, has had, since 1863, a dreamless sleep in the garden. The red clay mound that marks the spot of his burial, still awaits the tablet for which an apppropriate epitaph was once written : '''Here rest the remains Os what, in life, was a satire on the human race And an honor to his own — A faithful dog." Ob the left of the firaplaee es the room we last spoke ot, in winter, and in the ve randa in summer, is generally seen the owner of the premises. The man is known personally, and by thousands of pictures, from the St. Lawrence to the Rio "Grande. The face is so kind that it is almost hand some ; and many years of high thought, generous deeds, and patient suffering, have given it that peculiar look of the ma turely good which is almost beautiful. His age, on the 11th of February, 1866, was fiftytfour. The eyes are large, dark, habitually thoughtful, and almost sad, sometimes full of brilliant power, and always fine. His dress is much as de scribed by the “Blind Chaplain,” whom we will quote hereafter, except that in summer it is usually -white. The pure and delicate fabric o. the outer garments, how ever, hide the heavy woollen that ill health 1 and neuralgia compel him always to wear. ! At the first, he was a poor orphan ; then, successful lawyer ; champion of cdu ! cation ; advocate of a great railroad ; pro | tcctor of the weak against the strong, righting wrong and securing justice ; j benefactor of the poor ; faithful' ever to i the homes and graves of his sires ; laying i aside the robes of office from choice, while in the noon of power ; an ardent defender ! of the Union, as well as dovotee of the doctrines of State rights of the school of Jefferson and Madison : ministering spirit at the hospitals, ana caring for captive ene mies as for brethren. Then, a State prisoner, aed afterward a Senator elect, dedicating his matchless eloquence again to harmony, wisdom, is this A horse and buggy. _ A negro boy gathering wild plums. A slight form, somewhat stooping, standing in the old field by the mound of stones, bejfcath the splendors of a South ern sun in June. To him turn the eyes of millions of those who love the men who benefit mankind. His eyes seek— “ That dearest spot on earth to him, ‘His father’s grave.’ ” The author presents to the reader as accurate as ever -written the following PORTRAIT. drawn by the Rev. W. IT, Milburn, the blind preacher : “Alexander Hamilton Stephens is the most powerful orator in Congress, and that with all the odds against him. When standing he is a man of medium height, but when seated he looks like a boy, for his trunk is remorkably short, and his face exceeding youthful. Careless of his per sonal appearance, his hair falling in masses over his fine brow ; his black, brown, or any other colored cravat (he seems not to know which) tied in a sailor's knot ; his clothes fitting well, if he has been fortu nate in his tailor (rarely the case) ; an im mense gold chain, terminated by a heavy seal, falling from his watch fob, he pre sents an unpromising, not to say an outre appearance. When in repose, his face does not promise much more ; pale, with a slightly sallow tinge, sometimes with a hectic flush upon his cheek, it seems to belong to a beardless boy.* His arms and legs very long, and his whole frame, not compactly knit, appears loose and awkward, and the victim of life-long disease. How nearly disease and genius may be. associated, is a question which I leave tor physiologists and psychol ogists to settle. But I feel sure that sleep less nights ana days of pain and fever have had much to do with the brilliant intellect of this remarkable man. His voice, too, in common talk, gives as little token of his power as his other features, for it is thin, high-pitched, and inclining to the falsetto. Trained as a lawyer at the Georgia bar, a wonderful school for development of popu lar eloquence (for the jury system is pushed there to its remotest limits,) he early dis played those gifts which have made his name so famous; a sharp, incisive intellect, broad in its comprehension, firm in its grasp, as keen in its perceptions, coupled with an emotional nature, delicate as it is strong, giving him an invincible hold upon the interest and sympathy of his hearers. Returned to the House of Representatives when scarcely thirty years of age, lie had, by the time I first saw him, already gamed j the undivided ear of the House. When he stood up to speak, there was no iunch- i ing, chatting, or apathy - in the Hall, which seemed divided between the silence and his voice. The almost feminine squeak of j opening soon became a con&ietent ringiug ■ upon the ear, 1 can well believe what I have so often heard, that the uipressionof his presence upon the eye almost amounted to a transformation. “In defence ofliis opinion he is at once logical and persuasive, setting his argument j before you in a clear light and striking at titude, insomuch that the remark of Mr. Horace Greeley is justified, ‘that you forget you are listening to the most eloquent mail ' in Washington, and only feel that he is j right.’ “Hismanner is lapid, sometimes vehe ment, always collected. Having in an in stant gained your absorbed attention, he wins your confidence by his apparent fair ness of reasoning, until at length you sub mit yourself to his control without‘‘com punction. or the dread of his being over come. The most brilliant, albeit not the most satisfying, payt of his oratory is seen when he turns upon his opponents. Ilis powers of satire, ridicule, sarcasm and in vective, are fearful, and yet the man if good breeding never forgets himself, nor is hurried away into truculent abuse. Many a man has smarted, or even withered under Mr. Stephens’ irony or denunciation ; but 1 question if any has ever had cause to say that he was not a gentleman. “ I fancy that, there are several points of j apparent resemblance between -Mr. Ste- : phens and John Randolph of Roanoke; - but there must be more of real difference. | Both have been the victims of diseas; whose origin dates far back in life, and each has consequently been the owner of a body, which, however exquisitely it may | have been strung, has been perilously sen \ sitive. Both have exercised almost un -1 equal sway upon the floor of Congress; and both have been noted as masters in the art of offensive parliamentary warfare. Both have been admitted to be unimpeachably I honest and fearless statesmen, shunning no danger, and braving every peril in the maintenance of their peculiar and cherished i convictions. But Mr. Randolph had scarce ly a friend. Mr. Stephens has hardly an enemy 7 . Bodily infirmity, if it did not master Mr. Randolph’s will, soiyed his temper, and gave to iiis perfect diction the poison of wormwood, and to his spirit the gall of bitterness that verged upon misan thropy. Mr. Stephens has conquered suf fering, and made himself strong and noble by entering heartily into the sweet ehari- j ties of life. “The Virginian, proud of" his lineage j and his birth-place; an intolerant aristo crat,* with varied and finished culture, refined taste, a high sense of honor, a mind disposed to prey upon itself, and a contempt for those who did not share his advantages, nevertheless presented a curious spectacle, as the unflinching advocate of extreme democratic doctrines, while at the same j time he was unable to free himself from j the tyrannous sentiment of exclusiveness j and caste. With an air of stately haughti | ness, he entered the lists of Congressional i debate like some solitary champion, with | his vizor up, that all might recognize him, J wearing the colors of a fair lady, whose i place upon the throne ol‘ his affections I never knew a rival, and in honor of his j own Virginia defiantly threw down his gage of battle to all comers. Ho chal lenged your admiration, and demanded your submission ; he disdained your sym pathy, and scorned your weakness. If you were not a gentleman by the four des cents, he would hurl at you all the fiery darts of his jeering ridicule; and if you were not born in the ‘Old Dominion,’ noth ing could expiate your offence, and as a Pariah you must bear the insult of his complacent or scoffing pity. Any provin- cialism of pronunciation or phrase upon the part of a man whom he thought worthy to be considered an antagonist, was chastis ed in the summary fashion of a pedagogue, and more than one distinguished member of our national council has been taught English by the great Virginian, insomuch, th at in his day he deserved the appellation of the schoolmaster of Congress. The Geor gian, on the other hand, is as simple and genial in his manners as a child ; consider ate and kind to all, his freudliness begets for him friendship. He rarely speaks ex cept upon an occasion which demands all his powers, and then after mature delibera tion, and a careful survey of his own posi tion and that occupied by those opposed to him ; so that he is like a great general leading disciplined and well concentrated forces to the attack, and so admirable are at once his instinctive and reflective powers, that he seldom makes a mistake or suffers a defeat. He is a born leader of men, be cause his comprehensive and intellectual nature is seconded and animated by his yet finer social nature ; and whether Mr. Stephens continues in the House, which I presume he would prefer, as the great popular body, or be removed to the Senate, 1 think that the country will one day ad judge him the finest orator and ablest statesman in either. “The idol of Mr. Randolph’s political worship was State sovereignty; the co- j ordinate rights of the States in harmony j with the unity and ascendency of the Fed eral Government is the platform of,Mr. Stephens. Mr. Randolph was a Virginian; Mr. Stephens is a patriot.” BOX. JEFFERSOJ If.I VIS. | The Ironing Business—True