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(Chronicle * MKDNRMIW MORNING, DE( EMBER *2fi. Radical Malignity. “ When felony, however chivalrous, or however lusli/.eneil with a fine name, is fashionable among die upper sort, what wonder is it that the contagion of a bad example spreads, and that the lower <>r<!<-■ -s give us a sanguinary caricature of the death-dealing exploits of their social superiors?” No ]>coplo on the face of the earth arc more prr-i'tently and maliciously misrepre sented than the white citizens of the South. \Vo often wonder what the civilized na tions of Hurope can think of a ]>cople who, according to the information furnished by the Northern journals, are so sunk in the •ale of licentiousness and barbarism. Such statements certainly do not tend to increase respect for and admiration of Re publican government on the part of Euro peans. In this country the causes which prompt this wholesale defamation of Southern character are well understood. We know that party feeling at the North i« so strong and tyrannical that the press there —or a large portion of it—is forced, by the pressure of its friends, to degrade it- column-, daily, with the publication of slanders which the better informed among them know to be false. In this country these things are well understood. Hence, when such utterances as head this article, and which we take from the New York Tribune, are given to the public, the intel ligent readers, even at the North, merely shrug their shoulders and say “how lead! I,nt, then, it can hnr dig be true. ’ Rut it is quite different abroad. There, the license, and consequent licentiousness, j of the American Press is not so well under- i stood. When, therefore, the charge is ■ i h “Pd v . 'ii,.> • u towards o ..- whole I'tJosi-rj And with what foreigners who are inimicablc to Free Gov-- eminent, is proved by the avidity with which all such paragraphs are copied and circu lated by that portion of the European press in the interests of Monarchies. It is not, however, the bad effect which uch publication- may have upon the Gov ernment of the United States and upon the theory of Republican Government in the countries of the old world, which causes us in complain. We feel and know that the in fluence of these wholesale libels upon our people arc used by the designing and bad ineri of the North to intesify and strengthen the feeling of hostility to the South which the Abolition controversy previous to, and the results of the late war have so largely and fearfully developed at the North. We have said that we did not believe that the good sense of the North gave mm h credit to these falsehood „ But there is a large class of intelligent people there, who, for sinister and base purposes, pro tend to put faith in tlidse atrocious slanders, and use them for the purpose of keeping inflamed the Northern mind, already hot ami hitter towards the South. 11 is in this view that the publication and circulation of sin'll articles are calculated to injure the Southern States. It is vain to suppose that there can ever |„. a cordial reconciliation between the two sections so long as the leading men ami journals of one section continue this wholesale and indiscriminate abuse of the other. However much the people of the South may desire to cultivate feelings of respect and love for the Federal Govern merit- and it is certainly their interests to do so; however much we may desire that the wounds made by the war upon our feelings and our material prosperity, may lx- speedily staunched and healed —and we believe this to lie the general and true sen timent of our whole people —we cannot bring ourselves to that degretv of Christian forbearance and charity which would re .mire us to /ore our enemies and for ho-, vho (lespitefully use and persecute (f tin; Northern people really desire to liav . .. and arid harmonious Union '’ ' n »v on ' n •omrnu, i, id ,i . and j, i- * i j ;i ■ , . -putiiHte i li.s Government upon the solid foundations of fraternal regard and respect which our forefathers laid, if they would have us friends in peace and allies in war, they must cease to wound our feelings and in sult our manhood hy the publication of in famous falsehoods against our social sys tems, and malicious slanders upon out morals and Christianity. Household Servants! ' The following article, which we clip from the Atlanta Intelligently, contains suggestions which will be of interest to our city readers. Our house-keepers have suffered quite as much as the good people <il Atlanta, from the insecure and uncertain tenure of their domestic servants, legis lation, neither State or municipal, can afford any relief. The matter is in the control of t mployers, and if all who hire servants will adopt and rigidly adhere to the plan sug gested by the City Council of Atlanta the evil of irresponsible and faithless servants can lie remedied, at least, to a very great extent. “This class of persons have become in aliout eight cases out of ten almost entire ly worthless. Complaints, loud and long, are heard in every direction, not only in this city but elsewhere. Many families in the past twelvemonth have employ ed not a less number than twenty servants, to lose each in turn after a few weeks' service. Others have been more fortunate, but all agree that the unreliability ot the thriftless ereatures is becoming positively intolerable. At this season, especially, is the evil being felt, and many a devotee to Epicurus is doomed to the loss of his Christmas or New Year’s dinner from that cause. The many mornings, how ever, when ho went breakfastless to business may have, to some extent, prepared him for the sudden disap pearance of that ebouized divinity whose presence in the kitchen is by no’meaus an unimportant matter. In former times, we lielieve, it was not altogether easy tocon trol that element of usefulness during the holiday season, for I>iuah is a festive crea ture, and has a penchant for balls, parties, and big times generally, but there were re straining influences that enabled her em ployers, or owners, to keep her where she belongs. Hut the memory only of that golden period i- left us now, ami with the new order of things come annoyances in calculable to this people, and a state of wretchedness to the oik c happy l>iuah. 4 She is free now—free to live in squalid poverty—in want —in misery—and by a base desertion of friend after friend a,** discovers that she has no friends at all. ! Such is now the condition of that class of persons upon whom we are dependent for the performance of household duties. There is not a matron in this city but would be kind and indulgent to a faithful servant, j It is a prom incut characteristic of our South- j < rn ladies, liberal and warm hearted as they are known to have been in the past to that dependent and child like creature—the ue- j cro. For the unhappy state of affairs to ; which we refer there would seem to be no ! remedy. To some extent relief may be had to suffering families by adopting the | course recommended by the City Council, which is as follows: “WnKRKAs, a serious diffioultv is ox permneed by citizens ,>n account of the unreliability ot servants, who are t-H> much in the babll of changing places from insufficient causes, and who make these changes the more readily on account of! the facility with whieli they liud other i places : and whereas, it is not expedient ' for the city administration to make ale. •t, >lute enactments to correct the evil while ,t | - pne they are very desirous to over ■oiiv . therefore La- it ••Hr. That the Mayor and Council 1 lo ear.' ,e ®tly recommend to all citizens, from thii day forth, to require a “charac ter " or rev ’Oimneudatinn in all cases, from the’ last euip lover of a servant applying for ■employment. ‘‘fteiolt eii, 7\ ' at ln tbe opinion of the Mayor and'Cout. cil - » is the duty of all j good citizens to act unitedly, in accordance with this reconuneiK' a j' on , as their most efficient protection aga,. nst l be evil alluded ] to, w hich will otherwise continue and m i-rease, and as an act of duty ’ and justice to I the serving class, the worthy s. ,n °ug which, will thereby be distinguishes lronl the worthless. “By adopting this plan the great tiffßoy- i juice may, to some extent bejemoved g. r ;. 1 i ! there being no other remedy, wc would ! earnestly recommend that this one be gen erally resorted to." Militarj Commissions—in Important Decision bj the Supreme Court. . At the last term of the Supreme Court of the United States it will be recollected that an important case was tried involv ing the right of a military commission to try civilians for alleged offences against the law- of the I 'nited States, and the decis ion of the Court was then given against the power claimed, hut the delivery of the opinion was reserved until the present term. On the 17th instant the Court pronounced its d.vision, denying that such commissions had jurisdiction over per sons notin the army or navy of the United States, The ease before the Court was that of L. P. Milligan, who was tried by a military court in Indiana for alledged conspiracy against the Federal Government. On delivering tin Meisions of the Court the other day Mr. Justice Davis read an elab orate opinion, in which he urged with great force the im[>orumce of observing and preserving ail the Constitutional guaran tees for the protection of the citizen in person and property. He said : “The experience of our pas., history showed the wisdom of ttie framers of the Constitution, in constructing it to be alike efficient in war as in peace, as was shown in the civil contest through which we have just passed. The powers of the Constitu tion should not he strained to suit emer gencies, for on its maintenance in al! its integrity depended our liberties and free Government, not only in the present but for ail time to come. The case being be fore the United .States Supreme Court, on certificate of division of opinion of thetwo Judges of the United States Circuit Court i for Indiana, the former maintains that the matter was properly* before it. The fact that the Bench were divided could not operate to