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ff | -A / ■ Jf '~’ " g* ■4>Jv i' tlJI> vj'f'j OLD SERIES 1 , VOL. LXXVI. ffhvoniclc & *fntinrt. MOOliKi A. il. AVniGHT. Tl.lt 'l*. 11l »! BMTtIPTI»>. iia ins or aiu 1:1:11*1 m; (’IIKONK'LK & SM.YII.nKL* fi Din I fhruary 1, lSfii. 1 (K> $5 0 ) .>0 OOjllS 00 sl7 CX» S-iO (V) s£> AO §25 00 - • * I l ** 8 IK' 11 Oil; 13 00! 113 00 2S iK) 33 . 37 ():) 4 j 00 3 0 Sol 11 00 11 00; 17 On! 38 00 ‘ 80 50 12 00 AS 00 53 50 4 S 00 it IK' 17 00 f 20 OOj ;>3 00 1:1 00 50 O' 57 ooj 03 50 0 11 00 1 IS 00 23 00j 20 Ollj 15 tX) 5 i 00 «$ 00 71 00* S3 (K) 8 111 -- «** 3S tK» 32 00, 53 «»•» 00 OO S' 00 yj o? Mo 00 V 15 1 21 Oi' 50 o*' 35 ooj 5,3 00 75 00 87 00 9S I*MB 00 r ;;‘i « r < JJ £ * « JJ * £ »* ™ w oo mi" “-pare. * ..t ♦•rtion, 75 « ; ear*!j iuMiligmi! 1 . rt.on, under J 50 <*entM, '£ <• ut. additional for twi vcrtiaemenU kept, on the Inside. 'J~> ['<•» rent, additional in Special UVhmin. i • uni. additional for 1 > aibleColumn. Mama;:** and I' linural Noti(*i*s,§l. ( )bitiiarieM f 20 (rents per line. ( orninunicattoim, 20 trtnts per line. Daily f. o. and. lor one month or loager, Iv/o-tiiirds above rates. In Weekly for one month or linger, one-!bird the rates for Daily. in Dady and Weekly, one thi <1 the daily rales, additional. . \d vertisenioiitH <*ontiimeil for one year will la* (diarged two-thirds the above rates for the* ht.-t\six months. It will he perceived by the foregoing that we have rod lined the rates of acl vi rtising liffoeii to twenty per cent., to tilve effect on this day. •‘ ingle CopioH, 5 routs; to (’arriers, 2-1 TliitMs - ('ash. Al <d SI’A, <- A : \VKII \KKIM V UIIKM.Mi, APRIL 21. A»k You a Mason?” -The beautiful pi* rent poetry on our fourth page will lx» r* id with j*ro ii t and pleasure by every member of tho craft. It is a titling answer l<* such a question from an outsider, and those who have travelled the “rough and rugged road’’ no pathetically described will readily recognize the picture tho ell id ic hand basso handsomely drawn. *1:. AnNIVKKSAKY OF TIIK A k OUST A Miimn Sociktv.—-This time-honored in stitution e<‘l(*brated its titty-first Aniiiver s try at llieSt. John’s Methoritat Church, in this city, on .Sunday eveningtlu* 14th in stant. The services oomiueneod with an anthem j by thi* choir. The Itov. A. Wright read a passage of Scripture,and the Jlev. J. S. La mar offered a very impressive prayer. Af ter the singing of a liynm, tho annual re port was submitted by the Secretary. hr. W. il. Doughty was then introduced, and made a solemn and beautiful tribute to the value of the Ilible, and urged upon t he audience-the importance of disseminating it throughout tin* length and breadth of ear land, lie was followed by tho lion, li. W. Milliard, in his usual happy and forcible manner. The closing address was made by the venerable Hev. \Y\ »S. IMumer, h. I)., who captivated alt hearts by his venerable up- I pearanre and impressible and eloquent ad .dresy. A Larue Wheat Citoi*.—Tho accounts received !>•' our exchanges from almost every section of .Maryland, Virginia and North Carolina, speak of the prospect of a la rye cron of wheat. A Louisville paper says not only in Ohio aud Kentucky, hut io Tennessee also, tho wheat crop is more extensive than is usually seen, and promises an abundant yield. The Illinois State Journal learns that the wheat in Sanga mon an l adjoining counties looks finely, belter than during the corresponding oi cii for several years past. Wheat and other cereal crops in Texas, of which an it nu it ally large breadth has been planted, are and the lame Star planters anticipate the biggest harvest they ever had. National I'iunkinu Tim Revenue (’omnii -ioiUTN e.-rimato that there are an nually consuiiie.l in this country 42,000,000 gallons of distilled spirits, 180,000,000 i gallons of fermented liquors. and 10,0tK),t)O0 gallons of imported liquors, the estimated east of which is ?>">t>0,000,000, on which . the Government, derives an income of *l7, 727, 27ii. This of course does not j include the liquor smuggled into the coun try, nor the immense amount secretly and i illicitly manufactured, which would vastly increase this estimate. Booth's Diary. -A Washington letter of the 12th, says: “ The publication of the contents of the Wilkes Booth diary, about which so much has been said, will not take place until the testimony of the witness who took it from his body can be obtained and printed with it. This witness is now in Ohio, and the Judiciary Committee o! the House will shortly secure bis deposition, which will prove beyond dispute that the diary is now in precisely the condition in which it was when taken from Booth's body." lit ft. Kit AMI SI'OONS IN NhtvThU.KANS. A letter from Now Orleans says : “On Mardi Gras, ono of the masque raders wore a military dross, the epaulettes of which were made of 'spoons.’ As he passed by, the people seeing the spoons, rvou the negroes, too, shouted 'Butler! 1 ‘Butler!’ An Outrage. An ele. tion was held oil the Sprague A Burnside Farm on the ml instant, for State officers and Congressmen. This, says the Clearfield (l'a.) is a patch of land on the Codfish cons', between Massa chusetts and Connecticut, principally in habited by loyalists ever since before the Revolution, and has lately been known on the map as Rhode Island, hut now owned in fee simple by Senator Sprague (who is trying to expatriate his wife, the late cele brated Columbus, Ohio, K ile, MissCliase), and that fearless negro commander and l'redeiieksburg butcher, Gen. Burnside, who now run the machine ostensibly in the interest of loyaldom, but chiefly for their own private ends. But to the outrage : While the people of this Congressional district are compelled to poll 25,00 t) votes t 0 entitle them to a Congressman, the subjects of Sprague ,k Burnside’s domin ions polled, on the 3d instant, but 11,000 votes, and elected thereby two loyal -Con gressmen. What charming music the notes of “all men arc created free and equal” must make to the-refilled ears of these who so often repeat this Phillipic ! In this view of the ease, one Oodfish aristocrat is just equal to five white men in this Congressional District, litis kind of aristocracy is an hundred fold worse than 'he “barbarism and slavery of the fcouth. about which we have heard so much from the wealth and intelligence oftheCodfish coast. Ip “ a n u j en ara created free and equal. ' why docs it take 28,000 white men in Pennsylvania to elect one Congressman when 11,i.ii iti Rhode Islanders can elect two ! \\ ill some loyalist answer for the Sprague & Burnside farm ? We are glad to notice, however, that the votes for the white ticket at the late election increased considerably. The Democrats doubled the number of their members in the House, and reduced the aggregate majority nearly one-fourth. The U. S. Circuit Cr»rt convened at Savannah on the 15th. Hon. Judge Wavne was expected, but did not arrive. J Tiie Colored Mass Meeting. 1 he following are the speeches delivered at the colored mass meeting on Saturday : J. r. KnjJr'TON' s (COLORED: SPEECH. ' | J. 'J'. Nhefton (colored) Umjh addressed f th 6 meeting as follows : honor of meeting you here to-dav he'-ause j •(' s ’>ot merely to s]*-ak of the imaginary ! Kl f, ry of lilierty and lii-cdoiji asv.eliavo ; lieard to often, hulas brothers to consult j together. j it is true we have entered into a strange I and new lire, so to speak, wjth all the j road- and way fares to political honor and j distinction. We are here to discuss ; broad principles to-day—principles that are to guide and regulate our futureaefions as anew political element in the .State, j lherc i- I,m <,n<- cmir'C to pursue il iwe can lind and that is the right course, j We know the principles of the party j which haoe liberated you, and made you i citizens. Those principles* have bo m clear j iv defined £o as lo leave no mistake be hind them, i ain riot here to teach you the course that you are to pursue, for i I know that yon are men, and like men are capable of acting. As for myself, X fuel I in duty bound to support dial party whose j principles make no distinction on account rif race or color in the enjoyment of civil ; and political rights. These rights which we enjoy to-day, must lie kfpt sacred as | precious jewels around our neck. They j came to us through fire and sword pthey were consecrated in the blood of fallen heroes, and must be handed down to our children. No one desires more than X do, the restored >n of this distracted country. The country needs peace and good will among its people, in order to open anew avenue through which the nation shall glide. Hut how are these desirable cuds j to lx; accomplished? is it lo bo (lone for the price of our liberties, and at tlie 1 sacrifice of our rights ? it is simply for j the white man to take the black nuin by the hand? if we are to live here together it is better, far better to live as friends than ! enemies. Our interest are one and in- j separable, our destinies the same. Vour poverty is my poverty—your prosperty is my prosperity. Whv, then, cannot your rights also bo my rights. We have bad enough of war. An examination of the fields of past conflicts, and the bleached hones on the hills aud plains, to gether with the widows’ tears, and or phans' cries ask for a return of peace and friendly union among men, and, for tins cause lot us reason together as men and fellow-citizens, havitig the interests of our country at heart. You will excuse me for not entertaining yon longer, but 1 have been sick. XX-GOY£RXOK JOHNKON’S SPEECH. lion. Jl. V. Johnson then addressed the meeting as follows: My Friends: The reluctance which I feel in speaking to you on this occasion docs not arise from any want to converse with you in a spirit of frank ness, candor and justice, but rather from the unexpected turn which the delibera tions of this meeting have taken. A pub lication in the newspapers announced that there would be a general gathering, without respect to color, on this day, specifying that the object of such meeting was to consider generally the condition of the country and the new relations which have been, recently established between the two races that compose our population, and the duties springing from that new rela tion. j Squares, i 1 Week, j 2 We* ks. j 3 Weeks. | I Month. j 2 Months. I j 3 Months. I 1 Mouths. S Months. 