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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 12, 1868)
' ' • 1 ' J* " ._r • OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXVI. (fhroukle & Sentinel. aumiv moohß a. it. whiojit. PATRICK M AJ.SII, Associate Editor. TKKMM OF sI’IWC’BTPTION. oiii y. Un mf/nil * * m T ANARUS, . J, n ’ .. . 380 <»' v ' low 7 wrtXLV. *, f ., r ,hs i l 1 « w AUG UHTA. G.V : »VKD\F..SDAT MO KM.Mi. AUIBT 12. lien. Robert Toombs’ Spittb. . We devote a good portico of our apace this morning to an authorized report of General Robert Toombs’ speech, delivered at the great Democratic Ratification Con vention at Atlanta, .July il'.ii. It is a clear" able and forcible exposition of the prin ciples upon which this Government i cat founded —principles which, though now departed from and violated by the Radical party, must again rc-assert them selves through the voice of the people at the ballot-box, if the c<mntry is to bo saved from anarchy. This spc.cli docs great credit to Gen. Toombs, and most reeom- | mend itself to the people of the North as well as the South, from its great force, sound constitutional doctrines and mode ration. Great Speech.—The Great Speech of lion. Hen Hill, delivered at the Atlanta Democratic Ratification Mas.-; Meeting, has been issued in pamphlet form from the press of the Chronicle, & Sentinel and is now ready for delivery. Every Democrat in Georgia and in the South should read this powerful speech. Single copies five cents. Fifty copies and upward at the rate of two and a half cents a piece. Send along your orders. Every Dem ocratic Club in Georgia should subscribe for and circulate this speech. ts. Sad !—Bryant slated, in his speech on Saturday last, that he was a Georgian by : adoptio’u and intended to make Augusta I las home as lyng as he lived ! That will be sad news to the people, particularly if , he liould live very long, as they were all | rejoicing at his reported exodus hftnec. | They have a dislike to ants generally and Dry ant in particular. The Maryland Farmer —For August has been received, and is, as usual, well filled with articles on agriculture, horticul ture, the dairy, kitchen, garden, house hold, ike., &c. The Farmer is a good and reliable agricultural journal, and should be in the hands of every farmer in the coun try. 11 is published by S. Sands, Mills, A C0.,24 S. Calvert St., Baltimore, Md.,at $1 50 a year, in advance. .Joshua Hill’s Letter. —The indi vidual to whom Mr. Hill addressed his letter declining to speak at the Radica Convention in this city, on Saturday last, was so much elated at the praise with which Josh bospatkered bim that ho had to read it twice. It ought to be published for the benefit of the author, the recipient and the Democrats, who are gratified at .Josh’s election. Democ ratic Speaker’s Hand Book. —The Miami Publishing Company, of Cincinnati, have but recently published the aboveuamed work. It will be'found a very valuable campaign work. Every Democratic speaker, editor and party member should have a copy. Its price is $2 50. Address Miami Printing and Publishing Company, corner Bedims l street and Mi,Alii Canal, Cincinnati, Ohio. Rows in Aiken.— There were two row in.Aikcn Tuesday. The first occurred at the Barbecue grounds, where two or three persons were slightly cut. Tho second was occasioned by some Radical ruffiau negro knocking down one of the eolored orators of tho day, whereupon some of ihe Au gusta boys took after the perpetrator of the outrage, aud fired at him, but he es caped unhurt. At one time this threaten ed to boa very serious disturbance, bus, owing to the presence and prudent coun sels of Generals Hampton and Butler, it was stopped. ■Sensible Advice. —Wc find the follow ing sensible paragraph about exercise in an exchange: Tiie Girls. —Encourage your girls to exereiso. Let them race round the garden until they are married, and then race j around after their own children. Let them jump rope and play battledore on the piaz za. Praise them for quick and graceful j motions. Lot them rest when tired, but | don’t allow listless movements about their 1 work. If housework is in their way, It is better lor them to labor hard one hour and rest one, than to take up the two by slow performance. There is a great deal of strength and spirit saved by knowing j how to work. I know that to go slowly I about, dusting, sweeping, ironing a whole forenoon, is tiresome ns well ns dull, but to j do either of these things briskly, turns it ' into a good exercise. Quick work is not ! so fatiguing as slow. The Democratic Bahrecue at Aiken, S. CL-AtOj o’clock a. ui , the special I train, with the Augusta delegation, num- i boring nearly 200, with the colored Brass ' Band and several banners and transparen cies, left the Union Depot, and in about an : hour arrived at Aiken, where they were j met by the Aiken and other Democratic Clubs and escorted to the place prepared