Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

|j| (/ |_ y I' "’ OLI) SERIES. VOL. LXXVI. Chvonirlc & Sentinel 11 KM[V MOORK, A. 11. WllKillT. TKltJI* o: .•4|;jWM'IUI’TI«N. WEEKLY. S TuonU../ Y, HATI.S til' Am KKTISINti lie t;jk CHRONICLE & SENTINEL, From February 1, 1861. lj $8 00 $3 00 ft! 30 j §S o*>'gl3 Oo'sl7 00;52O $822 50;525 00 2 5 00 8 00 1L 00 j 13 00j 22 0 2S 00 32 . 0 37 00 41 Pi) 3j 0 30 11 00, 11 00 17 OOj 28 00 3t> 60 12 to: 4s 00 53 50 •i: 8 00 14 00! 17 00, 20 OOj 33 ot»' 13 00 50 t.V 57 00 63 50 5' 9 50 lti 50 20 OOi 23 ot>! 38 00 50 Ooj 58 uV 66 00 j 73 50 6 11 00 IS (HI 23 00, 26 00| 43 ( ij 50 00 03 |> 74 Off 83 00 7j 12 5c 20 00 25 00 20 09. 48 00 j 62 50 72 t»! 82 00! t>2 00 s! 14 OOj 22 00 . 28 00 32 00 53 001 60 00 So‘ CV 91 OtUOO 00 9 15 50! 21 00 30 00 35 Ooj 58 00 75 00 87 (V 98 05' 108 00 10 17 09 26 ooj 182 ooj 37 00' 61 Si)' 86 00. 02' 1104 00 115 00 i Col 22 50 1 32 50 10 00 j 45 W 75 00 ' 97 50 112 c|l27 50 140 (X) 1 Col! 35 00/ 50 00 i 60 00 : 70 00 116 00*150 00172 One square. ' iniertion, 75 cents; each a'Milioiml ‘uKen.on, under 1 week 50 cents, 2 cnt. additional for advertisements kept on tho Inside. 25 p"r cent,iiddltional iri SpecialC<ilumn, 2- >! >cr cent, additional for Double Column. Marriage and Funeral Notices, 81. Obituaries, 20 cents per line. • 'em inimical ions, 20 cents per line. Daily e. o. and. for one month or longer, two-thirds above rates. In Weekly for one month or longer, one-third tho rates for I tally. In Daily and Weekly, one-third the daily rates, additional. Advertisements continued fur one year will !"■ ' barged two-thirds the above rates for the last six months. It will he perceived 1 y the foregoing that we lmve reduced the rates of ad vertising fifteen to twenty per cunt,, to take ell cl on this day. .Singly Copies, .0 cents ; to Carriers, 21 cents. Viui.M , Cash. AUGUSTA, <iAi and himi.SDAY iIOU.M.Mi, MAiU ii 13. A Brack of Vetoes.-— Tho vetoes of tue Military and Tonuro of Olliee Hills, although rejected by tho Jaeohiu < '<ingress, are none tho less valuable as important State papers. The arguments adduced why these in. asures should not become law, are able, clear, and forcible. If addressed to men who wore not bent on the subversion of this government and the. destruction of republican institutions, the earnest appeal for Constitutional rights contained in tho veto of tho Military Dill would be irre sistible. The indecent haste exhibited in the pas.-,age of these bills, proves conclu sively that, tho Radicals arc determined, at all hazards, to rule for tho present, and unless averted in thoir destructive meas ures by the solan - second thought of tho peo ple, ruin tho whole conn try iua short time. The Military Hill is nothing more nor less than despotism. President. Johnson has perform I his duty, audit is no fault of lil-s that Sir.mini's Military Kill, is now supremo in this unfortunate suction. Dot our people so conduct themselves as to mitigate il - horrors. When the awful Briga dier makes Ids appearance, let him find us attending zealously to what is left of out material interest*. Det politics and dema gogies alone, and tho Brigadier may not he such a tcrrifiSe follow after all. Bettor exists in Tennessee* \\ ito arc to Rule us 1 As In' the provisions of the Sherman 111]!, a military officer, of u grade not lower titan a brigadier general, is to he a signed' to the command pf each of the districts created by that bill, we give, as a matter of proper information for our readers, tho following list of offioCrsin the army of the United States, from which the President will be compelled to make his selections: Lietenaut General \V. T. Sherman, Major Generals I hillock, Meade, Thomas, and Sheridan; Briadior Generals Mc- Dowell, -Pope, liosccranz. Hooker, Cooke, Hancock, Schofield ami Howard. Briga dier Generals, on duty as staff officers: — Lorenzo Thomas, Meigs, Union, Delaiicld, Dyer and Barnes. \Ve believe tho above list is full and cor rect, though the confusion growing out of the number of officers of these grades in the volunteer army of tho United States renders it very ditlieult for us to say with certainty that the above list embraces all the officers of those grades. Nt\;ro Suffrage at the Nerti:. A recent dispatch from Washington says: This morning Mr. LeTUond, on leave for personal explanation, read (to the no small chagrin of lint Radical side of the House) telegraphic dispatches announcing the defeat of the negro suffrage hill in the Ohio and of the rejection of the *V»nstilutii>nal Amendment” by the Legis lature of New York. Will Congress territorialize Ohio and New York for their contumacy in regard to these vital questions of universal suffrage and the Constitutional Amendment? If the rejection by the Southern States of these measures is considered sufficient cause for the destruction of their State governments, will not our wise and con sistent rulers at Washington deal out the same mia ure of punishment to those ro'raetory Northern [states : ' here might have been some excuse to i Northern mind, at least, lor the failure W the South ii) complying with these re quirements, usher people have so long been under th.control ami subnotion ol’a haughty and ignorant aristocracy, as to render them too dull to appreciate the marvelous wisdom which they embody ; but for the intelligent and enlightened people of Ohio and New York to reject them, there can be uo excuse. By all means Congress should Iff oe those States to comply with their reasonable and humane requirements — ini versa! Suffrage and the Con.ditution.il Amendments. Legislative Amenities in Richmond. We learn, from our Richmond exchanges, that a number ot the members ot botn branches of the Delaware Legislature, with several ladies and friends, are ou au ex cursion to Richmond. They were received in dm form in both Houses of the Virginia Legislature, aud speeches of welcome were made by the presiding officer in each. Senator .1 ackson. of the Delaware delegation, responded in a very brief and handsome speech, in which lie- gave utterance to the hope that we should soon have an undivided I nioa. We should judge that, upon the whole, the Ddaicares will return to their homes highly delighted with their reception in the Capital of the Old Commonwealth— that 1C - i,s*. Not an Inch Should be Conceded. Not an inch should be conceded, say s the Philadelphia Age, to this march of usur- I atiou. Concession will not satisfy the greedy appetites of the men who are now leading the assault upon the rights of the Stales and the liberties of the people. Ninety-nine points given up without a contest, and still the party in power would u-e lorcc to tear the rfemainiug right or liberty from the grasp of a reluctant peo ple. It is now the confessed intention of the Radi-*' party to destroy the Southern States, and govern the territory by mili tary-power. 1* that an act which should be accepted or applauded ? If not, then the means must be taken to prevent the mischief. One ot these means is an appeal to _ the Supreme Court, and the Enquirer is right in urging that duty upon the people of Virginia and the South. The Sherman Bill a Snare. The folio wing well written -and very strong argument against the course reeom niQoacl by Ex-Governor Brown, we clip from the Atlanta Era of the 2d inst. We recommend its careful perusal by all our readers: Mr. Editor: To a plain man the differ ence between the Sherman Bill and the course advL:d by a distinguished citizen of this State, in a late published letter, i ahuost imperceptible. 'The one begins where the other ends, for this advice lias nc-gro suffrage and the Constitutional Amendment at its head, and the Sherman Bill has the Constitutional Amendment and negro suffrage in its tail. Thu-, in this !V»:er, the writer say.-: “Our prompt adopt ton <>/ the CW-iPOt ti/ouil A mem Intent a>ul universal sujfrugc would, iu my o/dnion, untile the question." And in tbe fifth section of the Sherman bill it is declared that when the constitu tion of any “ rebel” State shall extend the right of suffrage to all “ the male citizens of said State, twenty-one years old and upward, of whatever race, color or pre vious condition and “ when such consti tution shall have been submitted to Con gress for examination and approval, and Congress shall have approved the same, and when said State, by a vote. of. its Legislature elected under said constitution shall have ado; >tcd the amendment to the Constitution of the United States pro po.-ed by the Thirty-ninth Congress, and - v.. tion of the United States, said States shall be declared entitled to representation in Congress, and Senators and Representa tives shall be admitted therefrom, on their taking the oath prescribed by law.”. Now the difference between these “ two schedules" —as that man of blessed memory, Bill Arp, would say—is. it is submitted, so small as to be hardly the difference be tween tweedledum and tweedledee. — Coming, however, to the manner in which these schedules are respectively to be run, there A a difference, and that difference, it is conceived, is this : j Square*, i 1 Week. I ! 2 Weeks, j j 3 Weeks, j 1 Month, j i 2 Months, j 3 Months. 