8 Months. I, therefore, did not anticipate that the meeting was called for the purpose of adopt ing resolutions looking to the organization of a political party; and viewing it in that light, my heart did respond most cheerfully to the call of the meeting and the objects which :t proposed. Still, although disap pointed to some extent in the turn which lias been given to the meeting, I do not led at liberty, after having been politely invited to be present, to remain silent, or withhold from you such views as seem to me appropriate for your consideration. I confess I have no Fault to lind; on the con trary, 1 am rather pleased with the spirit which was manifested by the speaker who has just addressed you. He said many things in which Icordially agree, and he said some things which, of course, I cannot approve. lam not here for the purpose oi' controversy nor thwarting your objects, which seem to ho desires, but to talk to you very briefly and frankly on matters suggested by the occasion. In the beginning of my remarks I. ad dressed you as friends. Am 1 right in so characteVizing you? f feel that lam your friend; 1 know that. I wish you well; 1 desire your prosperity ; your advancement in the social scale; i desire you to suc ceed in all virtuous aims that you may wish to accomplish ; I am willing for you freely and fully to enjoy the rights which the laws have conferred upon you so long as those laws exist; whether 1 approve of those laws or not, is not the ijue tion. If we were to enter into such discussion, it might engender unpleasant feelings. But in all sincerity, whilst they exist, l am for obedience to them. • So far as 1 am personally concerned, no word or act of mine shall ever be exerted for the purpose of restraining you in the enjoyment of the freedom which has been recently enforced upon you. lam your friend. 1 have reason to be your friend. When this war began, in the providence of God, under the laws of the land, as they then existed, 1 owned a large number of slaves, [luring all of our intercourse, while they stood in that relation to tne, 1 can say that I never perpetrated, inten tionally, towards them an act of injustice or suppression. Nearly all of them are in my service to clay. They are my friends. They are contented —they are happy. They expect to share equally with me the fruits of their labor. 1 have employ'd them the present year in the business of agriculture. The written contract between us is, that they are to receive one-half of all that id made upon the plantation, and, if they are faithful, and Providence sends sunshine ami rain, they will realize a hand some remuneration for their toil, and 1 shall see to it that they receive every dol lar to which they may be entitled. The relations between me and them, before they were emancipated, was that of mutual confidence, kindness and friendship. Since their emancipation, that relation has undergone very little change. I do not speak of this, my friends, in a spirit of egotism, but ibr the purpose of presenting to you an example which I believe to lie a type of a great majority of the State of Georgia. It is a very great error if you suppose that those who were recently slaveholders cherish feelings of unkindness toward you as a race. It is not so. The tone and temper of all the better and more sensible people, so far as 1 have Wen enabled to ascertain, are kind, niagmuiiiuous.alid just. 1 am aware, my friends, that in various forms efforts have been made to induce you to believe that the white race are your enemies. There are had people everywhere, both white and black, but it is very unjust and very unkind to characterize a whole people as being cruel and oppressive because there may be a few who are. You would con sider it exceedingly hard and unkind if one of your color should violate the laws of the land, by committing murder or house breaking or ilicit, for it to be said that the whole colored population of the country were a race of thieves, robbers or murder ers. Lot the golden rule operate. If you would not be patient under that charge, then give to the other race the same meas ure of justice which you demand for your selves. Do not believe that because here and there are instances of maltreatment to some of your color, therefore the whole white population are your enemies. Such a conclusion would prove fatal to the har mony, happiness and welfare of both My friends, you and I, and all of us, are Georgians : we wore born upon her soil; our kindred who Lave gone before us sleep in the dust of our beloved State: we have been raised together ; our children have played together ; together we have passed through many scenes of sorrow and afflie tion, as well as enjoyed many scenes of happiness and of hope. Are all these memories of the past to go for naught, and will you. in the hurry of the lnomept. at the suggestion of those who, perhaps, do not understand us. take it for granted that we must be enemeis to each other, and array ourselves in hostile attitude at the ballot box. and in all that concerns our political welfare? IV ill you take it for granted that we are antagonistic, I and cannot live in peace and harmony ? i My friends, let no such feelings as these find a permanent lodgment in yoftr hearts. At all events, give to the race, against whom it is sought to array you. a fair trial. Put them to the test, and if they refuse you your rights of freedom —it they persistently i persuc a course of injustice, then withdraw your confidence : but. as sensible men, do not till tlien. I I have said that we are all Georgians, I i wiii add now that we are all Southern peo ple, and as such it is our destiny to live ’ together, and if we must live together it is ! our highest interest, our most sacred duty, !to live together in friendship. Yourin ; terests are our interests. IV hen you pros per we prosper. When we suffer adver i sity you will suffer adversity. Whatever brintrs ruin upon the people of Georgia will fall on you as well as us. When you consider the question in this aspect, a thou sand considerations of interest admonish you to be calm, considerate and cautious, before you commit yourselves to a hue of the white population. Let there be no. strife, eo hostile political organizations; let there lx- mutual confi dence, until experience shall have demon strated that its maintenance is impractic able. Asa portion of tre people of the State of Georgia," you have an abiding in terest in the character of the laws which shall be adopted, and. therefore, in the virtue and intelligence of those who shall he selected as law makers. See to it that you select those who understand our true interests, and are identified with you in the memories of tho past and in the hopes of the future. Turn away from those who approach you as demagogues to obtain your vote. We are in tl;e midst of a wondeful crisis, much, very much of your future x-rosperity and happiness will depend upon the line i of policy which, as a people, you shall de j termine to pursue, in your relations with the white race. Vou may have bad ad ■visirs, th is who think they are doing j good service when they abuse and en courage ye to abuse the whitte race ; be ‘ ware, bevur- of them. Ido not say that any -id oi -•: or spirit characterizes this i meeting. 1 h:. . e reason to believe other | w: • . in view of the good temper which seemed to animate the speaker who ail ! dressed you first, and. especially of that j heartfelt and ardent prayer which was of j sered by your minister at the opening of ! this meeting. j If yon were on board a ship in the midst ! of a storm at sea, when the billows were raging and the" vessel creaking and leaking, you would want an experienced pilot who I understood the dangers to be apprehended j arid the best inode of rescuing the vessel | from perils. We are in such a storm now j —we are all on board the same ship, white and black. The hurricane howls and the waves roll mountain high, and the vessel rocks and creaks. The question is whom | will call you to the helm? Whom will you j trust? Will you take the ignorant, the vicious, the corrupt and selfish demagogue, or will you look to those amongst you who have been horn and raised with you—have associated with you—who understand your condition anu the welfare and resources of the States. Are not these the men to whom you will look lo guide the ship of State? That is your duty—understand your rights, go. to "the ballot box and cast your vote, but look well to your true in terest and act ujion the best light you can gain. _ I have said that we are not only Georgians but that we areal! Southern people and having at heart the common welfare of the South. W r e must share a common destiny. The Congress of the United States is the j common Legislature for all the States. Hut ; you live tinder a Government whioh pro fesses to be governed by a writtn Constitu tion, under which we have flourished in j the past. Departures front it have brought . upon us our troubles. We cannot be ! prosperous and happy without a return to j an observance of its provisions. Now, it so happens that the-Southern States arq_ not represented in the Congress. Laws are passed of the most important char acter effecting our material, socjjtl and political interests without our being repre- i sented or having a voice in the passage of j these laws. You are interested in those laws. Your new relation renders! you deeply so. And hence you should ! seek to understand their operations so that j you may know how they effect your wel- i fare and interests. Eschew any party organization which does not iook to the I common good. I will .give you one or two illustrations j of how these laws operate. I will take the ! subject of the taxing power of Congress. | Congress has the power of levying taxes to raise money to support the Government and pay of tho. public debt. The Consti tution declares that the laws must be uniform, and yet you find that Congress has levied a tax of two-and-half cents per j pound upon all the cotton that is made in j the Southern States; and a bag that : w ghs four hundred pounds has to pay to the Government ten dollars. If one of j your color is employed by an agriculturist and his share of the crop comes to one i bag, weighing 500 pounds, he has to pay j |S]2 50 to the Government. Is such a tax uniform ? Does it touch the people | of the States that do not make cotton ? ; Not at all. It is really a local tax, a special tax, levied, contrary to the Constitution, | which requires uniformity of taxation, and upon a given article of produetfotV'fll Wtlioh you, as inhering*people, are most deeply interested. But this article is riot only ; taxed once, but it is taxed three times. You first pay your sl2 50 per bale upon the raw material, and then you have to pay an income tax out of the money you sell the cotton for, and when the manufac turers make it into cloth you have to pay a \ high tax on every yard you consume. Similar heavy taxation is imposed upon j ripe, tobacco, spirituous liquors, &c.