the prejudice of the complainant, nor deprive him of his right of appeal to Alt! remain’' i- ' lie was a . iuaen fndiauj, jm t had neve in the land .. a onspiiar * * ted in Indiana, vrie.ii he tlch udan .Used of par ti' 'paling HI it. bill a. cording to me act of March, 1 Stitt, provision was clearly made for the trial of such classes of offences be fore a Civil Court. The Circuit Court of Indiana was open and unobstructed, and business therein continuer! to 1«> transact ed. The Court under the law could have punished such crimes, and there was no fear of an interruption of process. There were troops in Indiana, hut the State was not the scene of war. The troops wore employed in the event of invasion, or sent to operate where military necessity might require. No matter how guilty Milligan was, there existed no authority to try him before a Military Commission," lie not be ing in the military or naval service ; nor did Congress attempt by its legislation to confer such power. Therefore the Court should order his release from military custody, and remand him to the civil tri bunal.' “To this all the members of the Court gave an affirmative answer, and also to the second question, namely : Ought the Court to issue a writ of habeas corpus , and order his release ? And they say no to the third question : Had the military com mission the legal right to try him ? The opinion reviews the subject of martial law, and condemns its exercise in cases where the civil Courts arc open, and process isun obstrueted. “Chief J nstice Chase, for himself and As sociates Wayne, Swayne and Miller, read a dissenting opinion relative to the third point, namely, military tribunals, taking the ground that they may be or dered by Congressional authority'in eases where the civil Courts are obstructed, and in districts where military operations are in progress. Fortunately, in Indiana the the Jiidgcs were loyal, together with the great mass of the people; but it might happen that a disloyal Judiciary might im pede the course of justice. lienee there should bo the means of affording protec tion by ;iio military power. The guilt of the defendant had nothing to do with the present decision, which has reference to the legality of the military Commission which tried the case of Milligan. The dis senting J udges agreed with the majority of the Court, that Congress did not confer in this ease the power to try the accused by siii'li a Commission, bill hint made provis ion for the determination of the question before the civil ('units.’’ What a strange and startling commen tary does this decision furnish, upon the practice and power of tlie military depart | mentof the Federal Government, when taken in connection with the recent de cision of Gen. Schofield, in the case of Dr. Watson, in Virginia. Even while this de cimal! is being delivered by the highest j tribunal known to the constitution and the laws of the land, and nyitig the power of a military court to try civilians —wc find j at« oflio r i,.; the .rruy-C, Virginia, actually ’.enuring to. jurisdiction and action of the court hi the .'tate, and dragging one ..fit- I host and most esteemed citizens to trial I before a forum, which is declared to boil- I legal and revolutionary. This Virginia case is even a stronger one j than that from Indiana. There the de ( fondants. Bowles, Milligan and others, had i not been arrested by the civil authorities, nor had there been any efforts on the part of the Courts to bring them to trial. But Dr. Watson had been before the State Courts aud upon full investigation of the facts, and that, be it remembered, ex parte as against the defendant, the Grand J ury ignored the bill. With all the evi dence against Dr. Watson before the Jury, and none of that which might have been adduced in his favor, the sworn officers of the law could not tind sufficient proof against him to warrant an ‘‘accusation.’" In the face of those facts, and with a ! lull knowledge of the whole circumstances of the case, the military commander in ! Virginia has had Dr. Watson arrested, : and a “ commission" has been ordered to ; ! try his ease. 11 is useless to say to the North that so j long as our people are oppressed and ; outraged in this way there can he no good i feeling between the two .sections. They : know this already. Their object in con tinually forcing upon us such acts of op pression as this, is doubtless, with the view to keeping alive and intensifying the already bitter animosity towards the Radical portion of the Northern and Eastern States, They wish this in order to justify themselves in further and more i degrading measures towards the South. ! The Radicals in Congress must he kept at the boiling point to secure the passage of the violent measures now before Congress. Our trust is still unshaken in the Presi dent and the conservative men of the North. Wo do not Ivlieve that President Johnson will sanction the proceedings which arc now about to be inaugurated in Richmond. \\ c shall see very soon if he does not. Telegraphie xews. The telegraphic news which the Intel : Utjmeer continues to furnish its readers is still transmitted to it by the “New York Associated Press,'” of which most of the daily papers of the South are members, in* i eluding in Georgia, the Macon T>'.graph, ' iht" Augusta Chronicle (£• Sentinel*, and . ( itiitinuthsi.ih, ’Savannah Htpubliatn. j A tics if Ih raid. the Columbus Shh and Knquin-r, and the Atlanta Intelligencer, f Both in regard to quantity and quality, the . dispatches of the “New York Associated Press will bear favorable comparison j with any others published, and we do not hesitate to challenge comparison between j thosc> published in the columns of the j Bn, '.’odor Mr. Craig's management of the new oeiatiem formed, and those which have appeared in the Intelligencer, under the management of tie old 'New York Associated Press. At any r»u.yjie 1 Intelligent >, is perfectly willing that the merchants of Atlanta, and our other city readers, shall judge betwean the two. For the polite tender to this office of the dis patches of the new association, under the direction of Mr. Craig, free of charge, we are under obligations, bat we prefer to re tain our membership with the old asso’ia tion, inasmuch s» it is sustained by such patronage as to make it permanent. A\ hen, however, it fails to retain what we con sider to be its superiority over any other a-«<viatiou, we shall not hesitate to make the effort to do better. In the meantime, the comparison we indicate may be made by the readers of the t%o city journals, who will, doubtless, render a just verdict, j —Atlanta lhtelligeitcer. “The Georgia Legislature adjourned ves- > relay. Li- said the memlx-rs expressed ! , a preference for a Territorial Government rathe- than adopt the amendments. We 1 trust their wishes will be gratified atouee." 1 i —Chicago Post. \\ e had net heard until informed by the j i’,t*t that the members of our Legislature j expressed a preference for a Territorial j Government rather that adopt the amend ments. nor do we believe now that any 1 ; such declarations were made, but if they were, they truly represented the fedh’aga : and vita's of their constituents. If the j /"sf desires » let him push along his Ter ritorial OovcrKUiUsUe we have had to stand many hard things in the iiqjt few years and we will try and carry thy- also Negro Suffrage in the District or Co lumbia. A special dispatch from Washington to the New York Times say' : “ The District Suffrage Bill was in formally considered by the Cabinet on Friday last. The members present unani mously concurred with Mr. Johnson in his disapproval of the measure. All the mem bers were present except Mr. Stanton, who is absent from the city, and whose views, consequently, • ve-e not made known. The Secretary of iVar is expected to return to-morrow morning, and it is believed the Suffrage Bill, if received, will he brought up at the Cabinet meeting in the afternoon, when Mr. Stanton will doubtless indicate his approval or disapproval of the Presi dent’s contemplated veto. Up to this evening the President had not received the bill. It was rumored at the Capitol to-day, that a question had arisen as to whether the bill would not fail if kept In die President the full Constitutional limit of ten days, which would expire during the holiday recess; and that, therefore, to dispense with all doubts on the subject, its presentation to the President would be delayed until the re-assembling of Con gress.” If. upon the return of Mr. Stanton, he should array himself with the balance of the President’s legal advisers on this question, and thus present to Congress a unanimous Cabinet against the measure, it is probable that the friends of the bill will fail to secure a two-thirds vote on its final passage. In this view of the matter the position of Mr. Stanton becomes an important one, and will be watched with much anxiety, both by the friends and enemies of the hill. Aside from the great injury which would be inflicted upon the people of the Dis act passed. 