5 Months. fi Months. Tho home-schedule proposes that this conferral of negro suffrage and adoption of the Constitutional Amendment he effected through the machinery of the State gov ernment of Georgia, forgetting entirely that in the very preamble ot the Sherman Bill it is declared that, ‘"No legal State government , or ader/uate protection for life and proper/ii, now exists in the Rebel States of Virginia, Forth Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Texas and Arkan sas." If there be no legal State Govern ment in Georgia, how can the Constitution al Amendment be legally adopted or suf frage legally conferred? I.t is true, this home-schedule declares it "the dull/of the Cover nor of Georgia lo call the Legislature together without delay, 1 ’ as a means to the accomplishment of these ends; but, in the eye of Congress, there is no legal "Gover nor of Georgia," and no legal "Legisla ture." There is no one who can legally call and no one to be legally called. The thing cannot he done. There is.no "legal State government'’ to do it. Congress says so, and this letter says: "Agree with thine adversary quickly. ” Turning to the other, or Sherman, sche dule it will bo seen that it is proposed to be carried out by the imposition upon us of military rule. Now military rule is a bad thing, a ivery bad thing. So is poverty. So death. But there is a poverty that is bettor than wealth. There is a death—as many bravo men and martyrs testily—that is better than life. And, just so, there is a military government that is better than a nigger government. Tho difference in these schedules, per sc, is next to nothing. The difference in their operation is all the difference be tween Consent and Violence—between rape and seduction, between suicide and murder. Either with our consent or with out our consent, it is said this thing is to be imposed upon us. If so, let it he with out our consent. It is bad enough to lose my property, without giving a quit-claim deed to my despoiler. But it is not conceived that such is the alternative to which we are reduced. Great stress is laid iu this matter upon our crating, nevertheless, on every occasion that it was not of tho slightest possible consequence, since they had all the power and wore determined to do as they pleased, j But, mark you, Mr. Editor, despite this j astonishing clamor that consent has for; two long years been persistently sought in every way. Look, for an Instant, at some of the moans they have adopted. By pro claiming in the Constitutional Amendment that I two-thirds vote should remove disa bility, they have held out a standing lure to Southern exceptees to earn that vote by helping on their wishes. By menacing confiscation—and they have pot ventured on the spoliation of an acre since the war —they have appealed to tho tears of prop erty. Their emissaries have been busy in the South seducing and dragooning the masses into "Loyal Union Leagues,” and happy is the Southern leader who, on visiting \\ ashiugton, has not been hood winked and lied to till he came back home with a bleeding heart to tell bis people all was lust, Now why this persistent, varied effort to purchase our consent? You can sec it in every proposition upon this sub ject emanating from that majority. Chief "ofall it appeared in the submission to Southern Legislaturesol the Constitutional Amendment, and, to show how freely we wt+e left to deal with that matter, i, sir, had the pleasure of witnessing one of those I bodies incontinently reject that amendment ! in literal gun-shot, ol'an infantry battalion. : Why, then, has the sword not fallen long i ore this? You may say that this majority i lias not, heretofore, had full swing, but it S now claims to have that swing, and what 1 is its latest move? A bill, the Sherman i Hill, halt promise and half threat—with I our consent still aimed at as the object alike ot' allurement and menace 1 j There must be some reason for this, and is it not that these men fear the responsi- I bility of this great question before their people and seek to shift off that responsi bility upon us ? We are told, that in the late elections, the Northern people showed 1 by their votes that they endorsed these extremists and wete ready to hound them I further on. But that is not the way in which common sense would view tne mat ter. The Northern people are eminently a practical people. They made war on 1 good, sound mercantile principles. _ They j jaw the price of victory aud paid it, and 1 now that victory is theirs they are not— depend upon it—going to lose the fruit of their purchase, or permit any politicians to lose it for them. I’heir verdict last fall was this: We shed our blopd aud spout j our money to keep the South with us.— ; We have succeeded; but that country I needs restoration, and, as we can't trust the Democratic party, we turn the whole matter over to you. If you maKte the whip crack a little wo : shall not mind it—those people are rebels • aud deserve some stripes. If you steal a little we shall not mind that much, cither . —the spoils are plentiful and human na- j ture weak. But. outside of these limits, harkee, we shall hold you to a strict ac- j count. You have a rich country to deal with, and a population that we know by sad experience is dangerous when roused. You snail not make that country a desert or brigaudiie that people. Settle polities : to suit you, but. as you value your heads, keep your hands off our trade and com- I ruerco, our manufactures and our agricul ture. , j Looking at the matter in this way tnerc can be perc rived some very substantial reasons why, with a great deal ot Radical thunder, there has been such a plentiful lack of Radical lightning, lla w-hea J-r.ud bloody-bones has always been just about to eat the naughty boy up. but lias never yet begun that interesting operation. Some months ago there was talk about impeach ing the President. Gold flew up; trade fell down: bonds came in from Europe. The papers began to moan, and a great exodus of war horses took place to \\ ashington from the South, anxious, doubtless, to learn exactly when the world, south ot the line, was to come to an end. But where is the impeachment question to-da\ t A low growl from the Northern people, and the i thing dropped, leaving everybody but . Ashley—who couldn’t get out of it—to swear he had never been there ! And as I the past has been, so will be the future, j Here, in your own city, Mr. Editor, trains ‘ are going", houses budding, trade increas ing, taxes paying, money making, prosper-, , ity reviving, just asiuequal or less, degree is the case throughout the South. Now ; put but the finger of martial law on this prosperity, and the touch will bo the touch ! of the angel that shriveled Jacob’s thigh. There will be no more striving for a blcss j ing tlieu. Moody men wdl walk the i streets and the tax-receiver do his present week s work in a day. Stop the train, ; cease the building, desolate the field, crip ple trade,* break down credit, harass, impoverish, restrict, discourage, enrage, and where will be the profit the Northern people will have among us of all the blood they have lost, and the money they have j The Northern people will not permit i this state of affairs, nor will the Radical majority in Congress dare to venture on it, inception. When they threaten it, thro fore, they are but playing a stiff game of brag—but trying to frighten us with'im possible perils as the nurse scares her frowaril child with some tale abut Bugaboo. The iTeedmcn’s Buteau Bill wa- to eat u~ aK up and was pa- ed'over the veto with a great flourish of trumpets, but to day that hybrid enactment is less on rative than ever before. The Civil Bights Bill was to biad us liand arid loot, aud was in like manner. passed over the veto to the sound of triumphal music, but to-day how infrequent, how exceedingly infrequent, is any prosecution under that putative statute. There is some reason for per mitting these acts to tall into desuetude, and that reason is their full execution Is a responsibility too enormous to be borne. They cannot shake their locks at us and say. we did it. The full responsibility is theirs and they iear to face it. And yet this threat, this stale, staje j threat, is still thundered in our cars in order to make us commit a great act of ! national hnrikari. For one, Mr. Editor, j I am not willing to rip myself open for fear ! some menaced sword may cut my throat, j On the one hand I know that harl kari is ; certain death, and on the other tfcat I threatened men live long. Another consideration. A\ hat are we \ to getjf we will ‘‘ do something” —i. e. — j enfranchise the black man and disfran chise the white. Let us see. If we will—, first,adopt the Constitutional Amendment, j and second, provide for negro suffrage, j and third, do and perform generally all j find •-figulaf gawriJ'rher -acts as may be ! required bv the Radical majority in Con- j gross, we are to have —what? Why, Test 1 Oath Representation—the nigh boon of I Misrepresentation instead of our present 1 Non-Representation. We are to have l Senator Sneak in one House and Repre- j tentative Tory in the other. W e are to ‘ make Essau’s bargain, with the pottage left out. We are to play the part of j Judas, and never get our thirty pieces j after all. Webster once cried, "Where am Ito go ?" and, in like manner, we j *hall be left to query, “ What arc tee to j have?" _ . Again. We are told that it is “a fixed j fact that the Constitutional Amendment will be adopted in a very short time” by a j vote of three-fourths of the States now rep- j resented in Congress. If so, what part or lot have the unrepresented States in this " matter ? If it is io go into the _ Constitu tion without them, their _ adoption would affect the matter as little in the one way as their rejection would in the other.- Why, then, call so strenously upon them to itdopt that which, it is declared, is as i good as adopted already ? Again. To have endured one humilia tion is surely no reason for putting oneself in the way of another. The first unhal lowed compliance has never been held to justify the second, and to have one spot on our scutcheon is a shabby excuse for adding a thousand more. Past abasement has not helped us, and is it to be supposed further grovelling will With this, Air. Editor, I oease to tre pass on your columns. In what has . n said I have steadily sought to_ keep v. ■ • Sherpian Bill primarily in_ view. lae opinions of that distinguished gentle man hereinbefore alluded to are, from the peculiar eminence of their source, entitled to a respectful!consideration. It is impossible to doubt either their honesty or ability, and they have, therefore, to a cer tain extent, been touched on ; but they are still but opinions, the opinions of hut one man, however eminent, tiud I have preferred to turn from the commentary to the text—to read this Bill for myself and —albeit among the humblest of tho citi zens ol Georgia, a common soldier and a private man—to form for myself my own opinion. It is difficult to tell you, sir, the ' indignation, the detestation, the contempt which go to make up that opinion. This bill asks mo to renounce my principles, to betray my countrymen, to abjure myself For this aggregation of meanness, it proposes to give me the right to vote side by side with a negro for a Test Oath man. I prefer to wait aud take the chances. 