—a tax of 40 cents per pound on chewing and ; 30 cents per pounu on smoking tobacco, ; and §2 per gallon on whiskey. Now, 1 allude to these things to show ' you how deep an interest you have in the ; great question of taxation. Who lias laid those taxes on you ? it has been done by tiie dominant party-in Congress, who claim to he especially your friends, aud believe, i suppose, honestly, that the white nice in the Southern States are your vindictive enemies. I. counsel you to feci every inch of ground upon which you tread; be sure j that you do not walk upon quick sands.— well before you leap. Exercise your rights, but exercise them in obedience to i no man or party. My friends, you are free, and that is a great boon , it is. a most in valuable blessing which has been conferred upon you. provided you will use that free dom intelligently aud.virtuously. Avery large portion of the people,, of j both colors, entertain very loose and in- ; • correct ideas in reference to this thing you call liberty. There arc many people who think that liberty consists in a man's having a right to do just as he pleases. That is not lib erty. You cannot take the law in your j own hands. No man can go into the house I of his neighbor and take away his goods, t or money, or provisions, or property of I any kind. He is free, why can he not do ; it? Simply because it would destroy so- | eiety and government It would be lieen- : ttousness, and lead to anarchy. Every one I may do what is not forbidden by law. But the true idea oi liberty consists in that j freedom which is regulated by law. There- ! lore, you should understand your liberty and what it means—unless you do, you cannot preserve it. , Liberty cannot be preserved without wise laws, and wise laws cannot be adopted without wise legis lators. Good government is the essence of freedom,'and without it there can be no liberty. You are, therefore, interested iu maintaining a good government, and a good government is that which results . from the Constitution. Therefore try to understand the laws and Constitution of ! your country. -Study your position. Cul- toolings ot confidence with all classes 1 and ail colors, and co-operate with each other in promoting our common welfare. These are the views which occur to me ] on this occasion. I have presented them to you in all candor, actuated by no other feeling but that of good will and an honest purp >s«, so far as I may be able, to pro mote your prosperity and happiness. LEWIS CARTER S (COLORED) SPEECH. The next speaker was Ben. Carter colored.' whose remarks are presented as ' delivered, with the exception of gram matical corrections by the reporter. } ir.m: the fact that I might address you as friends and I might be deceived. - The laws of Congress have made us fellow-citi zens. whether we are friends or not. (Loud cheers. 1 address you. as our last speaker remarked, with great reluctance, from the fact that lam unprepared, to a'great extent, to express myself in the behalves of un people as 1 would desire to do, and for reason of my illiterate condition. I was born and raised in the South. All present know that laws were enacted to prevent me from King educated ; therefore, what ever mistakes may be made, I hope my language will be excused. I rejoice in the behalves of my people; and when I say my people in this respect. I speak now in the behalves of my color. Though my color is somewhat mixed. I don't suppose this mixture came from the other side of the ocean. When I say those of my color. I mean those who have woolly hair. (Loud applause and laughter l . Accepting our relationship, as we do. we had it with joy and gratitude to God: and, as a peofile, we give honor to those who were instrumen tal, in the hand of God, in giving us our freedom. (Cheers.) But while we aec-ept our freedom, we do not accept it with a view of living at variant*; with those who were our former masters. We hoped that those who had our sweat and labor and great toil, would have reached out their hands iu friendship toward us. Applause. Sorry aui l—and 1 speak in the behalves of free, good thinking men of my race—we were all sorry that things were not dif ferent. When the proclamation of emancipation was proclaimed, those_ who had the advantage of reading a portion of them. I must agree with Governor John son, those who had education being moved by a spirit of compassion, would not allow the power of education to control them, while the poor man was murdered and i AUGUSTA, GA.. WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 24, 1867. cheated, and, driving our race from their Homes, there was not pne who came up and ?i)pkein ourJbehalves. (Cheers.) Yet,' 1 might not, for a moment, begin to remember a?i the iil treatment; and yet, 1 must agree on the oihev hand, on my part, on the part of my race, there was a great many things done which ought not to have been done. I have’ expressed my thoughts aud iny reasons to some of the. first white citizens. There are hundreds of my race that have been taught tosteal and to do wrong, and it eouid not be expected that an ignorant - race could so-soon turn to he good men. One of the committee toid me I must be iu a hurry. I can’t think good in a hurry. I • stammer anyhow. The more l hurry tiie more I stammer, and lean t do justice to toy thoughts. I agree with the remarks of our last speiker, when lie said of us as being Southerners. I claim it as a fact that we are Southerners, T claim it as a fact that we are friends. If the colored man lias not proved himself to be a friend to the white man, 1 ask those who are educated .to search history anu lind out what friendship is. During the time of the war, when the South was almost drained of its men, aad your property, wives and children were left at our disposal, we knew our power.— j Tell me of an instance where , . there was a.wrong done (a voice, “notone’’ , —"" lie not one. ') (Cheers.) 1 say, whilst tLey were in the war, your wives and chil dren wese at our disposal, but, thank God, - we protected them, and our lives were at - stake in the behalf of our young masters j and mistresses. Again—l bring this to show you that in my limited judgment I j ! believe we have acted just toward our j white friends. As the Governor lastly j lias spoken to us, the relationship which ! i we now hold hae raised us above what we j used to be—perhaps three months ago. I j said we were citizens, and that we had no • I part in the choice or making of the laws j under which we must be controlled. Our [ interests, are all the same, but it must be , remembered that the laws and taxations ] I that now come upon the citizens in general, and property holders do not ass ect us much I at present, because there are few of us who j hat e got over fifty cents or a dollar, j And I dare say, if every one paid his honest I debts he would not have that. There are ! many people who claim citizenship and freedom, and are slaves to-day. This is one _ of the great reasons why I was so deceived in the (secession or cesation) ot the war. Knowing that our old masters had so long "enjoyed freedom, and knew so well what it was, and so many of us were made uncomfortable. I do. not mention these wrongs that have been done the" race in tho spirit of antagonism, but with a desire to lead to peace and happiness. Why cannot we take hand in hand and go together ? I will bring up an illustration of a ship, too. It is true that I have not seen a great many. We were sailing upon a ship whose sails were set to be filled up with air ; she boasted of her?capacity, but when tiie breeze came, and the great sea waves came too and dashed against it, her sails filled, and the. ship filled, too, and went down. (Much laughter and cheers.) That old ship—the institution of slavery—-is dead, and 1 thank God for-it. Shall I employ again its Captain or its manager to bear me through the ocean again ? (Cheers and a voice ‘ ‘No! no!! ) Do it be cause lam angry with’ the Captain ? No ; it is because L have lost confidence in him. The question is, how can l regain that confidence ? Is it because the Cap tain comes to me again and says I will take you across safely? (Avoice, “No, sir.”) In speaking about the party who we shall support, Gov. Johnson said that we were born together; and I tell you the same mother that sucked me"sucked my young mistress, and it is so; and I dare say that there is hardly a Southern family that has not been reared just in this way, and shall, we live at variance? I will* tell you further, and L have been taught this: my old master had a first-rate horse—he could trust him anywhere, and he would not run away, and my master could jump outof the buggy and go anywhere he pleased—but one day that old horse ran away, and my old master never would let that horse, after that, stand without being tied. (Laugh ter). Ilow can we, as a people, support those that have vowed blood to enslave us ? 