for the Barbecge, which was a very grand affair. There were some three or four ] thousand persons present, awry large pro- ■ portion being ladies from Georgia and ] South Carolina. A noticeable feature iu the procession was a delegation from the Columbia, (S. C.) Colored Democratic Club, and another, Colonel Meredith s celebrated “ Baby Waker,” which awoke the echoes around Aiken with frequent salvos. On arriving at the ground we found two stands prepared lor speaking, tastefully draped with evergreens and ornamented with appropriate mottoes. Tho following are some of the mottoes on the bauners borne by the colored club : "We claim no rights—we expect no wrong. We trust the men of the South— we look to the ultimate interest of our race.' ’ South Carolina: ••tie is a gem in tho diadem bright That widens the area of Pence— V. tin milleth the waters of angry strife And givetli good will a long louse." Tlo Cm ion: "Wo kuow our interests.” " Seymour and Blair, the ftfeeds of the eolored man.” "No Scalawags or Carpet-Baggers wanted here.” " I'nioH, Ihrm iny am! 1 \ace —We rally under the National Democratic Ban- At the appointed hour Col. W. P. Fin ley called the meeting to order, and intro duce! Gen. Wade Hampton to the au dience, who then delivt’ed a very interest ing and telling speech. He was followed by Judge Aldrich, and Hon. 11. W. Hil liard of Augusta; Geu. M. C. Butler, and Leroy W. Yeomans, of South Caro lina. Two colored men trout Columbia, \\ m. Stowe and Preston Goode also made pteehes, which were listened to with at tention and loudly applauded. Resolu tions ratityiug tho nomination of Seymour and Blair were then adopted. During the speaking the Band discoursed music; while the "Baby Water” was also brought into play. After the speaking was over the crowd was invited to the Barbecue, which was nicely served up, hut a heavy rain coming up at the time, a great many had to go off without their dinner, or partake of a very poor one at the hotel—price $1 00. Three Biatk Grows. At a negro meeting held at the City Hall on Saturday afternoon last, a whercasand two resolutions were introduced by a fellow called Brayton (white negro), and unanimously passed by the intelligent I “two thousand” tin a horn), which among other things, stigmatises the statements made in the resolutions of the citizen’s meeting last week in relation to the finan ces cf the city as untruthful. We shall not attempt a defence of the action of the citizen’s meeting alhided to. It was by far the largest, most respectable intelligent and orderly meeting we have ever seen assembled in the city, and its action was characterized by less of partisan feeling than we thought it possible for a people so long and so grossly wronged to have exhibited. The names of the gen tlemen who figured in that meeting are a sufficient guaranty of the character of the assemblage, and its action speaks trumpet tongued in behalf of its moderation and for bearance. The dirty sneaks and wretches who un dertook, on .Saturday last, to slander the good people of Augusta are, some of them at least, not so well known to the people outside of the city as their base associations and infamous conduct hero requires that they should be. The fellow Brayton, who introduced the resolutions, is a broad-footed, big heeied,blubber-lipped, blue-nosed, canting, hypocritical, white-skinned negro carpet bagger, recently spewed out of some in tense Radical town in Connecticut, and who has found his leva! herejn his associa tions with the most vile and worthless of the lower class of disreputable negroes. The Chairman of‘ this negro indignation meeting was the somewhat notorious J. E. Bryant, a sedition monger of the true Ashburn type, and the other white skinned “indignant” was a certain youth ful son of the famous perjurer Blodgett. These arc the miserable, contemptible wretehes who presume to stigmatize the action of honest gent lemen as untruthful. Ilow appropriate, that the son of Blod gett, who is now under indictment for perjury, should be a leader in a movement to fix ihesiainof untruthfidness upon those who loathe his perjured sire as they do the demons of the damned. What a stain and disgrace to the more respectable negroes of Augusta that they should be found associating with such mean and contemptible white trash. We pity in our souls the poor unfortunate blacks #ho haye permitted these carpet baggers and scalawags to impose them selves upon their confidence. As long as they oontinuo such infamous associations they will continue to forfeit th’e esteem and confidence of the good pcoplo of this city. (Jen. Sherman on Free Speech. When General Grant reached St. Joseph on his grand western tour last week, a few ultra Radicals cssayeif to call him out for a speech. After a deal of screech ing and horn-tooting, the great Hiram Useloss made his appearance and deliver ed his usual speech : "Ho was greatly flattered by the call—was very tired, was not