Hclalion of Facts. From, the Natchez Courier , 151/t. When Jefferson Davis was brought a captive to Fortress Monroe, ho was con fined in the gunroom of a casement, the embrasure of which was closed with a heavy iron grating, and the doors which communicated with the gunner’s room were closed with heavy double shutters, fastened with cross bars and padlocks. The side openings had been closed, up with fresh masonry, the plastering of which was soft to the touch, the top being an arch to sup port the earth of the parapet. Two senti nels, with muskets loaded and bayonets fixed, paced to and fro across this small prison. Two other sentinels and a com missioned officer occupied the gunner’s room, the doors and windows of which were strongly secured. The officer of the day had the key of the outer door, and sentinels were posted on the outer pave ment in front of' it. There were al.-o sen tinels on the parapet overhead. The em brasure looked out on the wet ditch, say sixty feet wide, the w T ater in which was probably from se' 7 en to ten feet deep, the scarp and counterscarp rivetted with dressed masonry. Beyond the ditch, on the glacis, was a double chain of sentinels, and in the casement rooms on each side of his prison were quartered that part of the guard which was not on post. Borne down by privation, over exertion and exposure, he was in no condition when thrown into prison to resist exciting causes of disease. The damp walls, the food too coarse, and bad to be eaten, the depriva tion of sleep caused by the tramping of sentries around the iron cot, the light of the lamp which shone full upon it, the loud calling of the roll when another relief was turned out, the noise of unlocking the doors, the tramp of the sentinels who came to relieve those on duty, produced fever and rapidly wasted his strength, i Without mechanical aid, the- :h his efforts ! were not interrupted, no one could have : removed the grating from the embrasure. If that had been done, and any one could j | have swam across the ditch, and climbed ! i up the rivetment on the opposite side, i which was doubtful, he then would have j encountered the sentinels on the glacis. ! The circumstances, together with many manifestations indicating feeling towards him, led him to the conclusion that it was not the belief that these things were neces sary to prevent his escape, but a purpose to offer an indignity, to inflict physical pain and perhaps to deprive him of life. On the 23d of May, 1865, the officer of the day, Capt. ■). Titlow, of the 31 Penn sylvania artillery, came into his prison with two blacksmiths, bearing a pair of' ' heavy leg irons coupled together by a pon derous chain. Captain Titlow, in a man | ncr fully sustaining his words, informed i him that with great personal reluctance, lie came to execute an order to put irons upon him. Mr. Davis asked whether Gen. Miles had given that order, and on being answered in the affirmative, said he wished to see Gen. Miles, Captain Titlow said he had just left Gen. Miles, who was leaving the Fort. Mr. Davis then asked that tie execution of the order should be postponed until Gen. Miles returned. Contain Titlow said his orders wouid not permit that, and that to an old soldier it was needless to say that an officer was bound _to execute an order as it was given to him. Mr. Davis told him that it was too obvious that there could be no necessity for the use of such means to render his imprisonment secure; and on Captain Titlow’s repeating tha' his duty was to execute his orders, Mr. Davis said it was not such an order as a soldier could give, or receive, and he would not submit to it; that it was evidently the in tention to tortue him to death ; that he would never tamely be subjected to indig nities by which it was sought in his person to degrade the cause of which he was a representative. The officer of the day, with evident kind feeling, endeavored to dissuade him from resistance. Use officer of the guard came in from the front room with the officer of' the day, to induce him to yield. It was needless to show, what was very apparent, : that resistance could not be successful, and ! Mr. Davis' answer was that he was a “sol ! dier and a gentleman, and that he knew bow to die,” and pointing to the sentinel who stood ready, said: “let your men : shoot me at once.” He faced round with i his back to the wall and stood silently wait ing. Ilis quiet manner led the officer to suppose that no resistance would be maae, and therefore the blacksmiths were directed to do their work. As one of them stooped down to put on the letters, Mr. Davis slung him off so violently as to throw him ou the floor; he recovered and raised his hammer to strike, hut the officer of the day stopped him: simultaneously one ot the , sentinels cocked and lowered his musket, advancing on the prisoner, who had turned j to encounter this assailant and thus did not see the purpose of the blacksmith. | Captain Titlow saw the new danger, »»d olucer of the guard to (ini strongest men of tiie guard without fire arms. tor the purpose ok overcoming by museum r strength the rc-i.