1 low i s s that confidence to bo regained? I am almost ready to contend that white people doTffiTtfant ’an.v'cbitfffcTffie WftTe colored people ; they have tried their faith and they know them. Let us make that plain. I know thousands of white and colored people who can bear witness to this to-day: Last spring hundreds of contracts were made by colored men and women, who have gone and signed those contracts, and labored faithfully, and at the close of the year those contracts were not fulfilled. (Cheers.) This was done by mean white people. The Governor was right in saying that there were some mean white people who ought to be disfran chised, and, if possible, they ought to be blacked. (Laughter.) Such men are not fit for society. Without character a man is nothing, white or black. Now, then, what is my desire —what do I believe to be the feelings and wishes of every colored mat) and of every good white man? My belief is that they want to have a harmonious feel ing together. We all want to show it, not by speaking from impulses raised within the past twenty-five days, hut with honor sho.wed us in our future treatment to each other and interests. This is the only working system. In the words of the Apostle James, “Show me thy faith without thy ‘works, and I will show you my faith with my works.” This is the principle on which l am willing, fora time, to live, and to die with you and for you. (Loud cheers.) JUDGE STARNES’ SPEECH. Fellow-Countrymen : —I address j 7 ou without distinction of race —fellow-country- j men. Some criticism lias been put upon the words “my friends,” which was cor rectly used by my friend, Governor John- . .son. I address you as fellow-countrymen, j and I have an object in thus commencing. I am not your fellow-citizen; 1 am among ; those who have been disfranchised. by an act of the Government, to which reference has been so frequently made. lam not among your fellow-citizens; and why do I refer it? To elicit your sympathy, to ask | you to aid me in having it otherwise?. Not t at all. I wish you to understand that in coming j here this morning, in consenting to speak to you, L have no personal interest to sub- . serve. 1 have no interest that is not in common with all the country. I have j nothing to gain for myself, and what 1 have to say, therefore, I hope will com mend itself to you as the sentiments of a j man who has no pevsonal'interest in the j matter, and is free here, to give you the j best advice he can uuder the circumstances. And now let me say l cannot delay long here. I find that I have to address certain persons who have come here organized as a party, for the purpose of carrying party resolutions. It has been manifested that those who have come here this morning for the purpose of carrying out these resolutions have prepared ail that has been said in favor of the resolutions.— Any other sentiments which look to the general good and harmony .of both races meat wkh no sympathy and no applause. 1 respect many of the words of the last speaker, though they were prompted by the prejudices of his color. lie is mistaken, hpwever, in much that he has said. He has told you that he and those who are associated with him are here to-day for the purpose of supporting a certain party and advocating a certain party platform; and liq has-told you that they lack all confidence in those who.arenot in favor of that platform. You can un derstand this. Yfe are invited here to-day to a free discussion; to give our views on the affairs of the nation; aud when weoome here, we .are anticipated and forestalled by the information iliat we lack the con fidence of our hearers. lam thoroughly sensible of this disadvantage, yet I am going to speak to you in a way that will command the sympathy of some, i do not expect your applause. I was invited here, with other gentle- , men. to speak to you, and we are not here . to put ourselves upon any party line of, policy. We are sorry that we could not have’ addressed you before it became necessary to advocate any party princi ples. M e understand what has has lieen done. We are all old stagers. We know how parties carry their measures and resolutions, and we do not wish to intro duce any discord among the people who are met here to-day. I tried to learn beforehand what (he resolutions were, for I wanted an under standing as to your sentiments before party lines were drawn. I wanted us to see we could not, all, white and black, occupy a platform without reference to the fact that some of us have been masters and some slaves. But in this I have been frustrated. The speaker who has just addressed you said that a great wrong had ken perpe trated by those who had been slave-hold ers. That certain parties had freed you— relieved you from the condition of slaves: but that we had perpetrated a great wrotm ' in holding you as slaves, and it was not to be expected that that which was right could l>e extended to you by us. The resolutions introduced also declare that the late war was made by the South i for the purpose of perpetuating slavery. Now. the Congress of me L cited States de clared that they made the war to perpetuate the Union on account of si a very. Yet to day we are told that it anude by us to per-, petuate slavery. Jno speaker said that we perpetrated a great wrung upon you, in resisting an effort to free you. You can read (someof you) and ascertain what the truth oi history establishes. Did 1 vote lor Slavery ! Or did even the fathers of the present generation vote slavery into being ( No, no, my friends. No option was to us. Our fore lathers. several generations, removed, brought it nere in ships at old England, or New England, bla-very has never been suddenly at once in any coun try. It has grown up by custom. Our English ioivfathei>. who furnished their ships to trade in the mi porting of colored people from Africa, and many ships from New England, brought it here, and in process of time, many of us were compelled to inherit, slaves, for we found our property chiefly in slaves and ourselves in a condition which we coukl not influence. Nor did we believe that slavery itself va- morally wrong, for we found warrant for it in the Bible. This generation took things as they found them. \Ve were not responsible for the establish ing of slavery, and we could not, at once, if j we had wished, remove it, and so, what ever might De our private sentiments, we were compelled to sustain tho condition of , things as we found them; and Ido not think many of you believe we were doing wrong, j except where there was an abuse of slavery. \Y hen there came a war between the slave- I holding and thy States, find when the slaves became fret, then a 1 new order of things sprung up, and .then an opportunity was offered to all to do 1 their duty under this new State of’ things. I We ought not to be judged ly what our forefathers have done, if we have not abused our privileges as slave-holders. 1 havejjaunouuced, publicly, that there are ties'of the strongest and closet friend ship which binds those who lately stood in the relation of masters and slaves together, and 1 now add that lie is a madman who seeks to sunder them. There are obligations of interest, too, which we cannot ignore, which are as strong as the might -of Hercules, and which wc must recognize if we would to consult the interests'of either race. Wliat are these ties of friendship ? The last speaker forcibly furnished one or two illustrations, which are interesting to us, all of us. Though the law made a distinction be tween us when we stood towards each other as masters and slaves, yet it did not pre vent a community of family ties. Our at tachments were attachments of the family circle. There were some ex ceptions I know. There were brutes among masters, and theye were un feeling mistresses, but I speak of the great masses when I say there was a strong family tie which bound masters and slaves together. • Thou, I speak with feeling (and every master in this assemblage who has owned slaves sympathizes with me,) when I say I have the strongest feelings of friendship for those who were once my slaves. I have feelings pf friendship for them, arising out of asssociationg, that can never he obliterated until death puts its seal upon my heart. When I hear of their distress my purse is open to them. They can tell you so. When I remember that they 7 are they who have nursed my children—who have watched over the death-beds of my little ones; when I remember that their hands have smoothed my pillow in my own suf ferings, I can never otherwise* feel that they have been portions of my house hold as long as we live upon this trouble some earth. It was but tho other day I met one of them who was out of business—a skilful mechanic, too, I sympathized with him. I I put money info hi.s hands with which to j create business for hiuiself. Ask my ! slaves if they have known any lessening in the warm friendship which existed be- j tween us in the family circle. • Do not think I am vaia in saying that’, or conceited when l speak of myself. What 1 have done is only what thousands of others have done, and are. doing, if I mention it as an illustration, and as show ing that, as former owners of slaves, we want no man to conic between them and Trtrr-hwrrt-: Build up your party platform if you please, but first, in view of these things, give us an opportunity to ask you if we can come together and make some com mon platform upon wliich we can agree to maintain your state of freedom, all your rights untouched, without forcing you into antagonism to us and our interests ; j for the friendship which we have so long entertained we desire to continue. Is this all? ’This is not, all. You are now approaching a