in the habit of speech making—and hoped they would excuse him.” The crowd was disappointed, and mur. murs* ol" dissatisfaction soon became audi ble. Some enthusiastic Democrat, to soften the disappointment of bis Radical friends, called for three cheers for Horatio Seymour, which were given with a wild enthusiasm which rent the air, and brought consternation upon the counte nances of the Grant party. At this jjutuc 'jroriorAi »Shorm&n, oi’ Atlanta and Columbia memofy, stepped upon the balcony, and as soon as he , could be heard above the din of cheers for Sey mour, is reported By the Cincinnati Gazette (Radical) to have spoken as fol lows : "Gentlemen, Ido not in general coun sel violence, but were Ia citizen of St. “Joseph I would take that man [refer “ring to the one who commenced the “cheering] down to the Missouri river “and duck him. We have fought rebels, “and wo thought they had had enough of “fighting.” The people of this country should be warned in time by this significant throat ot the seoond highest officer in the Federal army. IfJbehadiho power—and he no doubt speaks the sentiments of nine-tenths of his party—he would destroy every white man in this country who dares, in the ex ercise of his plain rights as a freeman, to vote against the Republican ticket. The free people of this country must not pre sume to express their political preference in the presence of this "Great Cmser” of military despotism, unless they are willing to subject themselves to a lynching pro cess, such as Tecumseh Sherman advised his St. Joseph friends to apply to unof fending Democrats. Another thing is disclosed by this sig nificant speech of General Sherman. It is this : man in the North and West who opposes Grant and the Radicals is denounced by this high officer of the Government as rebel*. Men of the North, what think you of this military despotism which is rising up iu your own midst ? That!. Stevens. The old Dragoon of spleen and ha te, and malignant persecutor of the South, ex plains his position, in- a letter to a friend, as follows: House of Representatives, 1 Washington, D. C., July 23, ISGB. J j Dear Sir : 1 have not declaredfor Sey inovr and Diair, and I have only ile i dared against fools aud swindlers, who | have fabricated the most * atrocious false , hoods as to my position upon the currency I question. When I am a little stronger I shall give , a full history of this matter, which will | put the follow s to shame, if they are ; capable of blushing. I shall take care and | protect the tax-payers from usurers, by I making every man pay aud receive just ac j cording to his contract. Touts; ic., Thaddeus Stevens. Well, we are rejoiced to know that he ; “has not declared for Seymour and Blair," j but that joy would be considerably en - j hanced if he would only assure "his j triend and the country that he “will \ not join the Democracy. “An you love me ltal no more of that." | Spoon Thief Butler Branded as a Liar. Beast Butler has again “put his foot j in it," by publishing the following letter , explanatory of his recent arrest in Balti more: Boston, Wednesday, July 29, 1868. j To the Jfttoot' of the Boston Journal : I see in vouc telegraphic columns a no- ] tiee that Charles W. Woolley amt Kimber ly Brothers brought suit against me in j Baltimore; in other and less accurate• pa- 1 pers that “I was arrested-’' The first is 1 true, the latter not. Tho purpose of Woolley's suit obvious. The- telegram adds that the Kimberly suit is “tor money extorted 1 from them while I was iu command at Fortress Monroe." Both suits were brought by Johu Surratt's attorney—the latter iu order to give occasion for the tel egram. Kimberly Brothers’ claim is for rent paid bv them for occupation oj tioveru meut lands. A Board of -Survey reported that all the occupants of Government land for shopkeeping purposes should pay rent, [ the amount of which the Board fixed. ! My Provost Marshal collected of the Kim berlys iamong others) and accounted for I that rent for which lam sued, and it is j telegraphed over ibe eouutry “lor extort liug money.’’ This is’ a specimen of rebel slanders nca:usi me. aud rebel' claims against the j fsovernmeut. All respectable papers unwittingly giv j ing currency to to this calumny will, 1 - doubt not, give place to the refutation. KespecUudy, Bknj. F. Bi tlkk. It will be seen, by reference to our tele egraphie columns this morning, that Col I Brent pronounces this version of the j bottled beast a lie. The old thief and woman murderer has a hard time of it | just now. Senator Henderson “ skinned” 1 hint the other day in the Senate, and now I he takes upon bis already infamous brow ’ the burning brand of Liar ! ‘Eerily the j way of the transgressor is bard. Stay Laws—Relief. ; If the teachings of the history of former : days has failed to convince the judgments of law-makers that all the class of expedi ! ents which at various times in the world’s ; history have been