1 see .that this very bill admits the impossi bility of a continuance of military rule, since, while it claims to be a bill to estab lish military governments through the agen cy of the military power, I see, too, that , itffiduiits there is no neeCsiffty for military* rule, since, in its very preamble, it declares the necessity to be that loyal and Republi can State Governments belegdlly esta Fish ed, and military government, however loyal, is neither Republican nor State. It is, therefore, a snare. An attempt to induce us to do something by threatening, if wc will not, to do that which it confesses out of its! very mouth, ought not to be done, and, if done', cannot continue. We need not fall in this pitfall. Wc need not suc cumb to this threat. Wo are not so weak as some would have us believe. \V c have, at least., the vis inertm— the strength of inactivity. Doing what is right, we can refuse to do what is wrong, and then, if done at all, it must be done by others, and others will have to bear both the responsi bility and the blame. D. OUR WASHINGTON COKRESPOxDENCE. 1 \to of tin- Reconstruction Bill — What will he. the Effect Thereof—Length of' the First Session of the Fortieth ('on- ! gress—Anoth it Loud Cackle from Sina-_ < tor Chandler —Exuberance of the Cicil j Employees— The. Georgetown Election— ., Dr. Gran n in Washington, — All Indian \ War on Hand—Fate of the Tariff Bill, j Etc. , etc. Washington, February 28. Tt had been given out that, on Monday | last, the veto message of the President on j | the Military Reconstruction Bill would be ' sent to the House of Representatives, but the predictions failed of verification, when it was set down as a certain thing for Wednesday (yesterday); but that day : having passed by without the expected j veto, we are all on the qui vice this j morning lor Colonel Moore, the President’s Private Secretary, to make his appearance and announce to the Speaker that he is instructed by the President of the United j States to deliver to the House of Represen tatives a message in writing, which said ; message -in writing, of course, will be a j lengthy, firm and elaborate veto ot the | most monstrous measure that ever passed the Legislature of a free country. Specu lation is busy, and lias been ibr several I days, as to what will be the effect of this i message. Will the Radicals simply vote upon the bill and enact the law by their great majority, or will they make it a theme ibr stirring anew the smouldering embers of impeachment passion, which, tor some days, liavc been dormant and still! No one "seems to know, and there is an | anxiety about it which amounts to sus i pense." I have heard, within the. past twenty-four hours, that the "Raus” are !in no wise disposed to set up on their favorite dogma, and that certain parties who have pledged themselves l impeach somebody when the For! Congress meets, intend to redeem t,. _• j promises. Rutler is here, and has bt i for some time in conference with Ashley, Chandler and the other Radical members and [Senators, who stand determined to carry out their views, if possible. Upon the impeachment, rests the length of the first session of the- next Congress. Many of the members of the present, who are also in the next Congress, express themselves as already very tired of W ashington, aud Jo not care to hazard the discomfort of a summer existence here. Perhaps that foehng may induce the majority to close business and go home after a week s sitting, to remain until next winter, but there is no telling what will occur. Probably mueli is dependent upon the reception of the message, which is now being impatiently awaited. Before the day is over there is every- likelihood of new phases in the histo ry of this nation being opened—a tiling, of course, upon the presumption that in the course, of an hour or two from now, the veto will be under consideration iu the House. Chandler, of Michigan, essayed another speech in the Senate yesterday ; the first i few feeble remarks he has given utterance j to since his last effusion on the impeach ment dogma. This time his attacx was j upon the Secretary of the Treasury, who he wants brought to the bar of the Senate lor trial. His remarks were very offensive, to several 6f the members of hisown party , owing to the low persouaiues indulged in. . ! Sumner chimed m, and gave the weight of . a few classical utterances ;u Chandler s 1 1 1. If: l -at 1 -th *1 them*tnus: have felt, ' I from the manner iu which these charges were received by the more distinguished ; mem’ •.-«vf the Senate, that their wailings were not likely to have any effect. The civil employees of the Government, ! • who are now iu their “seventh heavens.” j on account of the passage of the bill giving them au increase of twenty per cent, to their pay, will soon reap the reward of their perseverance in stirring up the bill to its passage. In many of the depart ment- the disbursing clerks, with wonder ful energy, have completed the rolls, and expect to “payoff in a day or two. The sons of Israel on Pennsylvania avenue, aud the other multitude of business men throughout the metropolis, express a de cided interest in this matter. Many scores of long standing can now beeaneelied with the back pay which each employee re i ceives. AUGUSTA. GA., WEDNESDAY .WORKING, MARCH 13, ISG7. The "Rads” are rejoicing over the election of their candidate as Mayor of the neighboring city- of Georgetown, and do not mention that the Freeumen s village at Arlington helped furnish the voters. Air. Welch, the successful candidate, is an o»d resident of the city, and, it is said, that he received votes from Conservative men. Be that as it may, he "now represents the extreme universal negro suffrage party, ana his election has inspired the extremists of this city with the hope of electiugqheir man next June. They probably will, as the old citizens seem to be-very apathetic on the subject of the canvass. When the experiment of negro suffrage has been t ried in tbe nation's capital perhaps Congress will take away the charter. Dr. Craven, the author of the Prison Life of,Jefferson Davis, arrived in Wash ington to-day, intending to bepresent when his official head (he has been appointed by the President Postmaster at Newark, N. J.) is decapitated, as it is expected it will be by the Senate to-day. Ihe Senators from bis own State, Alessrs. Cattel and Frelinghuysen, will both vote against his confirmation, though professing strong per sonal regard tor Dr. Craven. He will bear his misfortune very philosophically and will probably be nominated by the President for some other position. There is every prospect of an Indian war of some magnitude in the West when the spring opens. A campaign is already being organized iu the .Department of the Missouri, under the command of Major , Giq rn 1 Jets ncot k. The House of Representatives is strain ing every nerve to pass the Tariff Bill, i with every indication of its failure of be- j coming a law during the present session. It seems as if the number of lobby mem- j bers and others in Washington, endeavor- j ing to accomplish its passage, is fully equaled by those seeking its downfall. .The Radicals in Congress assert that, 1 should the President sign the Military Re construction Bill -now before him —his nominations hereafter would be much more favorably considered titan they are at present. Some of them, however, would be disappointed should the Execu tive signature take the place of a veto, as they would then be deprived of'their stock of powder wherewith to assail and vituper ate the President. Much interest is felt in the election by j the Republican Senators of a President : pro tempore to succeed Air. Foster. The i contest is between Senators Fessenden and j Wade; but the general impression, all j along, has been that Wade will be chosen. This is certain should there be a strong feeling manifested at the caucus which meets to nominate the presiding officer, in favor of impeaching Mr. Johnson. Wc have been having beautiful weather for the last two or three days. The skies j have been bright and fair, and the warm sunshine has imparted a decided spring j like appearance of' tilings. Pennsylvania ! Avenue is thronged each afternoon with j hosts of promenaders. -Both Houses of Congress are in session “at nights,” and the mild temperature of the atmosphere has been the means of drawing crowds to : attend the discussions, though the dull i outline of debate on tho Tariff Bill in the I House, and the Army or some other ap j propriation bill in the Senate,, has hardly j been the means of shedding any particular j interest over the proceedings. The sensa tional scenes are about over for this ses sion. The Washington correspondents of the Press throughout the country have formed a Club, and organized a few nights ago at one of the committee rooms at the Capitoi. L. A. Gobright, Esq., the Washington Agent of the Associated Press, who is held in deserved esteem by members of the Press throughout the whole country; was elected President of,the Club. The “Rads” have ceased their warfare on the Supreme Court/ It is thought that a war will occur before very long which will excite their ire anew. Arlington. P. S.