'J he practical operations of ;tie .aw ■ Washington City would, we art inclined to think disgust ev n the most rabid Radical with the idea of univ e. iUiijro sutiragfc. We are quite confident that a few years of experience, such as the negro popula tion of Washington would furnish in the practical workings of negro suffrage, would he the best argument which the South could use in opposition to an extension of the franchise in the Southern States. Growing Aversion. The New York Times, in common with a number of other papers, laments the great change in public sentiment in the South. It agrees*with the Louisville] Journal in conceding that the feeling was less hostile to the North for months after the close of the rebellion than it is to-day. It is in deed a mortifying fact that we are grow ing more apart; and that, under the teach ings of partizans, whose consequence is derived only from the, misunderstandings of the people, the public mind daily be comes more feverish and less kindly. The South will not enact, the constitutional amendment. They will not consent to brand themselves hy branding those whom they put forward in a great struggle, honestly, though most mistakenly, made. The North ought not to exact that. On the other hand, the North is disposed to insist that the South shall not he permit ted to gain by the rebellion; and if the negroes are enfranchised the representative population of the South is thereby increased two-fifths. Furthermore, even moderate men say at the North : We do not wish unduly to interfere with State institutions, hut we ought to have some security that the men who fought for the country shall not, even though black, be left unprotected, and we have a right to insist, if not to ex- 1 act, that the laws of the Southern States shall not deprive them of their equal civil rights. Had wise counsels prevailed, the Southern legislatures would have wiped out al! legislation that interfered with the ! civil rights of the black man, and the North would have declared that in such indic-a --f thei 1 faith, we will ] i admit their representatives. As it is, we fear that the Const", cioi amendment was proposed, as Wendell Phillip-'affirms, re- a mere pit i-. i trick 'to bridge over il.i election with v, :? peetation of its adoption, hut, with the i intent of using its rejection as a means ot ; exasperating the Northern people to | greater lengths of interference with the j people of the South ; and, if this policy is I continued, we will have the two sections again played off against one another, as in ) abolition times; with the 'certainty of ger minating what does not now exist — | a deadly hostility between the whites j and the blacks of the South. We have not agreed with the bulk of the Northern people in wishing any guaran ties. The South is impoverished to an extent that will require all its energies for years to come. Its interest is to make the colored population cheerful laborers, ; and to avoid social and political agitations. If let entirely alonef we believe that in l tcrest and justice would secure to the j colored population all that they could reasonably ask, and that the relations of j the two races would be harmonious, when , one asked in a spirit of kindness, and the : other concedes in the same spii it, than is 1 possible when concessions ave forced on the whites hy a third party, which, at the ■ same time, is encouraging in the negroes : suspicions of injustice and hostility. As j we have so often insisted, the wise law- j making is that which keeps abreast of pub- ■ lie sentiment, not that which encounters ! universal hostility.— National Intelligencer. \ Gen. Sickles’ Order Against Flogging. The military commander of the depart ment of North and South Carolina, lias is sued an order nullifying the criminal laws i of those States, to the extent that they j prescribed corporeal punishment for the | commission of crimes. ] For many years past, the laws of South . j Carolina made whipping the penalty for many offences committed within her limits, and this impartially as between the white j and black races. In neither of the Caro j liua s is there a State prison or peniten : nary, and hence the policy of the law makers of those States, has been to inflict capital punishment for the higher grades of crime, and whipping, branding and the pillory lor those of the lesser grades. In our neighbor State, South Carolina, horse stealing for the first offence is pun ishment by whipping, and by hanging for the second. In North Carolina, larceny, perjury, bigamy and a number of other of fences, are punished by public whipping, and the laws of both these States are ap plicable to both sexes and all colors. The order of General Sickles is tanta- ; mount to a declaration of indulgence for all these offences, for if they cannot be punished by flogging, they cannot be pun ished at all. This order of the military commander ha.« already produced bad re sults. and if not revoked will greatly im j pair the efficiency of the laws hi those 1 States in checking and preventing crime. \Ve are at a loss to conceive upon what ground this order is issued. It cannot be that these laws violate any of the provisions of the civil rights hill, because there is no dis erimination for or against pof color. ! It cannot be for the reason of the emai.ti- j pation of the slaves—because the opera- j j tion of tin. laws before emancipation, was j I equal and just towards both slave and j free, black and white. Why then, it may be asked, is this or ; dor promulgated, striking as it does, at j the very soul of the civil power of those j States ! It Gen. Sickles as the mere j military commander of the department of | North and South Carolina, has power to j annul the laws of these States, which act ! equally aud to the same extent upon both 1 races ; why may not the military eornman -1 der of the department, which embraces the Eastern Statss, annul all the laws of 1 those States which affix the death penalty for the commission of crimes. May not ! the military commander in the \Ve-tern States, with equal right and propriety set aside the laws of those States, which prescribe “confinement and labor. as a punishment for a violation of their penal statutes. lues* juoiai.irions are clear and incontrovertible. The truth is. General Sieklcs oiOer is a direct, open’, and flurry. 111 interference with the municipal affairs of tlioso States un warranted by (lie laws of the land and in j i direct and palpable violation of the plain est principles of the Constitution of the United States. No government can'long exist which tolerates or even excuses such open attacks by the military upon the civil power of the State. The people of the North are quite as much interested in tLis , matter as we of the South. If the military is permitted to override and destroy the 1 civil power here, what is to prevent the same or like interference at the North. While there are very many in .he North ern Statc-s who will merely look upon this act of Gen. S. as a just punishment of those in the Carolina-, who aided and abetted the Confederate States in their late struggle with the United States Gov ernment, yet the more temperate and : far-seeing can hut see it in its true and I naked deformity, as a direct blow upon the Republican institutions of our common country. e arc glad to see • that the Governor of North Carolina, lias sent a deputation . of some of its wisest citizens to Washing ton city to have a conference with the ; President upon this subject, and lay before him this action of Gen. Sickles. We enter tain no doubt but that the President will • have this obnoxious order annulled at once. They have already had an interview with Mr. Johnson, and express themselves | satisfied with the tone and temper of the Executive, who gave them assurances that the matter should be promptly acted upon. The (hleago Times Hacks Down from Negro fiu if rage. Soon after the results of the late fall elections in the Northern and Western States were made public, the Chicago Times taking counsel from its fears, re pudiated its whole past history on the negro question and went ■--- - ' -- 11 i gage to the lia oca;-. It ■■ >k strong and cals upon it, that their organization was destined to utter destruction. It thunder ed long and loud in favor of enfranchising the negroes of the South, and even deelar l ed that the South would do well to con : cede this measure or in default thereof i something greatly worse lor Southern in interests would he imposed upon us. The efforts which it made to divide and j discourage the Democratic party having failed, the Times found itself without party or friends. The Radicals had no use for the new convert, although it labored with so much zeal for their darling hobby of negro suffrage. Its old party friends with drew their support and left it to the tender mercies of its new made allies. For the last few weeks it has , floundered about in all directions seemingly : indifferent as to what line.it should pursue. I The recent passage by Congress of the | negro Franchise Bill for the District of Co’umbia, lias given the Times much concern. A few days since it took another summersault and came out in violent op position to the principles of that bill. It thinks that the “giving all adult males in the District of Columbia the privilege of voting is little less than an outrage upon the people of the District, and an insult to the nation.” Tt says ; “Washington swarms with idle and vagabond negroes, and to give sui-li men the privilege of voting, is practically to assert that it is so cheap anil worthless a tiling that the most degraded and igno rant classes of men may enjoy it equally with liie bestand most intelligent.” This is not the only indication that we ] have seen of the hostility of the Northern j people to the practical test of impartial ; negro suffrage which the present Congress . has given in the law recently passed for j the benefit of the negroes iu the District of Columbia. R. D. Harvey Candidate for %u(igeslnp of the Tallapoosa Circuit. NVe feel an honest pride in announc ing the gentleman whose name heads this article as n candidate for Judgeship of this t Judicial Circuit—-composed of rim counties of J- !oy*.t. Polk, Cat, nl. Campbell, Coweta, j Hamtltqn, Heartland Paulding. Since its organization in 18,id, the j Judges have all been eWteri !'