resorted to by the law i making power to relieve the people from ! their legal and high moral obligations to pay their debts—to the extent, at least, of their ability—have, in the end, not only failed to accomplish the desired object, but, worse still, have greatly added to the dis tress of the debtor class and diminished their ability to pay off their debts by re ducing the value of their assets, the history of the legislation of our own State upon this subject for the last seven years ought to produce conviction in the minds of those who have given even ordinary at tention to the effects produced by these ill-judged efforts to alleviate the too well known and universally acknowledged dis tress of our people. The effect of stay laws, so far as they are applicable to the debtor class, is merely to postpone the day of payment. They do not diminish the debt or lessen the obli gation to pay or even stop the accumula tion of interest. They hold out no hope to the debtor that he may, at any time, be acquitted of the obligation which he has voluntarily assumed, to pay both principal and interest. They merely postpone to a day later than that mutually agreed upon between debtor and creditor the time when the settlement is to be made. They merely change the contract in relation to the day of settlement. And this is all the good which they cm accomplish for the debtor class. On the other hand the injury which such laws inflict upon the credit and busi ness of the people is seen in the serious decline in value of the property of the country. As soon as credit receives the .Joab stab of legislative interference in the changing of the terms of contracts made betweeu man and man it languishes and rapidly dies. Confidence is lost in the integrity of mankind when the represent atives of the people—thoso known and recognized as the people’s servants —seek to shield their constituents from the le gal effects of their voluntary obligations. As soon as confidence is lost and credit is withdrawn, the value of property is dimin ished and prices fall far below a fair nor mal standard. We believe that the in judicious stay laws of this State have con tributed quite as much or more to the depreciation of the value of our property than the doubt and uncertainty thrown over the country by the legislation of the Jacobin Congress. * Land, stock, provisions and all the avail able property of the great planting inter ests ot the country were at least fifty per cent, higher in the summer of ’GS after the stay law of the previous year had ceased to exist, and before the action on that subject by the Stato Couvcntion, than they have been since. Since that time commercial confidence has been en tirely destroyed and no man thinks of ex tending credit to his neighbor upon the same security which in former years was considered amply suffeient— to wit: busi ness integrity and the possession of proper ty. As we have just stated, the confidence of our people in the integrity of the masses has been destroyed, and the direct operations of the stay law completely neutralize the advantages which in former years accompanied the possession of prop erty. But these are not all, nor indeed the most serious, of the injuries which are in flicted upon the debtor class—the class they propose to benefit—by the operations of the Stay Laws. They quietly, and it may be in some instances slowly, but neverthe less certainly, beget in the mind of the debt or the belief that he will never be required to pay his debts—aud hence he lessens bis es forts to accumulate and save ; but what is worse still, they produce conviction in his mind that it would be wrong and that he ought not to perform the obligation which he has So solemnly pledged his word to do. This is a severe blow to the morals of a com munity, and, if it were the sole bad cffcctre sultitig from these laws should speak trum pet-tongued against their enactment. Let us not be misunderstood. We are not and have never, since the disastrous close of the late war —by which the people of this State were deprived of more than four-fifths of their entire property—been opposed to the extension of such just, equal and equalized relief to the debtor class as the changed condition of their pcciiniary circumstances imperatively de manded. But we say that stay laws afford no relief—they do not even palliate the de plorable condition of our greatly distressed people. They aggravate and increase their troubles, and. as we have just said, dimin ish their ability to settle their debts. Believing, as we most sincerely and honestly do, that the stay law has injured rather than benefitted our people, we urge the Legislature to adopt some mode of relief for the people of Georgia which shall be certain, fixed, definite and final, and that the stay resolution which has just passed both branches of the General As sembly be made as short-lived as possible. Whatever mode is adopted let it be sub stantial