—Since writing the above I have been on a tour to the White House, and have ascertained that tho veto message will not be sent to Congress to-day. The President is now closeted, having given orders to the usher, who stands in atten dance at his door, to admit no one to his presence. This is the third disappoint tneut tho watcher-' over thpdpeumcut have ’ hard; It ■tfHT' pr&oably W iff to mffhnw;' though that is not positively certain. The telegraph will Set you know tho very mo ment of its reception, and how it will be treated. Arlington. From the Southern Recorder. Fertilizers and How to Apply Thesis. Washington County, 1 February 13, 1807. j B M v Dear Shi :—Your letter of the 9tli inst., making inquiries as to the best com- ; mercial manures, quantity required to make i it pay, as also its application to land, lias just reached mo at this place. I have had so many letters of a similar j character, that to answer them has become a source of much taxation on my time, as also a great nuisance ; but when addressed by an old schoolmate, and one with such pleasant relationship as ourselves, I assure | you it affords me pleasure to reply. It has ever been the practice of my life to serve my friends, and I only regret iliat Providence committed to my care so lim ited a share of efficiency that I cannot j serve them better. To answer your first inquiry, as to the j best commercial manures, I will occupy a position contrary to the opinion of many, as most brands of fertilizers have certifi cates of their superiority, and some such I have found almost valueless, and could mention some, but will forbear and answer j your questions direct—that is, the best ; manures in my judgment. I have had probably as much experience in commer cial manures as most planters, and do not flatter myself in stating even more. You may recollect the State Agricultural So- ! cicty offered a prize at its last Fair in At lanta for the best experiment in commercial manures. Asa competitor for that prize, 1 planted twenty-six acres in experiment, using all the brands I could get in our markets, as also in Baltimore, of much reputation. As to the result, you can see by referring to the Southern Cultivator , following the Fair. The next year I selcct ! ed eleven of the best or most successful, ' and added to the list TV. Whitelock & ; Co.’s Cerealizcr. a favorite brand with I some of m\* Hancock friends, which | had just been introduced in Georgia. Iu this second experiment I did not see fully | the result, having joined the Confederate army. I left for the seat of war in Ju'.y after its breaking out in April. Ai that j time the contest was between AY. White lock & Cos.. Turner’s Excelsior and _ No.-1 ■ j Peruvian Guano —the former evidently j having the advantage, and my superin tendent reported it held it through the ! crop. In my purchase for the crop of this year, I have offered AY. A\ hitelock & Co.’s Cerealizer and Turner’s Excelsior. These are manipulated manures. 1 have also ordered No. 1 Peruvian Guano, Dissolved Bones, Salt and Laud Plaster, to manipu late myself. This is a favorite fertilizer of j toy very clever friend and distinguished i planter, David Dickson, who recommends j a mixture of equal quantities of each, ) except the Plaster—one-half the quan : tity of the latter. For instance, one | hundred pounds each of Peruvian Guano, ; Dissolved Bones aud Salt, and fifty of Plaster. Various fertilizers have recently been introduced, among them the Pacific G uano, which proved well on my crop of last year. No other of the recent introductions have I any knowledge of, from experience. Here let me state the importance of a State Chemist who could do immense good in analyzing the various fertilizers aud give us some insight into their merits or demerits. AA'ell, as to the best manures, my answer is. I show my faith by my works. I think those I ordered are the best. I think in dry seasons Whitelock can outstrip them all, and in wet, I have my doubts whether he has yc-t been ex celled. lam not personally acquainted with Mr. AA’hitelock, aud know nothing of his integrity, but N. A. Hardee,- Esq., of Savannah, toll? mo he is a man of strict integrity and high sense of honor ; at uny rate, I have never been disappointed in a barrel of his manipulation—hence I have ordered largely of his manure. I advise all friends not to use the Peru vian Guano alone, particularly on dry and thirsty lands, for in dry weather the cotton will fire and throw off the leaves and pods. Turner s Excelsior has been a favorite fertilizer with me —has proven well to crops as well as by analysis. I would mention others tried in my expe riment. but will not tax you with it, as ! your inquiries are only for the best. Your second inquiry as to quantity will pay. My reply is, be governed by your sup ply. " It will pay with from 5U to 350 lbs. per acre. If you can apply three hundred and fifty I advise that amount. If you can t apply more than fifty, use that much: you will be paid in good seasons from fifty to even as high as hundred and fifty per cent, fur the money in ve-ted. Some consider manures extravagantly high. My opinion is, they will pay much better at present prices of cotton and I: sos fertilizers, titan before the war. Cos. mu you know is not short of iw< > hun -1 dre-d per cent, higher than before the war, ' while fertilizers are apt fifty per cent. ! higher. lam now bucking my judgment by purchasing sufficient to apply to every acre ot cotton I plant, even new grounds that has never been cultivated, but the 1 timber is well deadened on^ji.. Your third and last inquiry js the best method of apidicatioiwfof you mean to a cotton crop).and which is-the crop that pays best with us. Aly usual plan has been to open a deep furrow, with either a two-horse double-winged plow or by running first a schooter plow and then reversing the direction and running in the same furrow a large shovel, or double wiuged plow ; iu this dejiosit the manure. It is not so material in the application of Whitelock that it should be put so deep— you can put it iu a furrow only run deep enough to prevent the weeding hoe from ' chopping it out when out your cotton. When you deposit the manure i in tho furrow, throw your beds to it, and it is ready for planting. . f ' I mention the above as it has been my usual plan, but from experience f prefer a different method, r. Inch I advise you to adopt, a; least in a part of your crop. I intend doing it in no-t of mine, partieu ! larly when the grass i most likely to annoy ■ me. Run off your rows and throw two furrows to it —that is, list it up as usual; thic can remain or not, as you prefer. When you are ready to put in your manure, run a deep furrow with a shovel_or double-winged plow in one of these listing furrows, and in that put the manure. 1 put the'manure in from the lismi it. x ftt'.uf that it wSQ not blow away : in witSv weather I prefer the common gourd with a long handle put to it of sufficient length to reach the ground ; have it so punctured in the bot tom that the manure will escape freely by shaking the gourd; hold it in the furrow and none will escape ; some use tin trum pets, some machines, and arc content with their plans. My reason for recom mending the manure to be put in the listing furrow is, on account of the grass growing so luxuriantly, immediately over the manure—when put off, it gives you the advantage of putting the sweep or cultivator to it and getting the most formidable grass off, . 'ell you will find is a great advantage, i lon’t be afraid that your crop will not get the manure. I agree with my distinguished friend Dickson, in the January number of the Southern Cul tivator, that the crop will get it, if you keep it off tho stumps and out of running water. I believe I have covered the ground of your various inquiries, and, by following my suggestions, or by adopting something .better, I wish you much success. Your friend, T. J. Smith. Col. Mark Johnston. Font, the liiiltimort Gazette. The True Policy. There appeared in the New York Times of Monday last an editorial which strongly urged upon the people of the South to accept, at once and with a good grace, the Military Satrapy bill, the Constitutional Amendment and all the pains atm penal ties the Radicals seek to ifapose upon them. The ground taken by the Times in support of this advice is, that if these measures are not sanctioned 'worse, will be enforced; that inertia •is a crime and apathetic indifference damnable. To pay no heed to what Congress may do or say ; to submit in silence to every new act of oppression that Congress may inflict; to break no law; to violate no engagement; to vent no scorn; to take no interest in politics, but to attend sedulously to their private affairs—these arc the exasperating virtues for which the Radicals are bent upon punishing the Southern people. It is surely natural that the latter should love to dwell upon tho sweet yet bitter memories of the dead past; that they should hold in fitting reverence their heroic dead, and that they should shrink from branding as political pariahs the noblest and best of thoir follow citizens. To do otherwise would be to forget all they have fought for and all they have suffered; all the devastation, all the license, and ail the unimaginable, horrors of a system of warfare whose nearest counterpart can only- be found in that adopted by the re morseless Alva in the Low Countries at ,tko dk.tation oLthe .most fauajical. and bigoted monarch" fnab over sat on this Spanish throne. The Times thinks it is eminently just | and proper that the Southern people | should not only endure with patience the j wrongs that have been inflicted upon them, I but that they should also consent to make ] themselves ihc instruments of their own degradation. The Military Satrapy bill, j which, by a perversion of language, is ten- | derly styled the Reconstruction bill, “is j tolerated,” says the Times , “by many per- j sons who disapprove wholly of its, princi ples, from the apprehension that the long er the subject is left open the more severe and intolerant will be the terms imposed upon tiie South. ” If, therefore, the terms now offered are rejected, “it is very well understood that something still worse will be forced upon the country arid the South. ’ ’ That terrible “something still worse,” the Times asserts, consists of bills now in course of preparation providing for a ! sweeping confiscation of rebel property.” ! All this is .as- coolly stated as if the Radi- j cals were omnipotent. It assumes that j those who call themselves Conservative I Republicans arc merely submissive under lings; that the President is a myth, the ; Supreme Court a thing, to be despised and | overridden, and that ail power and all au- ; fchority are vos*cd in Sumner and Wade of j the Senate, and Stevens and Boutwell of I the House of Representatives. Grant that j this view of the matW is the correct,, one. ; Grant that a Junta m Radicals constitutes j the Government of the United States as completely as flic Chiefs of the Mountain , controlled the destinies of France ; what ! warrant has the .South that, restoration, oven in the Radical sense, would follow self-degradation ? On what occasion have ; the Radicals ~!y affirmed that the ! terms offered to the.; qh in the Military | Satrapy bill are all . they will insist on imposing? Haveti .. versaidso? No! j For they know too veil that the political j domination they have so often and so I scandalously auused, depends on their con- i tinning to exact, from time to time, fresh 1 conditions; that as one demand is com plied with another must bo put forth ; and another, and another in succession for the porpo.se of prolonging to au indefinite period theiv lease of power. It is the system they have pursued from the begin ning. It is the System they must pursue to t’tie end. It is the law of their being. To ask them _to forbear, to loosen their grasp, to sacrifice the meaner interests of party and the promptings of an insatiable ambition ibr rule, and to consider only the good of the country, would be to talk to them in a language they could not compre hend, and ot rights and privileges they have sought to. bury beneath the ruins of the Constitution. Yet jthe _ Times counsels the Southern people to yield a willing obedience to this the latest _ mandate of the Radicals lest a greater evil should befall them. Our hope, on the contrary, is that they will stand firm —not defiant, not recalcitrant, but quiet, passive—apathetic, if you will—and I let the evil thing come. It will come more certainly if they consent to eat dirt at the bidding of their oppressors than if they refuse to grovel at their feet. They were brave and enterprising in war. Let them now exhibit to the world the grander spectacle of steadfast endurance under defeat and subjugation. It is a hard les : sdfc.ro learn, but it has its uses. It has also its com pen .-eu; The b rtitude that meets oppression calmly, haflies and con founds the oppressor. A\ here men have : the moral stamina to confront the worst without faltering, they are strong even in their weakness. There is a limit to the bitterest persecution which cannot safely be overpassed. Theft; is a heroism in patient suffering that touches more. nearly the sympathies of civilized nations tnaii the heroism of the battle fii_-;d. Bank of Tennant" Notes, Ac.— The Supreme Court of i ennessee has de cided that the notes of tne Bank of Ten nessee could not be received in pay ment of taxes due to tne State. Tne decision caused a decline of the notes of the bank to twenty-five cents. The Legislature has adopted a resolution to adopt the gold standard in. the pay ment of members. Troops for Socth Carolina. —The 40fh regiment (colored) United States infantry sailed on Thursday for Charleston, South Carolina. Belle Boyd at Home. —Belie Boyd, whose eventful and romantic career during the war and since, has been a prolific theme of song and story, and, given her a world wide reputation. am\cd nerc last w ck on a visit to her mother. Aiurh.isourg Anc Era, Negro Suffrage in Ohio. —In the House Boynton's resolution to strike out. the word white from the U institution was lost, ai f.2 yeas to 50 nays. _ Scarcity of Vessels.—There are two hundred thousand bushels of corn stored in Alexandria awaiting shipment, bub ves sels cannot be obtained to carry it away. The Tenure of Ofik'e Bill. i ITS VETO BY THE PRESIDENT. : To the. Senate of the United States: i I have carefully examined the bill to regulate the tenure of certain civil officers. ! The materia! portion of the bill is contained in the first section, and is of the effect fob ; lowing, namely : That any person holding any civil office to which he has been ap pointed, by and with the advice and eon- I sent of the (Senate, and every person who : shall hereafter be appointed to any such office and shall become duly qualified to act therein, is, and shall be entitled to hold ; such office until a successor shall have been appointed by the President, with the i advice and consent of the Senate, and duly ; qualified; and that the Secretaries of. i State, of the Treasury, of War, of the : Navy, and of the Interior, the Postmaster ! General, and the Attorney General, shall 1 hold their offices respectively for and ; during the terra of the President by whom i they may have been appointed, and for ; one month thereafter, subject to removal j by and with the advice and consent of the j Senate. These provisions arc qualified by j a reservation in the fourth seetiqn : That nothing contained in the bill shall j be constructed to extend the term of any ; office, the duration of which is limited by 1 law in effect. The bill provides that the President shall not remove from their | places any of the civil officers whose terms i of service are not limited by law, without j the advice and consent of the Senate of the Unit'd Slates. The bill in this respect j conflicts, in my judgment, with the Con stitution of the United States. This question, as Congress is well aware, is by tio means anew one. That the power of removals is constitutionally vested in the President of the United States is a princi ple which has been not more distinctly de clared by judicial authority and judicial commentators than it has been uniformly practiced upon by the legislative and ex ecutive departments of the Government. The question arose in the House of Repre sentatives so early as the 10th of June, 1789, on the bill for establishing an ex ecutive department, denominated the Department of Foreign Affairs. T he first clause of the bill, recapitulating the i unctions of’ that officer and defining his duties, had these words : “To be re movable from office by the President of'the United States.” It was - moved to strike out these words, and the motion was sus tained with great ability and vigor. It was insisted that the President could not constitutionally exercise the power of re moval exclusively of' the Senate. That the “Federalist” so interpreted the Con stitution when arguing for its adoption by the several States ; that the Constitution had nowhere given the President power of removal either expressly or by strong im plication, but, on the contrary, had dis tinctly provided for removals from office by impeachment only. A construction, which denied the removal by the Presi dent, was further maintained by arguments drawn from the danger of the abuse of the power fronq die supposed tendency of an exposure of public officers to capricious removal; to impair the efficiency of the civil service from the alleged injustice aud hardships of placing incumbents dependent upon their official stations without suffi cient consideration, from a supposed want ’of responsibility on the part of the Presi dent, and from an imagined defect of guarantees _ against a vicious President, who might incline to abuse the power. (Jn ihe other hand, an exclusive power of re moval by thq President was defended as a true exposition of the text of the Consti tution. It was maintained that there are certain causes for which persons ought to be removed from office without beingguilty of treason, bribery or malfeasance, and that the nature of things demands that it should bo so supposed. It was said a man becomes insane by the visitation of G od, and is likely j to ruin our affairs; are the hands of govern ment to be confined from warding off the i evil ? Suppose a person in office does not j possess the talent he was judged to have j at the time ot the appointment; is the error not to be corrected? Suppose he acquires vicious habits and incurable indolence, or j total neglect of the duties of his office, (which shall work mischief to the' public ■ ..rCailO-roD Gougtl . Olf Trß inTG l i'T!r CJ odious and unpopular by reason of the , measures be pursues, and ibis lie may do. without committing' .any positive offence against the law, must he preserve his office in despite of the popular will ? Sup pose him grasping for bis. own aggrand izement, and the elevation of his connec tions by every means short of the treason defined in the Constitution, hurrying your affairs to the precipice of destruction, en dangering your domestic tranquility, plun dering you of the means of defence, alienat ing the affection of your allies, and pro moting the spirit of discord. Must not the tardy, tedious, desultory road by way of impeachment be travelled to overtake the man who, basely confining himself within the letter of the law, is employed in drawing off the vital principle of the Gov ernment ? The nature of things, the great objects of society, the express objects of the Constitution itself require that this thing should be otherwise. To unite the Senate with the President in the exercise of the power, it was said, would involve us in the most serious difficulty. Suppose a discovery of any of these events should take place when the Senate is not in ses sion, how is the remedy to be applied ? The evil could be avoided in no other way than by the Senate sitting always. In regard to the danger of the power be ing abused,'if exercised by one man, it was said that the danger is as great with respect to the Senate, who are assembled from various parts of the continent, with different impressions and opinions. That such a body is more likely to misuse the power of removal than the man whom the united voices of America calls to the Presi dential chair, as the nature of the Govern ment requires the power of removal. It was maintained it should bo exctreised in this way by the hand capable of exerting itself with effect, and the power must be conierrcd on the President, by the Oonsti- ■ tution as the Executive officer of the Government. Mr. Madison, whose ad verse opinion on the federalist had been . relied upon by those who denied the execu tive power now, participated in the debate. ! He declared that he had reviewed his former j opinions and he summed up the whole ! case as follows : The. Constitution affirms that the executive power is vested in the | President. Are there exceptions to this proposition ? Yes, there are. : The Constitution says that in appoint ' ing to office the Senate shall be assoei i ated with the President, unless in the case of interior offices, when the law shall : otherwise direct. Hava we (that is Con gress) a