{<>») li-e *- i tretne Southern counties of th. Circuit, pi rition Cum i 1,, upper port! m . It is just and'fair that the conveniences : and advantages incidental to localities near the residence of the presiding Judge, should be shared in relation hy the upper end of the Circuit. And as the lower counties have had these advantages exelu sively for more than ten years, wc feel as sured that they will, in a spirit of justice and fairness, concede to us this right at the election in January next. The candidate we present is a man of acknowledged legal ability—-large experi | yince, high moral character, sterling integ | rity, great firmness, and above all, honor ed and respected where known for his un { assuming, retiring modesty, exemplary j piety, fine sense of justice and propriety, | and the exercise of a rigid impartiality in ; j all the relations of life. He is not a creature of impulse—not on ! extremist —but conservative and charita- ! ble in all things—in religion, in politics j and in his various social relations. As I | Mayor of Rome, Justice of the Inferior | j Court and delegate, to the late State Con- : I vention, which adopted our present Con- I stitution, all his official acts were marked j by these characteristics. In all addition to this, he is emphatically a j self-made man—sprung from the humblest j walks of society, surrounded by poverty, he j had to bend all the energy and industry of j his boyhood and early manhood, to the scan ty support of himself and aged parents to whom he has clung and supported with ; filial devotion, through all the vicisitudes j of adverse fortune. At the age of seventeen j became to Rome, a poor, obscure, uneduca- j ted and penniless boy, and failing to get j better employment, he entered as a com- j mon laborer in a brick yard at seven or j eight dollars per month. He afterwards] served an apprenticeship of 12 months, at ) type-setting, iu the office of the Coosa ; River Journal. His indomitable energy, quiet, unob strusive manner, and close attention to bu siness, bad commended him, by this time, to one of our wealthy and influential citizens—Colonel Shorter —who employed him at a small salary, to attend to his toll bridge across the Etowah river—a position which he occupied for four or five years — his salary being gradually increased, which enabled him to buy a few books. It was here in this obscure, humble position, he constituted himself his own school-teacher i and laid the foundation of an honorable and useful manhood. Commencing with 1 the lowest elementary studies, lie mas- ; tered, almost unaided, the various branches of our English education, from the gram- mar and arithmetic, to that of the Caculus and various science- taught in ouruniversi ties. He also devoted many of his spare moments from his bridge duties, to the studies ol tlie Greek and Latin languages. Thus instead of spending his time in idle ness and tampering with temptations to vice, as many an inconsiderate one would have done, he, by a rigid economy, sell denial, close, hard application and in domitable will, carved out for himself an education, win w;, T though it lacked the polish and finish of a cohocigte course, was thorough and practical, and being self-obtained, formed those traits and elements of character essential to success and airiness in life. To economy, in dustry and close application to business, he combined the habits of thorough inves tigation, system and self-reliance. After completing the course of study lie had laid out 'for himself, he commenced the study of law. which he prosecuted with unabated iudu-try. in connection with hi duties at the bridge. In this new field of labor be was aided by the kind, gratuitous instructions of John 11. Alexander, and the late Judge Underwood, and at the ex piration of two years, underwent his ex amination and was admitted to the bar. We do not know what year he was ad mitted, but know that he has had an expe- j rience of twelve or fifteen years practice, and ranks among the ablest and most sue- i ecssfui lawyers at this bar. We Lcve said this much in regard to j Judge Harvey, Loum..:- it is right and proper that the vote.- at tins Circuit 1 should know something of the character . and :i. who presents him- : self i . qdidr. tor this important office ;o which' the people of the S-. ■ Stn -i their present con dition •< to more than to any j other, - r e • i.-tration of justice amlth, -eG heir rights of person " and pr iport ii Couru ■ hi lie Judit :il Circuit. We-., ; tl Am: -ta papers that Hon. I Wm. Gil- .Trie.: uond, has consent- ; edto bee; moil , luhte for Judge of the J Midi.. CM iii, V.'U ewe have no wish ] toint- r„t ; ilf'in the . ection in that cir- , cuit, tv cm-rtot ret:- in from expressing! the earnest.ri sire iA : the people will ele vate J edge < tils, n u he Superior Bench j Ist W.-Jd, ;.v •• January. Wc have watched his coarse in the Legislature for j several si !,<. ;> , ■ rtieularly as Presi- j dent o'the & cat - ‘ ..'session juk closed, andcai -v wit! r .7 that Georgia lias j had 1 ■ tea men i r service who have 1 disch ■ . u their Juris with more fidelity, j judgement : t. He also served ; Georgia in me fi Col. of the 4Sth ] Begin ;nt, .riser ou a distinction for: court.... ami skill of which any] man muht weii D .id. In making t. - . arks we do not in tend r reflect m- 1 , j present incumbent, Judg , inent, of whom we know Pm in !e. lot we think, other thing being aqua, ong public service, civil ,a Uihit.;fy. . uld he rewarded. — A the R .. W u 1:1: i universal amnesty and : fulness of the late fearl- - ... e sometimes remind ed, £y>t( • Intelligencer, of the strin .. : v, rich was indulged in Bat n-a. m pViseb ihnt|loet»i The men who guide:', this nation through “the days that tried men’s souls” were incapable of perpetuating the passions of war with the return of peace. The con cluding passage of one of the resolves adopted hy Congress, in January, 1784, was as follows ; And it is also hereby earnestly recom mended to the several .States to reconsider:! and revise all their acts and laws regarding the premises, so as to rentier tlio said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only- with jus tice and equality, but with that spirit of con ciliation which on the return of the bless ings of peace, should universally prevail. .—uttV Meeting of Stoekholders of the Central Railroad. Savannah December 20, ! BGG. The thirty-first Annual Convention of the Stoeklioldeis cf the Central Railroad and Banking Company of G eorgia, assem bled at the Company's Banking House in this city, at 11 o’click to-day. The delegates woe called to order by i Major Anthony Pirter, who nominated j Hon. John P. King, of Augusta as Presi- j dent. Judge Kingldeelinea, on account ] of other engagements, hut his objections j were overruled by the Convention and his j nomination unanimously confirmed. T. M. Cunningham, Esq., was appoint ed Secretary, and Cajt. C. R. llanleiter Assistant Secretary. On motion of Major Porter, Dr. E. E. Jones, of Morgan county, and Gen. A. R. Lawton and John R. Wilder. Esq., of Sa vannah, were appointed a Committee to report on the validity jof proxies and the number of shares represented at this meet ing. The Committee having reported that a majority of the capital! stock of the Com pany was represented, the President tlicre i upon declared the Contention duly orgau | ized for the transaction of business. | Mr. Wm. Wadley, Esq., President of : of the Company, submitted the annual re- I port of the Board of Directors, with ac ] companying reports from; the various chiefs ] of subordinate departments, showing the operations of the road and branches, and of the bank, during the fiscal year end ing on the 30th of November last. On motion of Major Porter the report was adopted, but its reading dispensed with, as printed copies had been distribut ed to all the stockholders present. On. motion of Col ri. B. Knapp, the kdiowiug acts of the General Assembly of jGo rgia, amendaftry :1m Company's I charter, \v ire read and jyerally accepted. I AN ACT to amend u Act entitled an Act to amend an V v vntifh.d “An Act .to "s S ,7 oil ,i PhiUoad at.u Canal Compa;- of Go. ..Ma, to alter and "" ri:i ; of the said Company, | and to give to . said Company banking powers and privileges. Section]. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Georgia, That the Act entitled “An Act to amend an Act entitled an Act to incorporate the Central llailroad and Canal Company of Georgia, to alter and change the name of the said Company, and to give to said Company banking powers and privileges,” assented to 14th December, 1835, is here by so. altered and amended that the scale of voting mall elections of Directors, and at all meetings of Stockholders of said Com pany shall be one vote for each share of stock held by any Stockholder, person or body politic, without any limit as to the number of votes which any Shareholder may east at such election nr such meeting of Stockholders, except that fixed by the actual number of shares Held by such Shareholders, and that so much of Buie one. Section twelve of said Act as limits the number of votes which any person or body politic may cast is hereby repealed. Sec. 2. Be it further enacted , That al laws and parts ot laws militating against the provisions of this Act are hereby re pealed. Approved 20th November, 1866. AN ACT to authorize the Central Rail road and Banking Company of Georgia, to change the line of its llailroad Track on certain conditions. Section 1. The General Assembly of the State ofGeorgia do enact, That the Cen tral Railroad and Banking Company of' Georgia, is hereby authorized to change the line of its railroad track, at such points as the Board of Directors of said Company may decide to. be proper, and such as' will shorten the distance between the cities of Savannah and Macon : Provided., That no point on such new line of llailroad so constructed, shall be at a greater distance than five miles from some point on the present line of railway. Sec. 2. Be it farther enacted, That where any dispute shall arise as to the right of way for said now line of road, so to be constructed, with any land holder, the same shall be determined, and the right of way acquired in the manner pro vided in Act incorporating the -aid “Cen tral Railroad and Banking Company of Georgia, and the various Acts amendato ry thereof. Sec. Repeals conflicting nfws. Assented to 13th December, 1860. \Y hereupon, on motion of AVm. B. Johnson, Esq., of Bibb county, it was. Resolved, Thai the act entitled “an act to amend an act entitled an act to amend an act entitled “an act to incorporate the Central Railroad and Canal Company of Georgia, to alter and change the name of said Company, and to give to said Compa n.'. banking‘powers and privileges" a:>- prnved2<;th November, IStSO, be and the same is hereby accepted as a part of the charter of this Company.