and complete, and, as we have just said, final and conclusive. We want, the people want, the country wants, a finality on this vexed subject. Almost any real relief law would be hailed as a relief from the doubts and fears and uncertainties of our present stay laws. We believe that a substantial relief law could be framed which, while it tvould enforce equity between debtors and credi tors in the settlement of old claims, and vitalize the energies and increase the value of the property of the people of the State, would not be violative of the letter or spirit of the Constitution of the United States. In the absence of any well-digested plan of this sort, we shall lay before our readers, . in a day or two, the skeleton of a relief law t -deli as we have just indicated. In die ] meantime we invite attention to this sub i ject from correspondents. The Ohio Democracy. An immense ratification mass mooting of the Democracy was held in Cincinnati on the 24th lust., on which occasion able and eloquent speeches were made by Hon. Geo. 11. Pendleton and Hon Geo. E. Pugh. We laid before our readers in our last Sunday's issue the full report of the great effort of Mr. Pendleton. We give below such extracts from the masterly offort of Mr. Pugh as our limited space will per mit. We regret that we cannot give more ot it, as it is a document which should be read by every true man in the South: SEYMOUR AND BLAIR. Now, they (the Radicals) are greatly dis tressed about the case of fceymour and Blair. They will be more distressed by and-by. [Laughter.] They say Mr. Sey mour don't stand on your platform. Weil, I say that he does ; and more than that, I have read very carefully the very speech of which they speak, delivered in Cooper Institute on tne 25th of June. I say that his speech is exactly the platform, and it is just one of the tricks of the opposition, when they fail at everything else, to en deavor to distract us from the great ques tion that is before us. Then they say that General Blair has written a great letter that frightens some of them. I expect some are very easily frightened. They are afraid that the Democratic party is going to precipitate the country into another war. Well, you may count me out. Ido not want to see another war as long as I live, or at least until this debt is paid. Bqt what has General Blair said to tjiem ? He has said that these bogus State , governments are unconstitutional. They , are. Thad. Stevens admits even that. He • has said that they are outrages upon the AUGUSTA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 12, IS6B people of those States. They are. He s.ays they ought to be abolished. They ought to be and they will be. [Applause-] He has said that the whole power of. the Government, the President with the army and the navy, is bound to restore to the people of those States a representation in the Government. So the President is. The Constitution says that he shall do so. It is the duty of this Congress to do so. It : s our duty, my fellow-citizens. Why, suppose I stand before you to re late the case of the people of Crete, a far off, distant island in the Mediterranean, and I told you those poor people are gov erned by a foreign yoke which disfranchises all their public men, all those who have taken any prominence among their fellow citizens, and that it has promoted over their heads a set of lately emancipated slaves. If I told you that freemen were thus reduced beneath the feet of the mean est description of slaves, as you have seen in this city and everywhere else, we should have great meetings of commisscration and sympathy, and be putting our hands in our pockets to raise funds in behalf of these impoverished and down-trodden people. THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE, But it is not of them that I speak. I speak to you of your fellow-citizens in the South ern States, Americans like you, white men like you [cheers], whose fathers aided in winning the liberty that we eDjoy. Say that they erred. Call thfem rebels if you choose. Shower on them all of the epithets which these leaders of the people launch against them, at least it remains, they are our fellow-citizens; they are our people. [Cheers.] They have been vanquished in arms, and then, what? If you take the Constitution of tße United States; if you take the promises of Congress; if you take the proclamations of Abraham Lincoln; if you ta*ke the conditions of the surrender exacted by Grant, as well as by Sherman, they are entitled now to be restored .to their ri & hts as our fellow-citizens. If you go farther, if you take the laws of war; if you take that law which the con queror gives by the edge of the sword, he is bound to respect as far as it can be done with regard to the safety of others, the rights, the welfare and the honor of those whom be has conquered. Otherwise, poor humanity would be degraded to a lower level than that of the brutes. Take tJiu law of