right to extend this exception? I j believe not, if the Constitution -has in vested all executive power in the Presi j dent. I venture to assert chat the Legis- I laturc has no right to diminish or modify : his executive authority. The question now. ! resolves itself into this: Is the power _of displacing an executive power ? I conceive that if any power whatever is in the execu j tive, it is in the power of appointing, over seeing and controlling those who execute the laws. If the Constitution had not ' qualified 1 the powers of the President, in appointing to office by associates of . the .Senate with him in that business, would it not be clear that he would not have the right by virtue of his executive power to make such appointments? Should we he authorized, in defiance of that clause in the Constitution, “the executive power ! shall be vested in the President,” to unite the Senate with the President in the ap- pointment to omee: J. conceive not. it it is admitted that we should not be au thorized to do this, I think it may be dis puted, whether wc have a right to associate them in removing persons from office, the one power being as much of an Executive nature, as the other, and the first one is authorized, by being excepted out of the general rule established by the Constitu- : lion in these words: “The Executive pow er shall be vested in the President.” The 1 question thus ably and exhaustively argued * was decided’by the House of Represents- : tires by a vote of thirty-four to twenty in j favor of the principle that the Executive power of removal is vested by the Consti- ■ tution in the Executive, and in the Senate bv the casting vote of the Vice-President. The question has often Lc.n raised in sub sequent times of high excitement, and the practice of the Government has neverthe -1; conformed in all eases to the decision thus early made. The question was re vived during the administration of Presi dent Jackson, who made, as is well recol lected. a very large number of removals, which were made an occasion of close and vigorous scrutiny and remonstrance. The subject was long and earnestly delated in the'Senate and the early con .-traction of the Constitution was, nevertheless, freely accepted as binding and conclusive upon | (Jotigress. The question came before-the Supreme Court of the L nited Slates, in i January, ezyirle liecncn. It was ! declared by the Court on that occasion ! that the power of removal from office was a ..object much disputed and upon which a great diversity of opinion was entertained • in the early history of the Government. This related, however, to the power of the President to remove officers appointed 1 with the concurrence of the Senate, and the great question was whether the re moval was to be by the President alone or with the concurrence of the Senate, both constituting the appointing power. No one denied the power of-the President and Senate jointly to remove where the tenure of the office was not fixed by the Constitu tion. which was a full recognition of the principle that the power' of r&noval was incident to the power of appointment. But it was very eariv adopted as a practical construction of the Constitution that this power was vested in the President alone, and such would appear to have been the legislative construction of the Constitution; for, in the organization of the three great departments of the State, War and Treas ury iu the year 1789, provision was made for the appointment of a subordinate officer by the head of the department, whoshouid have charge ci the records, books and papers appertaining to the office when the head of the department should be removed ■from office by the President of the United States. \\ lien the Navy Department was established in the year 1798 provision was made for the charge and custody of the books, records and documents of the de partment in case of vacancy in tho office of Secretary by removal or otherwise. It is not here said “by the removal of the President, as it is done with respect to the heads of the other departments, yet there can he no doubt that be holds his office with the same tenure as tbe other Secretaries, and is removable by the Pres ident. The changes of phraseology arose proba bly from its having become the settled an 1 well understood construction of the Con stitution that the power of removal was vested in the President alone in such cases, although the appointment of the officer is by the President and the Senate, 13 Peters, page 139. Our most distinguished and ac cepted commentators upon the Constitu tion concur in the construction thus early given by Congress, and thus sanctioned by the Supreme Court. After a full analysis o p the Congressional debate to which .1 have referred, Mr. Justice Story comes to this conclusion. After a most animated discussion the vote finally taken in the House of Representatives was affirmative of the power of removal in the President without any co-operation of the Senate, by the vote of 34 members against 20. In the Senate, the clause in the bill affirming the power was carried by the casting vote of the President. That the final decision of the question so made was greatly influenced by the exalted character of the President then in office was assorted at the time and has always been believed, yet the doctrine was opposed as well as supported by the highest talent and patriotism of the coun try. The public have acquiesced in this decision, and it constitutes perhaps the most extraordinary case in the history of the Government of a power conferred by implication on the Executive, by assent of a bare' majority of Congress, which has not been questioned on many other occasions. The commentator adds, “nor is this general acquiescence and silence without a satisfactory explanation.” Chancellor Kent’s remarks on the subject are as fol lows: “On the first organization of the Government it was made a question whether the power of removal in case of officers appointed to hold at pleasure re sided now here, but in the body which appointed, and of course whether the consent of the Senate was not requisite to remove. ” This was the construction given to the Constitution while it was pending for ratification before tlio State Convention by the author of the Federalist. But the construction which was given to the Con stitution by Congress, after great consid eration and discussion, was different. The words of- the act establishing the Treasury Department .are: “And whenever the same shall be removed from office by the President of the United States or in any other case of vacancy in the office the Assistant shall act.” . This amounted to a legislative construc tion of the Constitution, and-it has ever since been acquiesced in and acted -upon as a decisive authority in the case. It applies equally to'every other officer of the Gov ernment appointed by the' President, whose term of duration is not especially declared. It is supported by the weighty reason that the subordinate officers, in the Executive Department ought to'hold' afi the pleasure of the head of the Depart in' at.-because he is in vested generally with the Executive authority, and the partici pation in that authority by the Rebate was an exception to a general principle and ought, to be taken strictly. The Presi dent is the. great responsible officer for the execution of the laws, and the power of removal was incidental to that duty, and might tlften be requisite to fulfill it. Thus has the important question presented by this bill been settled, in the language of the great Daniel Webster, who, while dis senting from it, admitted that it tvas set tled by the Constitution, settled by the practice of the Government, and settled by statute. The events of the last war furnished a practical confirmation of the wisdom of the Constitution, as it has hitherto been main tained in many of its parts, including that which is now the subject of consideration. When the war broke out, Rebel enemies, traitors, abettors and sympathisers were found in every department of the Govern ment, as well in the'civil service as in the land and naval and military service. They were found in Congress and among the keepers of the Capitol; in foreign missions; in each and all of the Executive Depart ments ; in the Judicial service ; In the Post-office, and among the agents for con ducting Indian affairs. As upon probable suspicion they were promptly displaced by my predecessor, so far as they, held their offices under Executive authority, and their duties were confided to new and loyal .suc cessors, no complaints against that power or doubts of its wisdom were entertained in any quarter. I sincerely trust and be licve-that no such civil war is likely tc occur again. I cannot doubt, however, that in what ever form and on whatever occasion se dition can raise an effort to hinder or em barrass or defeat the legitimate action of this Government, whether by preventing the collection of revenue, of disturbing the public peace, or separating the States, or betraying the country to a foreign enemy, the power of removal from office by the Executive, as it has heretofore existed and been practiced, will be found indispensable under the circumstances, as a depository, of the executive policy of the nation. Ido not feel at liberty to unite with Congress in reverting it by giving my approval to the bill. At the early day when the question was Settled and indeed at the several periods when it had subsequently been agitated, the success of the Constitution of the United States as anew and peculiar sys tem ol free representative government, was held doubtful in other countries and ■was even a subject of patriotic apprehen sion among the American people them selves. A trial of nearly eighty years through the vicissitudes of foreign conflicts and of civil war is confidently regarded as having extinguished all such doubts and apprehensions for the future. During that eighty years the people of the United States have enjoyed a measure of security, peace, prosperity arid happiness never surpassed by any nation. It cannot be doubted that the triumphant success of the Constitution is due to the wonderful wisdom with which the functions of