- ac; which was threaten:u. Mr. Davis bad nothing with which to defend himself, even his penkmic having boon previously taken from him. The contest was brief Ld eiKied in his being thrown down, four men being on his body and head. He oould not see the blacksmiths when they approached to put on the irons, but feeling, ne of them, he kicked him oil bom him against the wall. The Smith recovered, and with the aid which the ot her men could give him suc ceeded in the second attempt to rivet ono fetter, and secure the padlock which held the other. Mr. Davis scornfully asked his assailants if they ‘‘called’’ tliemselvi* soldiers, and said ‘the shame is yours not mine.” The object being effected, the officer of the day withdrew the men he had brought in. The prisoner lay down on the cot. cov ered his ironed limbs with the blanket, and felt only more intense contempt for’ iho brutality with which he was treated than when, a few minutes before, he had an ! nounced his belief that he was to be tor tured to death, and defied the power which j attempted to degrade him. Os the dra ' matic account published in Dr. Craven's I l>ook, he said *1 could not have been writ ten by one who either knew the facts, or had such personal knowledge of him s’ t> form a just idea ot what his conduct wouid be under such circumstances. The fact (he added) was that very little was said either by Capt. Titlow or by himself, and tb it whatever was said, was uttered in a very quiet and practical manner. For himself, he would say he was too resolved, and too proudly conscious of his relation to a sa cred, though unsuccessful cause, for such acclamations and manifestations as were imputed to him by Craven s informant, and given to the public in his book. THE FEkTASS. Mr. Sewant’e Inter, ssion in Behalf of the Fenians n U...ia a—Uow it Is View ed In Kuglaud. We are of the opinion that no criminals ever deserved capital punishment more richly than those who are now awaiting their fate in Canada. For these persons Mr. Seward has seen fit to intercede in be half of the American Government. Wore parties in America in a normal state, wo confess we should receive the news Os such an application with very great surprise. There is no passion in American history so much quoted, or with so much pride, as the episode of the unfortunate Muj. Andre and the conduct of Gen. Washington is al ways loudly extoiled because he determined to show by a signal example that the bellig erent rights of the American Republic would be as vigilantly protected as those of the proudest Empire on the face of the earth. Cannot the American Government imagine that the people of Canada may be actuated by somewhat of the same feeling, and may think the peace and liberty of a colony just as well worth preserving as those of the mother country herself? It is also unfortunate that ‘ indignation meet in, s” should be held by the Fenians through the United States, threatening the British Government with vengeance if it dare to execute these prisoners, at.d thus seeking, so far as is in their power, to de prive an act of clemency of all its grace and to represent it as the mere result of fear. Neither can we admit that the case of the American civil war, as put by Mr. Seward, is in the least parallel to the Fenian invasion of Canada. The Sour and n States claimed the right to withdraw from a confederacy into which they had volun tarily ertered, and it was easier to refute their claim to secede by the sword thau by the pen. But the Fenians have not the shadow of a claim to belligerent rights. They have no government, no territory" they are mere citizens of a friendly State) who ciioose to rob and murder the inhabi tants ol a neighboring country on their own account, without the slightest sem blance of law or justice. Nor is it quite so clear as Mr. Seward would have us believe that wholesome severity in such cases is always impolitic. The case most nearly resembling the Fenian invasion of Canada that occurs to us is that of the invasion of Cuba by Narcisso Lopez and a band of American sympathizers—oi course, with a view of wresting the gem of the Antilles from Spain. The expedition turned out ; ill, most ol the American prisoners were [ shot in cold blood, and Lopez himself was ; garotted at the Ilavaunah with every cir cumstance of ignominy which could accom pany the fate of the basest malefactor. Dire were the threats o/ vengeance, ami deep the indignation expressed, but Cu a has ever since—some fiiteen or sixteen years—been free from attempts of wuu d be-liberators. Such is the case against granting the re quest of Mr. Seward. On the other hand, there is great allowance to lie made for the position of the. American Government. The