crisis in your lives, when it is necessary for you to understand what your true interests are. You cannot fail to see that it is utterly impossible for the two races to live to* gether here in this country without a rela tion of friendship and an identity of intercut. The last speaker said that you desired to sustain and supply those who are here for •these purposes to-da,y. He recognized the propriety and necessity for a common under standing as to our interests; and yet, in the face of all that, lie recommends that you shall adopt a course which'shall express a want of confidence in us. Look at the identity of interest between us. Vie cannot sopavate“ourselves. You, townsmen, perhaps, do not feel a$ much as your brethren iuthecountry, who are more dependent on the whites. Your former mas ters own more or less of the lands in our State. _ For a-great many years you must maintain the position of the representatives ot labor, and the white man the rep resentative oi capital. How will it do for us to g«i to war then? By war I mean antagonism of interests. How will it do to bring into that sort of war the interests of labor and capital ? Must not those who have nothing to depend on but labor be more or less im poverished and be the greatest sufferers in tins conflict ? Suppose that by now committing your selves to the love of policy embraced in these resolutions, you place yourselves in such a relation towards the white people that they wid be compelled to say that, if these meu make war on our interests, wc must, for our own safety and protec tion, carry the war into Africa. We must see_ that white men are brought here —- white men to take, the place of these colored laborers, Suppose thousands of Germans, or Coolies, are brought in here as our labor ers—how many colored beggars must there be in this land ! How many families must be urought to distress? Look upon it l Oih the dry and simple standpoint of in terest alone.. 1 want to show you haw you are interested. The whites see their interest in i employing the blacks.— the exampie oi Governor-Johnson is jolloweu by thousands everywhere. We aie brought to it by our habits of living; by our past associations. It is impossible for us to loci unkindly to those whom we have known from our childhood. We prefer te have those people about us as long as they do their &uty, and they prefer te be with those who know their habits andean make allowances for them, “those with whom they know how to get alone.” We prefer that we should not sever the old ties that bound us together so lone as our interest- run together, ft may be true as Carter told you, .that perhaps none of ou have oicr ,>0 cents m your po-'k-ds and, therefore, cannot be hurt much bv taxation. That argument will do very well for a great number of you w ho are present, and such may feel that you are no great sufferers by taxation. Who are you? Who arc you? Not a very large meeting of the colored people of Augusta. You are only a few hundred out of the colored people of the whole State. It may be that you represent the colored people of Augusta, generally, but there are thousands of your colored breth ren who have an interest in the staple of cotton, tobacco and rice, who will be effect ed by taxation. I have made the same arrangements and the same sort of a bar gain as Gov. Johnson. Thousands have done so 'in our State— dividing the cron with the colored laborers. You see, thus, that these people have interests which they -hare in common with the white owners of the laud. You cannot shut your eves to this ; and these things show that in joining yourselves to a party you should be cautious and careful. Understand well where you place your selves and your friends, party you are. by these resolutions- called on tojoin, K the party that i- thus taxing the colored people,-as shown by Gov. Johnson. Bet me repeat to you, j wish it to be un derstood that lam not hereto represent' the interests of any man. 1 <lo not want to stand in anv candidates.) way, but this I say, I would have been glad. < hence I put a card in the paper to that effect) —before a party was joined by you to have gone into a meeting for the purpose of having an understanding with tne color ed people, and seeing it we cannot adopt a platform upon which white and blacks could agree, and you could base had an opportunity of learning what were your interests. You are now all free, and you are made voters by the law. Has that.enabled any of you to read who could not read before ? Has that enabled any of you to make a law who could not make one before? If you want a law made for you—if you wish to lie-defended when you arc brought into court —are you going to one of your freedmen ? Are you going to him to plead for you in a court of justice ? Does his citizenship make him able to read or un derstand the law ? You have hut one an swer to make. If I want my horse shod am I going to my distinguished friend -Mr. Hilliard, who is learned in tbelaw ? You know how to answer that question. W hat we have asked for, then, and what we now ask for is that a little time should be given you to learn something of your true interests before joining a party. Now that you can vote, you ought to un derstand what you are about. Knowing i that you can no more go and make law ; than Mr. Hilliard can shoe my horse. We ask yon to take a little time and learn to understand someting about laws. We might find fault with terms which were used to day, when allusion to us as | was made rebels, &c. I I know that there are a great many of I yon who would rather these* terms had not l been used. i lou are told that those are vour bene factors who have made successful war on the South, and have freed you from slavery, and I did not wonder at Carter when he said that his race should sympatmze with • those who gaye him and his fellows free dom ; but remember that that is one thing, that it is another thing to determine for yourselves what shall be your duty in your new relations, and in view of your new inter ests. You have go,t now to look to the bread and meat which you want to go into the mouths of your children, l’ou oaunot live without that, and you have got to look out. for that. Have, these persons who bring you here to-day the bread and meat for you ? Where are the bread and meat to come from but- from those who can give you the means to earn it ? Are you prepared to entirely overlook the cries and wails that your little ones may raise for bread ? l r our hearts give answer, and I hope you see itas wellas Ido. Those of you who do not feel yourselves absolutely committed to any line of policy, will agree with me that I ask - the most reasonable thing in the world, when I ask that you will take a little time to understand your interests before you give yourselves up to a party. That some of you, at all events, who have not made a pledge that you feel you cannot violate, should resolve to see whether or not; the white man, whose interests are identified with yours, you cannot strike, out a line of policy upon which you can all stand together, and so together stand by your common interests. There is another subject of very high im portance to you all, and of the utmost im portance, also, to those white citizens who are associated with you as citizens. Those gentlemen who are representing the Republican party here, are like all the world, they arc probably looking after their own interests, and can you not suspect that you may be serving tiie selfish interest of others, in committing yourselves to a hasty policy, which you do not understand? Is it not. better to consider whether by go ing with them you may be driving from you the men with whom you are identified? -There is another subject to wliich I have alluded, and. that is education. It is of the greatest importance now to both white and black that, if you vote, you should be educated (for I have, shown you that making you citizens does not teach you how to make laws) so as to he able to un derstand what you are about when you exercise your rights. And that you and your children should be educated as rapidly and as surely as possible. How can you obtain those re sults? Can you get them from the North ern people ? No doubt they will do much, but no people, consisting of millions, .can. inaugurate a system of education that can raise them in the scale of civilization, ex cept among and by themselves, for and by their own instrumentality. The wealth of a thousand Peabody's (and I suppose you have all heard of him;) cannot do that. You will have to bo trained, and all the citizens with whom you live will also have to be trained for this purpose. Together we will have to put our. shoulders to the "wheel suppose you create an antagonism be tween yourselves and the property holders, you cause white men to bring other repre sentatives of white nations here, and refuse to aid you liberally in this under taking. Suppose you do that, how slowly must you and your children be qualified to exercise intelligently, and properly, those great duties which are now cast upoo you. I have many other things which I would like to say, but must hasten to leave you to think about what I have said. Again, I add that I came here to-day to address you with no selfish interests, with the hope that we might arrange matters so as to produce the greatest good and the greatest amount of happiness to all. I do believe, and am sure, that many of you notwithstanding party trickery, will Feel and know where your true interest lies, and that you will he found with all good' people, white and black, in this country, where w.c now have a common des tiny, striving to do Our duty to God and to man. (Cheers.) SPEECH OF HON. 11. \V. HILLIARD. I do not know that it is necessary to employ any special phrase in addressing this assemblage. lam reminded of' an incident that occurred in the session of the ■French Chambers. Anachassis Cloatz, a Prussian, came there and said ho thought he was entitled to a seat, not because he. was a