govern ment were distributed between the three principal departments, the Legislative, the Executive and the Judicial, and to the ■fidelity with which each has conferred it seif or been conferred by the general voice of the nation within its peculiar and prop er sphere, while a just, proper and watch ful jealously of Executive power constantly prevails, as it outfit ever to prevail. Yet it is equally truetiiat an efficient Ex ecutive, capable, irrthe language of the oath prescribed to the President, of execu ting the laws, and within the sphere of ex ecutive action, of preserving, protecting and defending the .Constitution of the United States, is an indispensable security for that tranquility at home, and peace honor and safety abroad. Governments have been erected in many countries upon our model. If one or many of them have thus far tailed in fully securing to their people the benefits which we have derived from our system, it may be confidently as serted that their misfortune has resulted from their unfortunate failure to maintain the integrity of each of the three great de pa: talents, v. hue preserving harmony among them all. Having at ah early pd nod accepted the Constitution in regard to t.ie executive office in the sense in which it was interpreted with the concurrence of its founders, I have found no sufficient •grounds u\ the arguments now .opposed to that construction, or in any assumed ne cessity of the times for changing those opinions. For these reasons I return the bill to the Senate, in which House it originated, for t hefurther consideration of Congress which the Constitution prescribed, insomuch us the several parts of the bill which I have not considered are written chiefly of de tails, and are based altogether upon the theory of the Constitution from which I am obliged to dissent. 1 have not thought it necessary to examine them with a view to make them an occasion of distinct and spe cial objections. Experience, I think, has shown that i t is the easiest as it is also the most attractive of studies to frame Consti tutions for the self-government of free States a.id nations. But I think experience has equally shown that it is the most diffi i cult of ail political labors to preserve and j maintain such free Constitutions of self ) government when once happily established. ' I know no other way in wlafch they can be NEW SERIES YOL. XXYL NO. 11. preserved and maintained except by a constant adbqpenoe to them through the various vicissitudes of national existence, With such adaptations as may become ne cessary; always to be effected, however, through the agencies and in tho forms pre scribed in the original Constitutions them selves. Whenever Administrations fail, Or seem to fail, in securing any of the great ends for which republican government is established, the proper course seems to be to renew the original spirit aud forms of the Constitution itseD. Andrew Johnson. From the Xutior.ut IrU 7y - ?v„ v. The Jfew Constitution The Subversion Bill. A majority of the members of tbe present Congress lnve invited the President to unite with them in a project for abolishing the Republic of the United States. We do not hazard this strong assertion with out weighing the words and counting on tiie fingers of reason their cold and terrible import. Let us contemplate this matter with a candor and seriousness befitting the gravity of a theme which may bear such an introduction to Ataerican-Lrcd readers. In the first place, what is the Republic ? It is not soil; it is not inhabitants, it must be something distinct from both. It is an organization. A clock is not a hand ful of wheels and blocks, but a particular adaptation of parts to each other. That makes it a clock. So tho organic integrity of the Republic is what maxes it such. Ls the timbers which enter into a structure bo taken apart and something now be built up out of them, that which is built might be tTgood thtuglWl'fi G inMnfteuitft'sab :H > ■ It is a destruction of the old, whether it be or be nol an establishment of tho new, If the thing be a national organism, this change might be a good change, blit it is a revolution ; not the forerunner of a revolu tion, but a revolution itself, in which the security of the old would be succeeded by the terrible uncertainties of the new, be fore the people could realize that the great vital change was in progress and the hour of deliberation had gone .forever. HVro dares revolutionize this Republic without consulting the people ? Have they been consulted whether any of the following changes shall be made in the organic law, viz : 1. The clause that gives Congress power to make ail laws - that may be necessary and proper to carry into effect any of the powers vested in the Federal Government, to be so changed as to include all powers not so vested, but reserved to the States respectively; or the people. 2. The fundamental principles that gov ernments generally, but the Government of the United States especially, is limited, and has no powers but what have been granted by the people, to lie reversed, and the principle substituted that the Govern ment may do ail which lias not been ex pressly forbidden. 3. That even the express prohibitions against searches and seizures, trial without indictment or jury, restrictions of freedom of worship aud tire press, or of bearing arras, and, above all, the inviolability of the writ of habeas corpus, .shall be null, in tho discretion of Congre. - s. 4. That alii parts of the Constitution and the fundamental principles of free government that recognize a distinction between the state of peace and the state of war bo expunged, and the power given Congress to apply all war powers and exact all war sacrifices, when no war exists or is imminent, or is pretended to exist or im pend. 5. To add to the Constitution anew and strange Article, inconsistent with ail possibility of free government among men, to wit: that bona jide obedience to law shall not entitle the citizen to the protec tion of the law, ii it appear that the pro tection Was the principal motive of the obedience : and that a right shall accrue to whomsoever happens to be in a majority to prescribe personal sentiment to the minority, and to make criminal and punish the natural inability of such minority to adopt the prescribed motives, notwith standing they may perfectly and faithfully.' abide the laws of, the laud. (j. That, slavery, which was solemnly abolished by law forever in the United States, and in all places subject to their jurisdiction, by the ratification of three fourths of the Etalas. 4a*st December, shall on the courts, the Congress, and the Exe cutive, and exi ting in i'uii integrity in law, and existing actually \n the States of Delaware and Kentucky, neither of which have abolished it, but in both of which it was abolished by amendment of the Con stitution of the United States. Must not this be so? Not only because a freedmau’s right is nothing- without a freedman's. remedy, even in the very maxim'of law— and lie could have no possible remedy in (lie South against a military person who should abridge his liberty under this revo lution bill —but because the three-fourths of the States, twenty-seven in number, that ratified the amendment included seven in the South, and the thirty-one which up to this time havcM-atilled it include eight of the ten States outlawed by the bill; and the whole number of States being thirty six, all the other Stages, c-vcn including Colorado and Nebraska —not yet in the Union —would not be three-fourths of all, without including several of t liese outlawed States. This proves that this bill is a for mal revolution. It is a revolution if it thus violently restores slavery. It is a revolution if, claiming slavery to have been constitutionally abolished, it outlaws the very States whose sovereign functions have been the means of ratifying it. It is a revolution if it assumes that less than three-fourths of ail-the States may amend the organic law—an opinion which no pub lic man believes, no court would tolerate, and no lawyer would argue, who valued his professional reputation, no sootier in Boston than in Charleston. We have given six points, and wc could give many more, ia which this bill ordains i a new Constitution. Really and candidly, j is there any sophistry, any exaggeration, any coloring in any one ol these points ? Read them again. Sincerely, we say to members of both Houses of Congress and to the people, (1) that in the existing Con stitution no power was vested in any do- ! part merit of the Government to apply the j war powers of Government to a state of j profound peace;. (2) no power to use re- j served powers of the people for any pur- 1 pose; (&) -no discretion to obey or not obey the express prohibitions ; (4) no pow er to punish for sentiments, disloyal or otherwise, • but, especially, no power to provide for the motive—protection—which alone makes obedience to law rational, and (5) no power to defeat parts of the Con stitution, solemnly adopted by the requis ite number ofStaies, by declaring some of such State.