* Reserved, That the net entitled “An net to authorize the Central Railroad and 1 bunking Cotnpanyof Georgia to change the- line of its Railroad track on certain ; conditions,” assented to 13th of December Imhj, is mso accepted as a part of the char ter ot tins Company, and that the same be , reterred to the President and Hoard of Di rector.-, with full power to act. Mrjor Porter referred in an appropriate manner to the demise of the late Richard 1!. Cuyler, and moved tl'e following, which was unanimously adopted, viz : | Resolved, That the views of the Board of j Directors, as expressed in the President's l annual report, in reference to the removal of the remain- of the late R. It. Cuvier from Rose Hill Cemetery, Macon,- to Lau ' rel Grove Cemetery, Savannah, and the . erection of a suitable monument over the same, arc- approved, and tliat the Board of Directors are rc-quested to take action on , the same. President AY in. M. AY adiey introduced | to the Convention AA'ni. 11. Mitchell, E-q.. President of the Mobile and Girard llail - road, who. on invitation, proceeded briefly | and forcibly to address the Convention in , Vhalf of the corporation represented by him, a-king the endorsement of its bonds l by the Central llailroad and Banking Com i puny to_ the amount of $250,001. At the ; conclusion of his remarks, which was li.~- ; tenedto with evident interest by the dele gates, it was. op motion of A irgil Powers. ! Esq., * Remote, , 1, Tliat the application of the Mobile and Girard Railroad Company, for the guaraniv of tiieir bonds for the sum of two hundred aud fiflv thousand dollars ba the Central Railroad and Banking Com pany of Georgia, be referred to its Board of Directors, with full power to act and pronounce upon said application. On motion, the thanks of the Conven tion were tendered to the President and Secretaries, and on motion, the Convention adjourned. JOHN P. KING, Pr’ t, T. M.CINSIN'GHAII, ! 53. C, R. Haxleiter. 1 ‘- C jretonc6 - The Chief of Police in Toronto, Canada has demanded an increase of force on ac count, it is said, of apprehended riot owing to the high price of provisions. Bishop Lynch, of that city, refuses to ac cept donations from Colonel Roberts for i V ns*.- of the condemned Fenians. The ((institutionally «l' Military Com-! missions. We take the following report of the de cision of the Supreme Court o f the United j States in relation to the constitutionality of: military commissions, from the National, Republican, of Tuesday, the 18th instant : : In the Supreme Court yesterday the ; opening of the court was delivered in the ; ease of Milligan, Bowles and Horsey, j famaliarly known as the Indiana conspiracy i case, involving among other questions, the j constitutionality of military commissions i for the trial of citizens not in the military or naval service. The ease came up from Indiana on a certificate of division of opinion, under the act of 1862 —the two Judges sitting in the ease being unable to agree. ' j The certificate from the court below pre- j sented three points, the first two having reference to the power of the Circuit Court to grant writs of habeas corpus in this par- : ticular case. The third and important i question was the jurisdiction of a military ’ commission to try and punish a citizen not | in the military or naval service, for an of i fence committed in the State of Indiana, j | where the. ordinary courts of justice were : open and in full exercise of their functions. ' i The Supreme Court unanimously af- ; | firmed the jurisdiction of the Circuit ; | Courts to issue the writs of lutbeas corpus ; i iti these cases, and denied the jurisdiction j ' of a military commission to try a citizen ‘ under such circumstances. In the argument of the case Mr. Gar i field opened with a general and able ar | gument coveting the whole ground, but 1 the great constitutional argument in the i case was made l>v ex-Attorney General ! Black. Mr. David Pudly Field, of New ' York, also discussed the whole case in an i able and lawyer-like manner, On the part ;of the Government, Attorney-General Speed and General.B. F. Butler maintained the ultra doctrine of the power of military commissions over all such cases, “to save the life of the nation.” Hon. Henry Stanbery, special counsel for the Government, confined himself I chic’., to ti> per. : the omo Court to revi-w a proceeding ; n j eir -nil < u?t, j and maintained, upon i revit« of all the corpus , was not within the purview of the said act. This position of Mr. Stanbery was also unanimously overruled by the opinion delivered to-day. The dessenting opinion delivered by Chief Justice Chase for himself and Jus tices Wayne, Swaync and Miller, was devoted chiefly to denying and controvert ing the opinion of. the majority of the court upon the third question certified from the court below, namely, thejuris ! diction of military, commissions, which I jurisdiction the opinion of the majority j denied under the provisions of the Con stitution itself for the protection of the ! life, liberty and property of the citizen, ! while the Chief Justice and the brethren | who concurred with, him, based their j denial of such jurisdiction upon the ab- I sence of any congressional legislation con | ferring it; maintaining that the power to j declare war and to govern the army and j navy and the militia when in actual, ser- J vice, involved the power to create military ; tribunals for the trial of citizens in such | cases, even though the ordinary courts of law were open. The opinion of the court was delivered j by 31 r. Justice Davis, in the presence of a : crowded court room. Military Law in Time of Peace. We learn that the order of Gen. Sickles for the suppression of corporeal punish ment was served on the Solicitor of the county yesterday morning. This seems to be a premeditated and arranged programme on the part of Government officials. We would like to sec the matter brought to a test, and know whether the civil laws of the State arc to be set at defiance. 11 is useless to treat a grave matter of this kind i:i a milk and water manner. If our laws are to be put at defiance by the edict of a military satrap, the sooner we know our fate the better for all concerned, and then the people will know how to act in self defence. We publish below, from the Newborn Commercial of yesterday, some fruits of what we may expect to be the result of the late order, if it has to be "submitted to by our pecfjie: First Fruits op Sickles’ Order—Ax j TN.MPTED 31uRI>ER TO COMMIT ROBBERY. —On Friday night last, a watchman, in I charge of a lot of cotton on the plantation I of Heath and Weatherbce, across the j Trent river, was shot and severely wound ! ed. the bone of one of his thighs being ; badly fractured. It appeals that a gang of negroes went to where the cotton was stored, and finding a watchman there, do-‘ , liberate!;, attempted to murder him that i they ti.igh. su-ai a lot of the cotton. So ; Y;> .-hail cave a ibr ‘he , The is' terror , for thieves now. an the license thus given will lx hnpri ed, tnd riolenot and bloodshed no doubt result.-- Wilming ton (Ah C.) Dispatch. Atrocious Murder. —On Tuesday evening last, a party of five negroes made a murderous attack on 31 r. Joel Heath, a most respectable citizen of Lenoir, near Pugh’s Bridge, about six miles below Kingston. In the conflict, Mr. Health killed one of the negroes and so severely wounded another tlfSit ho is not expected to live, but, sad to relate, 3lr. Heath lost his life. A horse belonging to the negro party was also killed. An inquest was held yesterday, but wo have no.t heard the result. — Ncwbem Commercial.' English Interests in the South. English capital anil English commercial interests have already, since the close of the war, secured the larger part of the carrying trade between our Souther States and European ports. t The steamship lines running _ between New Orleans and the commercial centres of England and Erance, are by no means the only evidences of this, though they are _ the most noticeable. Within a few weeks past, the cotton ex ports (this year’s erop) have been moving direct to Europe in unusual volume. The signs of the times are that this English activity in the South, after obtaining con trol of the foreign commerce of that sec tion will be turned toward the estab lishment and control of manufactures there. We have heard recently of not a few ventures of English capital in the direction of cotton and other manufac tures. There arc some attractions toward South Carolina, Georgia and Alabama are also reported by the agents of English houses to hold out specially inviting oppor tunities. The cotton tax, which has proved a heavy discouragement to cotton planting, acts as an inducement to cotton manufac turing in the South; for cotton escapes the tax altogether when manufactured in the collection district in which it is raised and the difference of three cents a pound constitutes a serious item, one way or the other, in setting! the price of goods per yard. We are glad to hear of the investment of English capital in Southern manufactures ! of this and other kinds. It will aid in de- i yelopiug the South, improving its condi-j tion and encouraging its people ; and if it ; enriches the investors and managers, we can certainly find no fault. We think, moreover, if the enterprising people of the I North would direct their attention some | what to these practical enterprises in the South, instead of occupying themselves entirely with its small political affairs, they | would do a wise thing, and a. thing benefi cial to all parties, and of special importance | to our future interests in our own country, j —New York Times. Affairs in Mexico. We take the following from the corres pondence of the Courn'cr des Etats L ms. The statements made in the letter are of more than ordinary importance, in view of tho fiual determination of Maximilian not to abdicate the throne, and ol tnc move ments recently set on foot by the United States in the interest of Juarez and the Liberals: “I am now convinced that the Emperor 3laximiiian will endeavor to preserve his crown, and that he has dismissed all idea of , abdication. On the eve of the final disso- j lution, the honest men of all parties have i j rallied around him, while