Frenchman, but because he be longed to the human race; and upon the same ground L can appeal to this assem blage, leavingout of view that one is dis franchised and the other not, and recog nize all that has been done as having been done by an all-wise Providence. (Ap plause. ) Let us not reproach each other, nor lay our grounds by adverting to the past. Ihe great present and the greater future—these are to engage our attentions. I feel that, in being called on to address this great assemblage, it is an honor. I recognize this as anew era entirely. llow it lias been brought about we will not stop to inquire, but recognize the fact that we are all responsible to God for our duty .to our country and to each other. And we ought to take hold of the new position of things to come up in the broad'views or the great American people. What is best for us all? Is it to quarrel? Let us forget all that lias gone before us, Let th'e great lessons of Providence be recog nized by us. .Let us deport ourselves like men who are men, and have a country— .the greatest country on this globe, .if we make ourselves useful to it as we ought to do. I really think that all the gentlemen who speak to you have at heart the good of the country. They may not see it in the same light that yoh and I see it. He only is your enemy who seeks to sow dissension amongst you. Providence has our thanks here together. I desire that the working out of this great plan shall make us all richer. (Applause.) How is this to be done? By the great law of labor. You bold the plow or gather the the corn and cotton and somp ofyour arc mechanics. We must all labor. In the great experience of nations it has been found that where one class possess the capital and the other is the laboring class, there has always been a friction between labor and capital. Heretofore there has been no competition, because the capital ists of this country owned the labor as well as the capital, but now anew con dition of things has come up. L6t there be liberality on all sides. Take fair wages, work deligently and honestly for those wages. _ llegard the men who employ you with kindness. Let us be to each other real and trusty friends under the working of this new order of things. Ido not wish to discuss platforms—this is not the oc casion. I recognize the fact that having grown up under an institution that is now passing away, observing that there are evils under all systems, and now that it has gone by, let us take care to have as few evils a.s possible in the working of the new. . Rise to the dignity of the new position, and, when you work, work well. We are not talking for what is before us to-day or to-morrow. We ourselves shall pass away and the places that now known us will known us no more. In the great coming future a mighty population will grow up, an*educated people, and the two races will march side by side in the enjoy ment of a high Christian civilization. (Prolonged and enthusiastic cheering.) Every man must do his duty to his country. I take this occasion to say one word more. This’great country of ours is not confined to Georgia. Alabama, South and North Carolina and Virginia. There is the flag—you may talk about our being divided as you ] lease, but there is one thing we can all glory in, and that is the fact, that over all this country we may all dwell under the protection of that flag 1 fremendous applause. A voice three cheers for Hilliard.) We have got the stand upon that, so (hen, let us remember a great work is done. -no man will try to take your rights from you. The question for to-day and to-morrow is : Shall the white and the black man dwell upon the same soil as friends. (A voice—yes.: Let us then be friends. Let us trust in Providence as we have done in , times before. Now, with these counsels, I fake leave of you with my best wishes, for your con tinued happiness and prosperity. SIMEON beard’s (COLORED) SPEECH. Simeon Beard, a bright mulatto, with j straight hair, and seven-eighths of the Anglo Saxon, was the next speaker. He raivod, fumed, flatbed, pitched and snorted to an alarmingextent for about two hours and a half, during which he delivered himself of the following : Did I beleive that every man in this land would express,^and act out tlm senti ments uttered this morning, I would leave tins stand now, aud go home perfectly satisfied. From the banks of the Potomac to the Bio Grande, were these the senti ments oii every man, our homes would be i secure,, and ourselves protected. But it so happens these very men do not! endorse these sentiments as their own. If \ they do i t in words they 7 do not perform it in their actions. It is held that your Com mittee have drafted a set of resolutions to umte you, as a people, for your own wel- I fare. I utter it solemnly before high Heaven, that when we came together to draft those resolutions, there was not one iota of an tagonism, intended. It was intended that, as we had to bear with a mass of people, that we would en deavor, by our feeble efforts, to.move for ward a plan.by which you could Eie united in your action, and prove to the world that you had some of hot* interest at heart. 1 say to-day—as I have felt from iny boyhood—for thirty years I have felt that this is what I wanted to say: That all men were created equal! From my school-boy days, when I ran barefooted to school, I have looked at the ■white man going to college and 1 felt that I Wanted to go there too. I spoke these sentiments years back, when I was but a school-boy. To-day I rejoice to hear that there is a sentiment pervading a por tion of the people of the Southern States whereby they are willing that we should march hand in hand together for the privil eges of this grand country. I rejoice in the thought that with us, as united people, there is not a country in the world that can compete with us or dare to rival us. What has been heretofore the great drawback to tho United States of Amcr ica ? 1 acknowledge I do not, shall not, nor will not blame any 7 Southern man for rinciing slaves in hi.s possession. I lead in my Bible that God said, let us make man in our own image, and in our likeness, and I cared not what color he painted him, he was a mail still. I did not feel, nor ever shall feel that the curse of Cain is to be a curse upon the blackmail because he is black. I ou are aware that I have been a teach er of my people in tills Southern countrv. I have taught against thelaws of the land. 1 have taught every black child to believe he was as good as Queen Victoria’s son. I have taught every child that as long as lie behaved himself, and kept from lying and stealing he was as good as any man. II us is no-sentiment of to-day. I have scholars here who will tell you to-day that these are principles which I have taught. Are these principles of antag onism?. (a voice “No.”) Nothing has disturbed this land but the course of slavery. Ido not blame men lor owning slaves, because they found them. W hen God wanted to deliver the ]lebrew children out oi Egypt, he sent a means to those children, aud God intended through this war, that like the lied Sea, while the nation rented itself asunder, you should pass through free. This war was God’s work, and on that great day when we all shall stand before hi.s bar, 1 believe he will pronounce it liis work. Wars are the instruments in God’s hands, unseen, to carry out his great pur poses. Ts we all, white and black red'and yel low, look at the matter in this light, we would come together like one man,'North, Last, South and West, and join hands and hearts, one and a happy people, God intends that we shall acknowledge Him Judge of all the earth. I have gone home, make one man free ai.d another man a slave? I could not answer it. And when this war camo 1 came to the conclusion that if the Confederacy ofzimericabe vic torious, then God sanctions slavery 7, and if to the contrary, God said that slavery must end. . I read of the Jews in their various cap tivities, and from that l took consolation, I and know that God will serve his purposes. ! Citizens of America, look the matter in the face, and feci and know thatyou cannot measure tho arm qf God. The progress of events stares us in the face, anil Wo may as well stand upon the railroad track and say “stop,” when the locomotive is com ing, as to attempt to stop the progress of events. Let us endeavor to lay aside the hasty march forward in the grand drama of the future. We must march forward as citi zens of this country, which title I claim to have always been our right, though it has long been withheld from us. I know of cases where men have taken their servants into their parlors and taught them to read, but where the great fault lies is in your having made laws to pro hibit the education of the blacks. I read of an instance where Judge O’Neil, of Sotith Carolina, taught his servants to road the Bible. He felt that they were mortal. (Applause.) Now, we colored people have always bad some little differences. They have grown with. us. Now, if lam made in the image of God, you have no right to declare me an animal or a brute. You have done it ; therefore, God chastizes the nation. There are certain papers in this city that see it, but they speak contemptuously of my people. If God should spare your lives you will pronounce it a falsehood that we are in capable of improvement _ Judge Barker say# that the brute crea tion is distinguished from the human fam ily by instinct, where the human being lias reason. Ilowis instinct defined? (Quotes Webster’s definition of the word). Now, if wo have been governed by in stinct all our lives, I ask was it instinct that led us-to respect you when you were on the battle-field?. Many a time we have set down and formed conclusions among ourselves, and 1 tell, the most' unlettered man could sec that this confed eracy was a failure. A voice. (Fire up.) I tell you the black man has been a means of power which you have not yet felt. Many have prayed to God that if it was bis will, let the Union forces be victorious. (Cheers. ) Ido not pretend or attempt to say that l know what would be the effect of it. I have felt that there were many privileges we wanted. I felt by instinct that I wanted to get a little higher. I have felt that one man ar.d one nation could not do right by themselves for me. They say ‘.’blood is thicker than water.” You will find nation for nation, man tor man, and brother for brother. Since peace has been declared, even in the military tribunals, I have found that black men who have murdered white men have been bung, and white men who have murdered black men have been let go free. (Applause.) 