- impotent and all their action null. \\ r e need not say that the existing Con stitution ordains a representative govern ment and gives nowhere countenance for the terra “rebel States,” or any test ol" personal loyalty but obedience to the laws of the land; that it is the duty of the ! people to send representatives, and that , their exclusion on any but grounds of | individual disqualification is revolutionary; j that the provision, “no State shall he de- j prived of its equal representation in the I Senate without its consent,” cannot be read with the proviso, “unless with the consent of a majority of the other States,” without manifest absurdity, and therefore, that the continued exclusion of States is revolutionary, etc., etc., because these things have all been said and proved a thousand times, and show—how conclu sively must be left to every man’s candor— onlyl that sor 1 more than "a year and a half a revolution ha-; been raging in the coun cils of the nation, tardily, but, it it con tinue, fatally indulged by tbc people. But this is not that for which we now b;■ speak a solemn hearing. The bill now offered to the people proposes a si/stem. It proposes to take the adventitious and exorbi tant abnormities of the last two years, and mould them into a permanent organic sub stitute for the Constitution. Hitherto we have had infractions. Mow we are to have abrogations of' the organic law. It is tie difference between a cold affusion over the whole body, and a cutting off, at a blow, ofa halfofit. Whence is the p .wer to abrogate, or even suspend the Constitution, as-a whole, over the smallest township, or even the meanest inhabitant in ~the United States ? To abdicate civil govern ruent Over one-third the national territory ? To absolve, on a principle fendimentai even to British eternal subjection to the crown, the population of-tan States from all allegiance to the Union ? To .declare all pardons, all indictments; all confisca tions. and. throughout the length and 1 breadth, of the South, all oaths of alle giance, void absolutely or eke capable. of surviving a fiat conflict with every principle known to our jurisprudence, our Ct-hi'cs. and our common good faith ? It is not for the influences of this subver sion bill on the South that We most of all deplore it. Evil enough in that quarter, hardly this cruel and unconscionable meas ure of bad faith could make their’condi tion worse than its prolongedand barbarous incubation has already done. But in what, we say we address the North. We tell them, as we have often done before, that, without their consent, and in contempt of their sovereignty, the leaders of the Radi cal party are, step by step, abolishing their Constitution and aiming at an oligarchy over them of demagogues, civil and mili tary, who will make good their power for the popular abasement by negro bayonets. These men do not believe tk free government. They despise, while they vaunt the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and the secret of their inextinguishable malevolence toward Andrew Johnson, is the persistent and un shaken faith with which that man of the people, with or without the applause of the people, confidently relies upon the people, and sternly upholds against revo lutionary innovation the great record of the sovereign will of the people, as they swore him to do when he took upon him self, before heaven and earth, the high duty to “preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.” Admission of Nebraska President Johnson's Proclamation. Washington, March 1. By the President of the United-States : Whereas, The Congress of the United States did, .by tin act approved on the i 9th day of April,-ISO4, authorize the people of the Territory of Nebraska to form a Consti tution and State Government, and ibr the admission of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, upon certain conditions in said act specified; and Whereas, Said people did adopt a Con stitution conforming to the pro visa ops and conditions of said act, and ask admi.-sion into the Union; and whereas the Congress oi the United States did, on the Sth and 9th days of February, I SOT, in the mode prescribed by the Constitution, pass a iur- Nebraska, in which last named act it wag provided that it should not take effect ex cept upon like fund.-: mental conditions, that within the State of Nebraska there should be no denial of the elective franchise or of any other right to any person by reason of race or color, excepting Indians not taxed, ;• nd upon this further fundamental condi tion, that the Legislature of said State, by a solemn public aet, should declare the assent of.such State to the said fundament al conditions, and should transmit to the President of the United States an au thenticated copy of which act of the Legis lature of said State, upon the receipt whereof the President should by procla mation forthwith announce the fact; whereupon said fundamental conditions should be held as a part of the organic law of the State, and thereupon, and with out any further proceeding on the part of Congress, the admission of said State into the Union should be considered as com plete ; and whereas, within the time pre scribed by said aet of Congress of the Sth and yth of February, IS(>7, the Legislature of the State, of Nebraska did pass an act ratifying the said act of Congress of tho Bth and 9th of February, J SC>7, and de claring that the aforesaid provisions of tho 3d section of the -last named act of Con gress should be a part of the organic law of the State of Nebraska; and whereas, a duly authenticated copy of said act of the Legislature of the State of Nebraska has been received by me: Now, therefore, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States of America, do, in accordance with the provisions of the act of Congress last hercinnamcd, declare and proclaim the fact that the fundamen tal conditions imposed by Congress on the State of Nebraska, to entitle that State to admission to the Union, have been ratified and accepted, and that the admission of the Stdte into the Union is now complete. In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the" city of Washington on this first day of March, in the" year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the ninety first. By the President: Andrew Johnson. Wm. 11. Seward, Secretary of State. SohtU Carolina Items. Death. —The Witmsboro Ivors notices the death of Mist Mfodio Boyce Du!lose, in that town.! Mrs. Dußose was the (laugh ter, of Hon. W. W.-Boyce, .and a lady of the most charming qualities, both of head and heart. day morning, Mrs. Deeniia C. tluyward, widow-of the late James H. Heyward, of South Carolina. .Punishment Commute] i.rUPei-ry Dur ham, who lias been under sentence of death for the murder of Cnl. Thomas Miller, has had his punishment commuted by Governor Orr to imprisonment in the peniteutiary for life. Applications for passage to Liberia have been received by the American Coloniza tion Society, from 042 colored- people in ■ Soutn Carolina ; and other companies are known to be forming, 'who will swell the list to up ward-of. 1,200. Relief for the South—Progress in a Good 'Work. — Including thirty-two thousand bushels to leave this day liy the U. S. steamship Memphis, Henry JL Corringo, commander, the Southern Relief Commission has sent forward forty-seven thousand four hundred bushels of corn, t o tiie starving communities of the South. Os this amount fourteen thousand four hun dred bushels go to Alabama, fourteen thousand to Georgia, sixteen thousand to South Carolina, and three thousand to North Carolina. The distribution of the corn wiiUne made under the .joint direction ol tho United£states district,commanders and the Governors of the different States,' all of whom have given the Commission their personal assurances of pains-taking endeavor to make the distribution a source of relief to the largest number, without respect of race of opinion. I his forty-seven thousand four hundred bushels of corn is only a small part of what the famine-smitten districts need to give bread to tho famishing and to provide the seed and labor % anew harvest. . But the treasury of the Commission must bo replenished before further purchases can be made. It is now drawn down to the last dollar, and even beyond it We hope speedily to hear that enough to buy a second cargo of corn ia at the disposal of the Executive Committee. No object can have stronger claims bn the beneficence of our Northern people. —New York Times. Swindling the Dollar Savings Base: of Pittsburg, Pa. — Relative to I the embezzlement of some $15,000 com ; initted by A. \. IT. Eider, general book | keeper of the Dollar Savings Bank at j Pittsburg, the Cost of that city has the i following: I The occasion of the discovery of the fraud ! was as follows: —A gentleman, whose name | we forbear making public, received a small j patrimony, amounting to .some STOP, which | he deposited, in the Dollar Savings Bank for safe keeping. The sum was correctly entered upon the depositor’:; bankbook, ‘ but upon the credit book in the bank it was set down S2OO, the bookkeeper pocket ing the other $.500. In a short time the depositor wished to check for S2OO, where upon the teller asked him if he would not ! have his account balanced. He replied in the negative, stating that lie still had some SSOO on deposit, when he was requested to leave his. book for .settlement. This was done. The discrepancy was discovered and suspicion aroused. The directors were informed, other puss books were sent for and accounts settled, in which similar errors were found to exist. A thorough ! investigation took place, and deficits to the i above amount were found. j ■ j State Bank op Massachusetts.— i Boston, March 2, 1.467. —There was con | sideralje excitement in State street this j morning, occasioned by the development ; of the irregularities in transactions of the j e; shier of the State Bank in regard to ccr | tificates of checks a s “good” bearing the ; name of Mcllen, Ward & Cos., brokers, ; who suspended payment yesterday. These checks were presented at the Clearing !" House at the .wording settlement by the various banks holding the same and were j thrown oat by the State Bank, on which | cerJhoutcs v*rc nindc. The, Directors of the m.-.tituhon declare tnat they never i entered mto, or agreed to any arrangement i niane with the city bunks for the ccrtilica- I Uon of eiietKS. and such net ion of their feibicf-was by Ja m. u.o sum involved m those transactions is | upwards of half a million' dollars.' Other parties besides those mentioned are also ; implicated in these difficulties. 1 First National Bank of Newton, j Mass.'— Button, March 1857. —There is | great trouble in financial circles here. E. j Porter Dyer, Jr., the Cashier of the First , National Bank of Newton, Massachusetts. I is short” SIIO,OOO. The President of the i hank gave nbtiee that the Cashier came to ( Boston yesterday at cloven o'clock and has | not since been heard ofi I The pai l isl capital of the bank is omy 1 $l5O 000, but it has authority to increase i sts stack to $300,000. 11 redeems in New York at the National Park Bank. War-age, Belgium, is a healthy place. Tiierc has not been a single death lor six months, and the doctors have Jell the town. This may account for the general good health.