the Conserva- • I tives have made him offers of material as- . ! sistance which were not to be despised. | | The sudden change is the result of the pol icy of Mr. Seward. If French interven- ; tion was unpopular, American intervention j jis still more so. Our policy has not been ! acceptable, perhaps, out we arc not per- j 1 sonally odious to the Mexicans, while they { hear to their Anglo-Saxon neighbors a hate j which also attaches to those whom they ■ ■ suspect of having co-operated with them ; and consequently on Juarez. “ I would deceive you if I told you that j | the French authorities were satisfied I with this change. They imagined tnat ; they could treat with Generals Sherman j and Campbell I do not know on I what grounds—and they hoped to estab lish some kind of a government under tne common protectorate of .France and tne United States. From this has sprung a tendency to favor indirectly the LmcraL, who necessarily would be the only ones patronized by the Government at \\ ash ington. For myself, I have never been a partisan of projects which I regarded as pure illusions, thinking that the 1 mted fctates would not treat with us on the sub ject of Mexico. However this may be, the disappointment is ail the greater in our French official circles, where they had cherished a very different hope, but this disappointment. I am convinced, . would have come all the same when the object of the minsioo of the Amen- ;n Envoys was [uiiy understood.'' General John G. Breckinridge is resid ing at No. 05 Boulevard .Maie.-dierbe Pans. The Constitutional tin'iidment. 'V e publish below, as reported in the 33 ashington Globe , that portion of the de bate in the Senate upon the Nebraska Bill, which relates to the interpretation given by Senators Sumner and Wade to the pur pose of the majority tn Congress in propos ing this amendment for acceptance by the Southern States: 3lr. Made: I was in hopes that the merits of the Bill would not be discussed upon a mere motion to takeitupforconsid eration. Ido not believe that course of proceeding is strictly in order, because, if that were allowed, we.might spend a whole day on a motion to take up a Ip. Rut when the Senator from Massachusetts un dertakes in advance, and out of order, as I think, to prejudice a measure of which I aui the advocate, I must be allowed a mo ment to answer him. He says there is no merit in the Bill, aid therefore it should not be taken up, undertaking himself to prejudge it, and to judge for the whole Senate. In his judg ment, it is a Bill of no merit. Sir, if he were the sole judge here, I should give it up at once; I should come down very quickly; but he is not the judge to decide ultimately for this body ; and this way of dealing with the subject is not altogether satisfactory to me. As the Senator has made allusion to antiquity, he wtll permit me to remind him that there was an ancient saying that some men would strain at a gnat and swal low a camel, and Ido not see but that the remark is applicable to him on the present occasion. Why, sir, on the very objection which the Senator makes, lie is himself committed upon the merits of this Rill to vote for it. No Jesuit can draw the line of distinction between his votes on former measures and the vote I ask him to give for this measure. How was it when the constitutional amendment was up last ses sion ? That Senator voted for it. Did that compel a State, before coming into the Union, to allow franchise to all citizens which, niaiie discriminations wu* that the class whom ii • Guded from the. iranehif. should not be counted in thebe i- of ivp v si-e a; i; So vA! be with-Nebraska ; .fwe pass (his ’ill. The onlv difference' th( cast s isthi th< itor gave his vote in favor of a rebel State that now has. her representation on this floor, equally I divided between rebellion and loyaltv. lie I voted that she might come in. I allude ! to Tennessee. 3lr. Sumner: Did I vote for that '! j j 31 r. Wade: I believe you did. Jlr. Sumner: Oh, no. V r. \\ ado : But the principle on which 1 you did vote would have brought it in, ; nevertheless.. It is exactly the same ques- j tion, with this difference : -this is a Terri tory which has always been loyal, always . patriotic, which sent into the field to tight ; the battles against rebellion more troops in I proportion to her inhabitants than per • haps any other State or Territory in the j Union. Small though she was, she was ; extremely patriotic, and exerted herself to I the utmost to perform all her duties to the ! General Government. And yet, sir, |turn : ing to Mr. Sumner,] you now raise an ob jection against her, though you voted lor a j rebel Statt. That is all there is iu the I case. * * * * * * Mr. Sumner : 3lr. President, I hope I j ; shall be pardoned if l make one word of reply to the Senator from Ohio. He | seemes to think that his argument was ! advanced by personal allusions to myself. ; If I understand him, lie sought to show an j inconsistency on my part. Mr. Wade: Yes, I think T did. Mr. Sumner : The Senator says yes, he j thinks lie aid. Very well, that will justi j iy me, then, in one moment's reply. lam at a loss to understand how the Senator can find any inconsistency on my part if he take the trou le to understand i lie facts. I assumed that I voted for the admission lof Tennessee. I have sent lor the journal of the Senate. 3ir. Wade: No ; 1 did not say you did. When you said you did not, i gave it up. 31 r. Sumner : Very well, l have sent for the journal of the Senate, and my name will be found recorded on all of the yeas and nays —and they were very numerous —that were taken, against the admission ; of Tennessee ; and I at that time assigned ! the reason, because it contained the word i “white” in its constitution. 31r. AVade : You voted for the consti tutional amendment. 3lr. Sumner : The Senator says I voted for the constitutional amendment.' I did vote for the constitutional amendment; but I should like to ask tlie Senator ! whether, lie considers himself hound , now to admit ore f the--' robe) Se t If- if re- ! (uses the suffrage to lreeaim-i! T should , ■ like to ask my friend to answer that. ] Mr. Wade ; No, Ido not. Mr. Sumner : I knew he d’J not! Mr. Wade : I do w knew that. I un- ; i doJ t ,t::.eq,xLc Stiigi.-eLet ..ay that i. honl' eo skier iiiy.jcll 'bound by Pie con- ' • stitutioua! amendment if m Southern: j ates c j ble time, and that reasonable time, in my j judgment, is nearly elapsed. By a rea j sonable, time I mean as soon as their Leg j islatures can consider it. If they adopt ! the constitutional amendment, and com ! ply with the terms prescribed by the Rc j construction Committees and adopted by I Congress, I should feel bound to vote for j ; their admission. I voted for the constitu- I tional amendment on that hypothesis. ' 3lr. Sumner: Even with the word j “white” in their constitutions? Mr. Wade: Without regard to that. 3lr. Sumner: Without regard to the rights of the freedmen ? 3lr. Wade: On complying with the re quisitions of the constitutional amendment, I should Vote for them. 3lr. Sumner: Ido not agree with the Senator and I distinctly stated when that proposition was under discussion that I did not accept it as a finality: that I was not in any respect bound by it; that so far as I l'.ad a vote on this floor i would insist that every one of these btates, before their representatives were received in Congress, should confer impartial suffrage, without distinction ot color. I insisted upon that at the time, and therefore I ask my friend what inconsistency is there on my part now, when I insist upon the same rule in regard to Nebraska. Mr. Wade: I cannot see how the Sena tor could have misled the Southern States with that. When they complied with all we asked of them in the constitutional amendment, I supposed we could not re fuse to let them in on those terms. If the Senator did not intend that they should have the benefit of what wc had done by compliance with the terms on their part, it seems to me there was something wrong. I intended to let them in on the terms we prescribed. I did not ask more, and I would not be satisfied with less; and if now they should comply with them, it would be bad faith in me to refuse to admit them. Certainly, lam as much for color ed suffrage as any man on this floor, but when I make such an agreement as that I stand by it always. Mr. Sumner: Sir, the Senator says, | “when I make an agreement I stand by i it.” I accept the language of the Senator; ! i when I make an agreement J stand by it, j ! I made no such agreement as the Senator j I attributes to me, and Ido not understand , that the Senate or that Congress made any i such agreement. I know that certain j politicians and editors have undertaken to foist such an agreement into that proposi- [ tion of constitutional amendment. It was ! j never so declared. I believe that the | I Committee on Reconstruction reported a j J resolution to that effect, but they never j j called it up, and 1 know very well that I j offered a resolution in this Chamber ex j pressly disavowing any such agreement. | ’ Mr. Doolittle: The Senator from Mas- I sachusetts will allow me. ! Mr. Sunnier: Certainly. Mr. Doolittle: The Committe on Re.- ! j construction reported a resolution (but if each State should adopt this amendment, and the amendment should become a part of the Constitution —be adopted by a .suffi cient number of States, that then the States might be accepted. That was what they reported. Mr. Johnson: It was a bill. Mr. Wade: That was the utid-.-rstand j iuj I alluded to. Mr. Brown: That was not acted upon. ; Mr. Sumner: It was not acted on. It ! was never passed. 1 suppose that those i who had it in charge did not venture to j invite a vote upon it. i .Mr. Doolittle: It was laid on the table : by a vote in the House of Representatives | upon the yeas and nays. I Mr. Sumner: Very well ; that i- not lin my memory now. I do not doubt, 1 however, that it was so laid on the table in the other House. What is the natural consequence of that ? It never became in 1 any respect a legislative act. Nobody en | tered therefore legislatively into suchagrce | me-nt as the Senator from Ohio attributes |to me. How he could attribute it to me in the fhee of my constant asseveration on this floor that I would not he u party to any such agreement surpasses my comprc ; hension. Now, if I understood the Senator, I have answeredhls two charges ofineonsist- ' eney against me, first with regard to the admission of Tennessee, and secondly with regard to the constitutional aim , intent. That part of the Senator's spcce!. th f i v.