1 tell you God looks down upon these things. God lias justice as well as mercy. I have, however, noticed one instance of a white man being hung. Why was it ? Because a black and a white man were both convicted for the same offence, and they could not separate the white man from the black man—and that's why. But in every other case, where the black man lias been tried separate from the white man, he has been hung. Now, this is one grand reason why I claim that, in the sight of heaven, I ought to be per mitted to possess, reason, or help to pass sentence upon my fellow man. (Cheers, and a voice, ‘ ‘ fire up. ’ ’ Our space will notallow us to give more of Simeon Beard’s speech, owing to its great length and repetition of argument. Beard is a man of education and intelli gence, but his passion got the control of his judgment, and he, doubtless, said many things which he will hereafter wish he never uttered. In speaking of the com mission of crime, we understand, that he said when white men are guilty of outrages upon the blacks they do not inform upon one another. He, therefore, counseled his hearers to he more clanish, to take pat tern after the white man, and when crimes were committed against the whites by the blades, not to inform upon their own color, but to heept the matter secret. SPEECH OF RICHARDSON (WHITE.) The last speaker is of 1 recent importa tion. We believe he assumes to a leader ship among the colored people of this city; but if they follow the lead of such whites they certainly cannot expect to five in har mony with the Southern people, who are, af ter all, their best friends. We give his speech NEW SERIES VOL. XXVI. NO. 17. i ; for the purpose of showing our people the bad motives which actuate those of his elk. 1 Here is his speech : There has been enough said already on ; the l nion side of the question, to demol ish the arguments that have been present ed to you to-day on the other side. There is no need of my detaining you here with any argument; L shall, therefore, ask you j a few questions, for I anticipate you are getting hungry. Mr. Starnes argument was about bread aiid meat, and I see he lias gone to get liis. You have had the privilege of hearing 1 i him speak to day, and you have heard I ; him. Island here to-day and iny broth- ! 1 ers of color stand here to-day, to talk to j : you by that same power granted. I stand ! here to-day to ask you to adopt these reso- ! ! lutions, it is a power that this flag gives ; j you and me, that gives us the privilege of I | standing here joined in free discussion on j j free priuciples-.of a free government. | Governor Johnson advises you to accept j of no platforin. lie asks you to keep aloof | from parties. How are you going to vote? | Are you going to vote for men ? If you' vote for men you must know what prin ciples they _ represent. There must boa party. ’1 his must needs be, and in a gov j eminent like ours there must lie two I parties. M hich parly are you going to give your votes for ? That is the question. Are you going to give your votes to the party who got up these resolutions or to Governor Johnson’s party? 110 is dis franchised and lias no rights, and when he did have the franchise privilege he be longed to that party who adopted for its principles the decision of the Supreme Court, which decided that a black man had no rights under the Constitution. Five years ago Governor Johnson’s party set that Constitution aside and framed anew one. They framed a Constitution of their own. Now lie comes here to-day and says that that Constitution which was _ established by our forefathers, is his platform and his principles. Has he a right to come before .you and advise you as he has to-day ? Even now before he is pardoned, he comes before you and offers you advice to accept of no party. Aro you going to take hisadvice (cries of “no,” “no*”) . All yon have to do is to accept the prin ciples of this party, to adopt its platform, for your platform, and all of these blessings which this flag represents shall he given you. If Gov. Johnson is really your friend, and wishes to see all the people prosper, why dent lie accept tho Reconstruction and Supplemental Bill. There is a reason th'at ho should be thankful that he has the privilege of coming here to-day to speak to you, and to advise you. He has reason to bo thanklhl because he has not been hung. When all your best men in the State de clared that the foundation of the Confed eracy was human slavery, why does ho deny that the Confederaev was established to.pefpctuaCt) slavery ? How can lie deny it in the lace of tho past ? He cannotdeny it when free discussion is allowed. lam detaining you too long. What is your duty ? Your duty is to stand by that party wliich gives you the most privileges, which extends to you tho greatest freedom. It. is your duly to stand by that party, no matter whdthcr 1 advocate that party or Gov. Johnson does. If Guv. Johnson ad vocates those principles, you are expected to do the same. All men who have rebelled against the government can come back anil join this party, but in allowing them to come in and join this party, we do not wish to make t hem captains or leaders. W hat is the duty of these white people? It is to take the colored man by the hand and try to help to elevate him from that depth ot degradation in which the laws have placed him. It is their duty to do it, to join with your friends in-the North who have established your rights hero—given you a bank.and a newspaper. The sooner the white men do this the sooner they will have peace and harmony; but ii they pers’st in filing their bills, and the Supreme Court undertakes to carry it out, there is. tho gulf of con fiscation open to receive their property. The past is gone. I do not wish ito harrow the feelings of any ono. So long as I see a disposition on the part of the people to do right, I shall dispense from white shake hands together. This beauti ful square, with its beautiful trees and green grass, is a bright spot; but you go hack in the Country, and you will find hovels unpainted and unattractive, and people, 1 am sorroy to say, uneducated. I say the people, black ami white, in the country, are mostly uneducated. About one in seven can read. Then, what is the remedy ? It is to accept a government which will establish free churches, free principles, and allow every man of us the privilege of trying his brother man, when his brother is accused of crime—to allow all men that have the- privileges of voting to set on a jury too. This is the privilege of all men, black anil-white, and it is com ing soon. Accept what is offered to you, and all will be right. I offer these resolu tions now to the President, asking him to ask you to vote for or against them. Resolutions re-read by Beard and car ried unanimously. Dismissal. South Carolina State Taxes. The following circular explains itself: Headh’ks Shcond Mii.iTAny Dist., 1 Charleston S. 0., April IC, IStiT. J In to several communications ad dressed to these headquarters, iu reference to the proceedings of the civil authorities of South Carolina in the collection of taxes, the Inflowing letter of instruction from His Excellency the Governor to the Comp troller-General, is published for the in formation of all continued: Executive Department, S. C.,1 .Columbia, 19th Feb. 1807. j lion. S. J.. J.eaphart, Comptroller-Gen eral. ; Sir—Upon conference with several of the Tax Collectors, as well as the Attorney General, I am satisfied that the enforce ments of the Acts of the General Assem bly, according to tlieir technical import, will bo very oppressive to the poor who are tillable to pay their taxes and have no property, and who, in such con tingency, are required to be ar rested and confined in jail until they do pay tho execution; • and it will impose a ruinous burthen on tho State to pay fur dieting all who maybe arrested. When once plain. <1 in jail there is no power to release the delinquent until the Legis lature meeis. in the present straitened condition of the finances of the State it •must be avoided, and you are hereby di rected to issue a notice to tiro Sheriffs of the several Districts, instructing them not to arrest and put in jail any delinquent in a lax execution, unless such .Sheriff, upon inquiry, shall be satisfied'that lie or she is fraudulently concealing property, or with holding money belonging to hint or her; and that in every case where lie believes the delinquent is unable, for want of means, to pay, that the execution shall lie so endorsed, and no proceedings further taken upon it. I have the honor to lie, Very respectfully,.yonrs, <&(!., James L. Oitl, Governor. The instructions of the Governor will be carefully observed by Sheriffs and all other officers. Sheriffs or other officers charged with tho execution of process for the collection of taxes, will lie required to report to the commanding officer of the Post in which their duties are performed, tho names of all parties imprisoned for the non-payment of taxes, the amount of taxes due, and the amount of costa and fees, together with (lie evidence showing “that he or she is fraduientiy concealing property or withholding money belonging to him or her.” Post I'ominanders wilfsee that the re quirements of tiiis Circular are observed. Dy command of Major-General T _ _ . D. E. SICKLES, J. \\ . Clous, Captain ASLii Infantry, A. D. C. and Act. Ass’t Ad’jt General. New York Ladies’ Southern Belief Association. —We have been kindly furnished with the following statement of the relief for the destitute people of Geor gia from the New York Ladies’ Southern Relief Association, since January, 1867: To Savannah $2,500 00 To Augusta 820 (H> To Sparta 700 00 j To Macon 060 00 To Atlanta 500 00 To Columbus 300 00 To Athens 300 00 To Marietta 270 00 | To Griffin 200 00 ! To Ilotne 200 00 To Bahlonega 200 00 To Decatur ? 