President is struggling 7 for his very existence against an overpowering majority. In the contest in w hich he was engaged t ho Fenian vote would have been of infinite importance to him, hut he was content to forego that advantage at a inoet critical moment rather than tolerate any act which migdit compromise the good understanding between Great Britain and the United States. So anxious was he to prevent the Fenian invasion that he employed (Jen. Grant and Gen Meade, two of the best officers iu the American army, on this dis tasteful and unpopular service President Johnson, had he been lukewarm in the business, might, doubtless, ha ,7 e satisfied the letter of his obligations towar&s us by much less energetic measures. We do not doubt that his popularity must have suffered by this honorable and straightforward conduct, and that it was iu his power to imgratiase himself with the Fenian* without inv-.bring the United States in an actual c riirion with us. We owe it to him tha: Ca; a a has not boon made the scene *« bloodshed and outrage of every kind, and lie asks for the lives of the obscure wretches who are now under sentence of death, it U not lor us to say what answer should be given to such a request, but we confess we should regard the granting it with satisfaction, more especially as the President would be hardly likely to renew his intercession in the case of a second Fenian invasion. The object of punishment is to prevent crime, and if in this instance that object will be better attained by mercy than by severity, we cannot object to the experiment being tried, it being always clearly understood that n such immunity will be extended to any who may participate in a second invasion.— London Times Nov. 12. The Ameniti es—How Soldiers Meet. —Under this head the Louisville Journal gives the following plea ant account of a recent meetingin that city between General E. K. Smith and General J. B. Hood, an also between the latter and General Georg# H. Thomas, of the United States army. During the. past few days several distin guisned Confederate officers have been in the city on business connected with their peaceful avocations. The meeting between E Kilby Smith and John B. Hood was more than cordial—it was affectionate. They had not met before since the close of the war, and their greeting was that of true and tried friends, who loved and trusted each other. «Ve have no inclination to pry into the privacies of two such men, but the twinkle ol'Jau thing efe- and inferred fun expressed in their greeting, and use of old nick allies —their significance best known. to themselves—told of pleasant bygones. But a nobler exhibition of the generosity of mind and persona! honor was that af ; forded yesterday in the meeting of General j George H. Thomas with his old comrade j in arms, ex-General John B. Hood. Upon j two disastrous fields for the Confedeiacy | General Thomas had been matched against j Hood, and had overwhelmingly beaten | him at Franklin and Nashville, and added ! lustre to the stars: and stripes. Yesterday, ; as General Hood stumped in trio dining j room of the Louisville hotel to take, h j midday meal, General Thomas rose fro i i his se it to meet the maimed and gaiLut : Howl, and cordially greeted his old c .w --! panion-in-arms. The two Generals dined j together like old friends, and, no doubt, ; had many reminiscences to recall of scenes iby flood and field in auldJang syne. Their ■ interview was most genial and pleasant, ! apparently, and we believe that such meet j >ngs go further to re unite the late oppos ing sections than a thousand resolutions of worthy fealty. Proposal to Publish a New Paper is Richmond.—A prospectus has been is sued by Mr H. Rives Pollard for the pub ; lication of a weekly paper in this city, en : titled ''The Southern Opinion .” Accom panying the prospectus is an impression of the (fngraved design which is to head the : new journal. It is from the pencil ot tha ta.entcd artist Mr. E. Crehen, of this city, ( and is a creditable work of art; intended to represent the glory and sorrow of the f South. The well written prospectus or ! the editor will soon appear in the daily I press. Asa sample of the enterprise of ; the projector, a prize of SIOO is offered for : the bestpoemon “The Confederate Dead;” : another of the same amount for the best I poem on “The Valor and Sufferings of the j Confederate Army;’’and a third prize of the sameamountforthebestpoemon “The Dis tinguished Prisoner at Fortress Monroe.” The awards to be made by a committee of literary men. Any one procuring ten sub scribers to the Opinion wiil receive a por trait of Gen. Lee twenty by twenty-four in size.— Richmond. Dispatch. John MeGlade and Sam. Collier, of Baltimore, have arranged a prize fight for SI,OOO to $5,000, to take place soon at some point between New York and Baltimore. Genera! Nelson Taylor wijl not conteat th« Mai #f J*k« ut C***««.