- forc, falls to the ground. So far as the Senator enters upon the merit- of the question, [ will not now j maxe any repiy. I here lhay be a time for that, ii tlic subject should be taken u»> i and we should enter upon its consideration, j although 1 should say now that I have no desire to occupy the attention of the Senate j on this subject, 1, however, must enter my earnest protest against the measure, j lo my mind, it is one of the most disas- i trous measures that has been introduced j into Congress. I use my words advisedly; . 1 say it is disastrous because it will impair • tic moral efficiency of Cmigrc.-s. injure it infiuenee, and be 'met Ling like a bar against the adoption of just measures for the rebel States. We arc now seeking to! obliterate the word “white” from all insti tutions and constitutions there ; and yet I Senators here, with that great question ; before them, rush swiftly forward to admit j anew State with the word “white” in its I constitution. In other days we all united, j or many of us did—and the Senator from Ohio was among the number—in saying j “No more slave States !” I now insist I upon another cry : “No more States with j the word “white” in their constitutions !” j On that question I part company with sty friend from Ohio. lie is cow about to wel come them. Ui/omo-Li Biography. Cromo-lithography is the art of picture printing in colors, and, although not a very j recent invention, it has been greatly modi- ] tied and improved of late years; it might, i with propriety, be called mechanical paint- ! ing, as the colors are laid on one after i another, mingling the different tints and shades until the picture is complete, in a manner analogous to painting with a brush; and, provided the men who undertake the work are skilful artists, there is no reason why a Chromo-lithograph should fall short, in .point of 'expression or delicacy, of the original painting which it is designed to imitate. A lew words on ordinary lithography I will first be necessary in order to give the ! reader a clear idea of tiie Chromo process. Briefly, then, a lithograph is a chemical drawing, upon stone —the drawing being ; made with a greasy or oily ink upon the peculiar quality of limestone found in the : quarries of Solenhofer, Bavaria. All j | other process of engraving are mechanical ! | rather than chemical, as in wood or type j : work, where the impression is obtained ! ' from a raised design, or in copper and steel . I plates, where the design is made by deep j j incisions, into which the" ink is rubbed. In j i the lithographic process, however, there is I neither relievo nor intaglio design ; the ! | operation is dependent simply upon the j I chemical affitvf" -' •- 1 ’ : at • V -“tone, and the antagoism v e...: lies matter has for water, with which tlie stone is iu all eases dampened , , G bro pulling an : mpresrion. 1 Ip < hroßio-l’tlmgiaChv th* 'p* . j<< : I ! . xcepl that a differ *son is lvquin..* for every Cuiot employed, and the I mk used is a species of oil color, similar ; to that adopted by artists for painting. | The number of stones used depends upon, i the number of colors required, usually I varying between 10 and 30, and the time ! I necessary to prepare these stones for an | j elaborate piece of work extends over ! ! months, and sometimes years ; but the j ! number of colors in any given picture is | not always an indication of the number of j stones employed, as the colors and tints j arc multiplied by combination in being printed one over another; thus, in an engraving in which 25 stones arc used, there may lie upwards of 100 different shades of color obtained by this means. The amount of labor and detail involved in drawing the different parts of the design upon so many stones is almost ineoncciva-, ble to one. who is uninitiated. The modus opcraiuh ’ is as follows : Upon the first stone a gc-ueral tint is laid covering nearly the whole picture, and as many sheets of paper as there are to be copies of the picture are printed from it. A second stone is then prepared, embrac i ing all the shades of some other color ami the sheets already printed with the first color are worked over t his stone. A third, fourth, fifth and sixth follow, each one re peating the process and adding some new color, advancing the picture a step further, until the requisite number of colors have been applied. The printing of so many colors, and the time required for drying each before the application of a succeeding one, involves months of careful and anx iously watched labor. Great care and skill arc required to perfect what is technically termed the “registering,” or that part of tlie process which provides that the paper fall upon every stone inexactly tlie same position relatively to tlie outline. To attain this.end, stout brass pins are fixed in a frame surrounding each stone. These pins penetrate the paper in making the first impression, and, the holes thus made being carefully placed over tlie pins in all subsequent impressions, insureg the j certainty.of the outline on every stone, al j ways falling into tlie same position on every j sheet. At last, however, it leaves the press to be sized, embossed, varnished, mounted and framed. The embossing is that part of the operation necessary to breiijk tlie glossy light and soften the hard outlines, a broken structure being given to the print by being passed through tlie press in contact with a roughened stone. — ! JV. Y. Tribune. i)r..iTit t.j Eminent CrlouE. 31. Jules Yillore die® recetitly at his planta tion In 'hr parish Plaquemines, fr uis iana... He v. as the younger brother of Gen. » S V iilere, who sed a few ytv.rr co, and I wbfi achieved an honorable nor m tlie 1 piilitary atinals of Louisana '•> his heroic s action in escaping from the Brill k ad- ! . mice gua. J, uhhli captured him u_ h,s , father’s plantation on the morning of the j 23d of December, 181-4, and hastening ; through the swamps, and under hot pur-j suit of the' British soldiers, to General Jackson’s headquarters, to announce the | arrival of the enemy before New Orleans. It was this, timely announcement which saved the city from capture, by enabling Jackson to concentrate His troops and make the uiglit attack of the 23d, which arrested the advance of the British. Jules Villere was on service at the same time with .Jackson’s army, as wore all the other members of his family, includiding their father, who commanded the militia of New Orleans, and who was one of the wisest,, safest, and firmest of Gen. Jack-, son's ’counselors. His ancestor, Joseph Villere, was one of the six who protested against the transfer of the province to the Spanish crown, and, in consequence, lost their lives. Jacques P. Villere succeeded Claiborne as Governor of tlie State.—- Charles J. Villere, a descendant of 31. : Jules, represented his district in the Con- j federate Congress. The funeral was largely attended.— j Among those present were General Beau- i regard, a son-in-law of 31. Jules, 3lr. j Pierre Soule, and representatives from the j related families of Laverque, Olivier, and, j Urquhart.— N. O. Picayune 6th. New Counterfeit G reenbacks. —Two new counterfeit notes of the greenback denomination have been circulated inmany of our large cities. Wc give the descrip tion of them compared with tho genuine, .in order to put business men on their guard: -Os. imitation. Rend on top Act of March 0, 1 The female in the center, with left hand resting on a shield and right hand on a sword, has the hand turned to the left and the eyes looking in the same direction. In the genuine the head is turn ed the Mime, but the eyesarc looking front. The foot in the counterfeit is distinctly seen and counts four toes; in the genuine it is not visible. Outlie reverse side, in the words “United States of America,” the shading runs all through the letters; in the genuine the letters are shaded on the edge only, showing white between. 5s of the issue of March 10, 1862. The i words “United States,” when compared with those of a genuine bill, have a scratchy appearance. In general appear ance. paper and printing, they are well calculated to deceive. _ Raymond on the Crisis. —“We can tell the South something more. Unless the ponding amendment he accepted by the Southern Legislatures the fate of existing governmental organiza tions at the South may be considered fix ed. We indulge in no menace. We affect no prophetic vision. We essay noabstract argument, and lay claim to no exclusive information. But there :-a fact which the South cannot too quickly comprehend, and that is, that in the absence of a set tlement based upon the proprosed Amend ment, Congress will affirm tho territorial existence of the South, legislate out of official being its present functionaries and machinery of government, and provide 'for the organization of Territories on a pier -’fted to the emergency. Ar ■ the hz* h evn people prepared for this alternatW*'.'— A'. Y. Times. If the Southern people are, the North ern people are not prepared for it, or they ought not to he. When they consent that Congress may so grossly usurp power as to legislate a State into a Territory, they will have abandoned Republican government, and like a subdued and abject people, ae cejn, the destruction of their government and the establishment of a despotism over them. The Lutheran Convention. i Reading, Pa., December 15. —The special Convention of delegates from the various Orthodox Lutheran Synods of the I rated States and Canada, which met hereon \\ edric.