100 00 To Oxford 200 00 To Cassville 100 00 Total $7,140 00 When it is borne in mind that the bounty of this truly noble Association has been distributed with equal liberality to the sufferers in the other Southern States, none can fail to be impressed with the deep debt of gratitude which our people owe to the benevolent and kind-hearted adies of New York. —Savannah News. Release of Colonel Ashby.—The numerous friends of Colonel Henry M. Ashby will be pleased to hear that he has been released from the dungeon in Clinton, Judge Hook agreeing to take SIO,OOO bail for his appearance at the next term of his court. Georgia Items.. j Attempted Murder and llobuery. j Ou Saturday night last, as a white pcd dler was travelling on loot on the Gulf railroad, about fifteen miles from the city, he was pounced upon by a negro, who struck him cn the fiead with a heavy club, knocking him down. After beating his victim until he was satisfied that life was extinct, he threw-him into a ditch, leaving him there to die, and seizing the mans bundle, containing all his goods, made his escape. The peddler finally recovered, and came to the city yesterday. Ilis head was dreadfully bruised and swollen. — Sav. , A', it's ,f' Hercdd. Arrival of Ex-Governor Brown.— | Among the arrivals yesterday evening at j the Marshall House, was that of Ex-Gov. | Joseph E. Brown, who comes to this city | on business connected with the United States Circuit Court. lie is apparently in j fine health. We have heard many ex j pressions of desire to listen to some public I remarks from him while he remains here, j and have no doubt that those who oppose | as well as those who support his policy \ would be glad to hear from him. — Saran | nnh News A Herald . Return of Col. Crouton—A Nation i a i. Salute. —Among the passengers by j the steamship Leo, from the North recently, ; was the late gentlemanly commander of this post Col. R. 15. A. Crofton, who has been North on a leave of absence. While the Leo was passing Fort Pulaski, ou her way to the city, her ilag was run up, and Capt. Houlihan, the commandant of the fort, caused a Rational salute of eleven guns to be fired in honor of the Colonel’s arrival. Col. Croftoh will he gladly wel comed back by his many admirers. He will leave soon for Macon, where lie is to assume command. — Sav. Netcs <(’• Her. Dredging Machine. —Since the city dredge boat has commenced work, under the chargeof the Commissioners of Pilotage, it lias made a cut of twenty-five l'eet in width, through the shoalest part of the “Wrecks,” and has dug it through a dis tance of two hundred yards, so that now there is an average depth at low water of fifteen feet. This result is highly gratify ing. The machine, so far, has work with out interruption, no part of it getting out of repair. We understand the Mayor and Aldermen will bo invited to inspect the work to-day.— Sav. Netcs & Herald, liith. Arrest of a Notorious Thief. —On Saturday evening the detectives succeeded in arresting a colored man named Russell, for whom they have been on the hunt for Some time, hut who has adroitly evaded their watchings. Russell, who is a well spoken negro, had a habit of hiring out to families, with whom lie would stay a day or two, and then decamp with whatever valuables he could obtain. After his ar- rest a valuable silver pitcher and several other articles were found stored away by him. —Savannah News <1? Herald. Serious Accident. —Yesterday morn ing a young man named Michael McCabe, while performing upon the gymnassmm in the yard of the Catholic School, on Drayton street, fell from the pole on which lie was exercising, and broke his arm, fracturing the bone in several places.— Savannah News <!■ Herald. Emigrants to Brazil.— Among the 'passengers by the steamship San Jaeinto, for New York, on Saturday, was about fifty emigrants for Brazil, the greater part of whom came from Florida,. —Savannah News <& Herald. Personal.— The Hon. B. 11. Dill and the Hon. Linton Stephens are in tho city, and stopping at t he Screven House. — -Sav. News, IX,I h. Distribution of Corn.— Messrs. Coop er & McArthur'issued four hundred and ninety rations of corn, half-bushel each, up to Saturday night last, as follows: Col ored 1103; White IX7.— Sar. Rep., 1 C,th. Shooting Affair. —Philip Denton, a colored lad, was before Judge Levi S. Rus sell, yesterday, charged with shooting one Friday Flood, another colored lad, on the Bth of April inst. ft appears that each one of the boys was armed with a shot gun for the purpose of shooting birds, and after having quarreled, Friday turned he, bade to Philip and told him to shoot, whereupon Philip fired, inflicting a dan gerous wound, which will probably result in the death of Friday;, Philip was eom- Drownep.— Yesterday morning while Mr. Edward Wildman and Col. Charles Farnsworth were crossing the Ogecehco river in a small uuck boat, from their residence to a rice plantation directly opposite, the heavy wind prevailing at the time swamped the boat and both were drowned. The loss of these estimable gentlemen will be deeply regretted by all who knew them, as they were men of great integrity and honesty. They had been in this country but a short time.—Nor. News & Herald, 16 th. Installation of Rev. R. K. Porter. —The interesting exercises of installing the newly elected Pastor of the Central Pres byterian Church, in this city, took plage last Sabbath. f l lie large audience room of that Church was densely filled, and the ceremonies were conducted in the following order: The sermon was delivered by'Rev. Mr. Cunningham, of'Lagrange—subject: “The Apostle Paul, presented as the great ex amplar of the elevating and saving influ ence of Christianity upon man.” Next, followed the charge to the Pastor, by Rev. Dr. Wilson, of the First Church, who re viewed in a clear, and able manner the duties of the Pastor Wider the threq heads of Personal, Ministerial and Pastoral. The charge to the people was pronounced by Rev. Mr. Wood, ol’Decatur, in an admira bly conceived address, presenting the scrip tural obligation of a congregation to obey, love, support and co-operate with their Pastor. ' Tire right hand of fellowship was then extended by the officers of the Church, and the benediction was pronounced by Rev. Mr. Porter, who now enters upon his labors, having the esteem of his entire peo ple and the prospect of great usefulness among us.— At. Opinion, 1 Oth. I/O, For Brazil.— The steamer Leo, which leaves for New York to-day, takes the following former valued citizens of Alabama as passengers, m-ronte for Brazil: Dr. G. W. McDade and family, Dr. J. ( Farley and family, Dr. Dowsing, A. S* Farley, Esq., Thomas Gunter, Esq., and two sons of Harvey Hall, Esq. They are all front the vicinity of Montgomery, where they held a high social position, and they go to seek anew home in a country where they will find a home audali the privileges of citizens. They will stop at Jlio de Janeiro, hut the ultimate destination of the party is the Province of San Paulo. We wish the party a pleasant and quick voyage, and much success in the new home to which they are emigrating.— Savannah News A JI era bl, lo til. The Fire Last Night.— About ei-Jii, o’clock last evening, the dwelling of Mr. G. W. Grubb, on otto of the now streets in the northwestern part of the city, caught, fire and was burned to the ground. A portion of the furniture was removed. Owing to the distance, and the bad condi tion of the streets, our vigilant firemen failed to reach the spot, after making vig orous efforts ; but, fortunately, a heavy rain was falling, which materially assisted the citizens in saving the adjoining build ings, some of which were in great peril. The flames were first discovered in the roof, near a chimney in which there had lieennofiro during tlie day. This leads to llie inferencu that the fire was the work of an incendiary. Mr. G’s lops, in dwelling, ! furniture, etc., was generally estimated at j $2,000, insurance $l,lOO. — At. Opinion, | 16 th. Narrow Estate from Drowning.— In the early part of last week, Capt. J. O. Dutch, accompanied by four friem Is, while attempting to cross Mosquito* Inlet bar. in a sail boat, the wind blowing fresh and a heavy sea on the bar, the boat was cap sized, and the entire party had a narrow escape from being drowned. They were rescued by the boats from the cutter Nansemond. Capt. Dutch lost cloth! n -and papers to the value of ahum’ four hundred dollars. —Savannah AW* A - Uth. Atilmit at Incendiarism. -A most, daring attempt was made to five the block situated between Bryan and St. Julian street opposite the Pulaski House, on .Saturday night. '1 he rascals succeeded it. obtaining entrance to the building by a small gate on St. Julian street. Pine wood and paper was first ignited at the corner of a small wooden shed, but, luckily, it did not catch. An attempt was also ntade to set fire to the benches in the water closet, but being secured from the wind they did not ignite. As though determined to succeed in their daring de s’gn, the cowardly wretches proceeded up the stairs leading to the photograph gallery of Mr. Steiger, and -at the door of the gallery they threw fire among the wood piled there. The wife of the artist, hear ing the noise, proceeded to the door and found the fire had gained some headway. She immediately extinguished it, when the ruffians, who were below in the yard, be coming alarmed, escaped. We understand that a reward of fifty dollars has been offered for the capture of the rascals. — Savannah News dr Herald , 1 (,th.