-day last, for the purpose of considering propositions fora basis of vjnion between the Synods attached to this branch of the denominatoin, adjourned last night, having provided for the organi zation of anew ecclesiastical union, to meet annually hereafter, and to he called the General Council of the Lutheran Church of North America. The representation of this body is to he j based upon tiie number of communicant ; membership represented. The Convention adopted the unaltered j Augusbury Confession as its doctrinal ha- , sis, atrl in the course of its session author- j ized the preparation and publication of new j English and German hymn books for the j of the denomination. The utmost j unanimity characterized the proceedings j of the Convention throughout. The New Fork mail to St. Albans of i December I, was found recently eut lo pieces, and she contents stolen.. ' anr * l ' l * Plot to Destroy Congress. The Cincinnati r„ : ,.r ,], c 11 th install t, gives the following circular ad dressed to each nf 1> ii i /■ « coca oi tue Radical members of u-''"i 1 - 1>I ‘ or t 0 eav * n g their hqmes for a. pigton, by a person in Chicago, named L 31. Smith. It is one of the vagaries of the times, that is worthy of ol record only as an exhibition of °dy and extravagance, „io.st a pt to be indulged m by persons laboring under a sense oi guilt: . Gentlemen: I have recently come into possession of information to the effect that a plot has been formed to destroy the hves of a sufficien t number of Republicans to reduce them to a minority in Congress. Railroad accidents, poisonings, &e., will be resorted to as the means to accomplish this result, and unless you are very careful they will succeed. My advice to each of you would be to start for Washington two oi three before the tune announced and go unobserved, and keep a sharp look out after you get there, tor still deeper plots are in store for your destruction, and the overthrow of our Republican Govern nient- I have the whole secret of their plottings, from the very commencement, and will reveal it all when the time arrives. Andrew Johnson is acting true to his constituents, and has been playing the role of a modern Judas, from 1861* all the way down ; I here are more traitors, however, i besides him, engaged in tlie present conspiracy, The business of Gen. 31 e (Jlellan in Europe, for the last two years, has been with the Pope and other high dignatanes of the Catholic. Church, to form a coalition between the Catholics and Democrats, to re-instate the Democratic party in power. You will recollect that a council of Catholic Bishops was held in Baltimore a few weeks ago, with closed doors, and their deliberations conducted in Latin : and you will also recollect, that a vo-.v distinguish 'd American citizen (being no less a personage than the President of the ! nited States) made a flying visit to Ba ! more the last day this council .at, and y - > secret sc-s-ion with th i. Tins was 1- mentioned by the paper witffi u s.v? .• i *n(, as nothing wrong wa» suspect ed • it as [ Rad then re.rived a part oi i information, 1 well knew what “was in the wind’” If Andrew the First (?) did not then and there put his signature to a dm incut guaranteeing the spiritual reign of the Rope upon this continent as a consid eration for their assistance in establishing and perpetuating his temporal power, then my information is of no account. ; l know whereof I sneak, and know that lam not deceived. I nave Attached tliitf certificate, that you may know who and what I am. Please don’t let this fall into improper hands. Chicago, 111, Nov. IT, 1866 A Territorial Condition. j Some of tlie gentlemen in Congress j seem to be acting under the delusion that I by remanding the late rebel States to a | territorial condition, the Southern people i will lie made to feel more sensibly their I impotence contrasted with the power of the j General Government. The testimony j from the South, gathered alike from uews j papers and individuals, is well calculated 1t o dispel this false idea. The state of pul>- j lie sentiment in that part of the country seems to justify the telegram from Mil lcdgeville, printed in New York papers oF Saturday, which said, “the sentiment in the Legislature seems decided in favor of a Territorial government rather than the acceptance ot the Constitutional amend ment, or similar terms.” The truth is, the people at large are indifferent as to the course of action which Congress may adopt. The (juestion as to whether they shall have a Territorial or some other form of’government, is most remote from their thoughts. The subject now pressing with terrible significance is, “How shall'we get something to eat?” Everything else is subordinate. They conceive tlieir condi tion to be as bad as possible,—a Territorial government could make it no worse. First of all, they want to know how labor can be made available. About Mobile there are 15,000 negroes living in indolence, while many of the best, plantations arc overgrown with grass and cotton-wood, and on the levees above New Orleans scarcely any produce is seen ex cept that landed from Northern steamers. There aresome signs of improvement, from the discovery on the part of the negroes that their dependence on the Freedinen’s Bureau is precarious, in consequence of which some arc making overtures to their former masters for employment. The more intelligent, especially, scorn to approach i” r . licit .suited to paupers. It is believed that oonsiiiejablc numbers will be compelled to wort: the coming winter, from slice, ic os sify, A strong desire is felt on all - oc-. that i.hc local uuthori*' " shall rcgieuu: tin employ nient of labor, far as relates ’ the enforcement of laws, and all interest favor an equal protection. regttVilL*; J color or condition. These subjects, relating to the means of obtaining a subsistanee, are tlie ones that command earnest attention, and cannot be evaded. About politics people care little and say less. So Congress need fear no remonstrance, whatever action it may see tit to take. — N. Y. Journal of Commerce. Another Fire in Atlanta.—A fire broke out last night about 10J o’clock, in the clothing anil shoe establishment of Crawford & DeWitt, a few doors from the “Dodd Corner,” on Whitehall street. The entire stock ol goods ol’ that firm was de stroyed, and considerable damage was done to the building, a now one, and the proper ty _of Henderson & Chisolm. Tim up stairs was, we believe, unoccupied. Tlie storehouse immediately to the left of Craw ford & DeWitt, and occupied by Hender son & Chisolm, as a grocery store, was also damaged up-stairs, and the goods of that firm were, perhaps, injured to some extent in being flooded by water. Th* storehouse on the right was occupied by Phillips & Flanders, dealers in dry goods, groceries, &e., who sustained no damage, being protected by a (ire-wall. This build ing is owned by Mr. Ed. Holland, Sr. We are not apprised as to w bother or not Crawford & DeWitt was insured. The tire originated in the rear of t his store, and is believed to have been accidental. I As usual, our gallant firemen were i promptly on the spot, and soon subdued ; the flames. All did good service, but to No. I belongs the eridit of throwing the first water. — Jutellie/encer J S III. Senator Doolittle Hopeful.—-Sena tor Doolittle, of Wisconsin, was at New Orleans last week on a professional engage ment, and was invited to speak. In a note declining, on account of the brevity of his i visit, lie says : I have seen nothing to change, but much i to confirm the views expressed by mein the Senate last winter, in the National j Union Convention at Philadelphia, and at j other places during the is • canvass in the : Northern States. While the time of their full recognition may be postponed by the result of the re : esnt elections longer than I could have wished, my faith is still unshaken that, at ■no distant day, the people of the Northern States will recognize, as the President and the Supreme Court have already recogniz ed, these States of the South as States in the Union, under the Constitution, with “all their rights, dignity and equality un ' impaired.” It is just as certain, in iny judgment, as ; that the people of the Northern States are | capable of maintaining republican govern- inent for themselves. | COMMUNICATED, j Mr. Editor : The friends of Colonel j Gibson rejoice that he has at last an | non need his candidacy for Judge of the , Middle Judicial District of Georgia. The soldier Gibson is loved and revered !by his old associates in arms. 1 have known him in civil and in military life—in public and in private. Asa lawyer lie is able, astute, comprehensive; as a soldier brave, generous, magnanimous ; in pri vaf". and as a eompanian, he Ia - gentle as a woman; in all things a mail to be loved. 1 shared with him a long and tedious imprisonment; hut his equanimity, his genial disposition, never forsook him. Asa persona] friend I look upon his career with satisfaction mingled with pride. I have seen him on the bench and in the storm of battle, and in both he has won my admiration. I appeal to his old com panions in arms—the old ."d, the22d, the old 4 -th—to gather around him now, us be stood with them, in the day that “fried men s souls”—intrepid, fearless—upholding the hands of the great chieftian, Lee ! 3d Georgia. j Grf.kley on Seward.— Mr. Seward's ; opinion of Horace Greeley, tersely ex pressed, was published in the papers a few days ago. 1 pen being brought to < < reeley ’ s notice, he riled up, and said: “ Seward has brains enough to govern the country. No man has a clearer or better head; but the trouble with Seward ; is that he is an infernal scoundrel.” A New Flan of Reconstruction. — The Richmond Examiner publishes the ; following ietter, which speaks for itself: Nelson County, Va., Dec. 9, 1860. I Editor Examiner : 1 was horn and j bred a Yankee, therefore Iguess I know a Vankee and his trick when l see ’uni. i Don't you know that all you have to do i to resuscitate a drowned Yankee is to run your hand in his pocket, eh ? Now, jest let your people say, no more taxes will be paid until we are represented, eh Your members, white, black, red and gray, will, be admitted to seats in fif teen minutes. Jest try it, and see if iny head aint lh< right shape. Y ours trooiy. A. Y. Key,