nations as applied to civil war. It is too late for us to talk about hanging traitors when we have exchanged prisoners with them; when we asked them for one of our men with a captain’s commission,_ and gave in exchange one of their men" with a captain’s commission. That was the end of the talk about hanging traitors. We recognize their officers; we recognize their rights as belligerents, and as, in a foreign war, it is closed by a treaty, so, by international law, every civil war is closed by a proclamation of amnesty. Andy Johnson ought to have issued it long ago. He has delayed it too long. It would shock the civi.'ired world and the barbarian world, fouiua-to undertake now to try, con vict and e-xeouie the people of the South ern States. Then, what are we to do with them ? Ask the soldiers, for, after all, they are generous. It is not the soldier that hates them. It is not the valiant Copperhead that stayed at home during the war. What are we to do with them ? What is the dictate of the Almighty ? What is the dictate of sound policy ? Why, we read in the Holy Scripture, “Agree with thine adversary quickly make peace with him ; recognize his rights of person and of property ; respect his honor, and ask him to respect yours: Bring them back to their old places in the Government, just as Mr. Lincoln promised should be done. Keep them in tho Government, and peace, indeed, will prevail. You will see quiet reign over tho whole country. You will see Jhe industry of the whole South renewed. You will see that put up on the tax duplicates which will lighten the burden. For the sake, therefore, of the toiling laborer, fox the sake of the owner of prop erty, for the sake of every man who loves peace and would eDjoy quiet at home, by every title by which men can be addressed, it is our interest to restore the people of the South to their equal participation in the privileges of the Government that they and we so long and so bloodily es tranged, may come together, and once more, side by side, as in the old time, march f.n vi rtnry, to ornpiro, to supromaoy in the earth. [Applause. J THE RADICAL POLICY. - But do these men mean that? No; they intend that it never shall be. The long and dreary catalogue of their crimes has been rehearsed by my honored friend who preceded me. Let me touch upon but one or two of the list. They now deny the right of the State of Ohio to withdraw her previous assent to the Fourteenth Amend ment to the Constitution, as you have heard. No lawyer will deny that right. But will any Republican who is not a law yer deny it? If he does, then I tell him tfiat his party did that very thing in Ohio. For, in the winter of 1860-61, the Legisla ture of Ohio, and a Republican Legislature, did give the assent of this State to what is known as the Oorwin-Seward Amendment, and a Republican Legislature withdrew that assent; and that is of record. And yet, although Congress has no busi ness with that question, although Congress never heretofore has concerned itself with the question of declaring whether an amendment was adopted or not, these gen tlemen have undertaken to put themselves into the breach and declare that it has beep ratified.” And how? By resolution passed through both Houses of Congress ? No indeed. They have got tired of Andrew Johnson’s vetoes, and they have now de cided not to let him have a chance to veto. Jlave they concluded to dispense with the Constitution altogether? They toll us that it passed both Houses, but that it need not be sent to the President. Let us see what the Constitution says : “Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of the House of Representatives and Senate inay be neces sary, except on the question of adjourn ment, shall he presented to the President of the United States, and before the same shall take effect, shall he approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be ronassed by two-thirds of the Senate and Houso of Representatives according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.*’ And yet in defiance of that plain sentence in the Constitution, they have undertaken, without consulting the President, without even giving him a chance to approve or disapprove, to trample under foot, not merely the rights of the Southern States, but the sovereignty of our own good State of Ohio. And how does the fourteenth amend ment operate ? A year or two ago it was supposed to operate upon the people of the Southern States. Now it operates I upon us. It says that a State which de nies to the negro the right of" voting shall be sheared of its representation in Con gress, and in the Electoral College to the extent of the whole negro population of that State. And, therefore, this four teenth amendment, which they have hus tled through Congress in the last two in violation of the Constitution, is intend ed to punish you, my fellow-citizens, for having, by fitly thousand majority, refus ed this neero suffrage last fall. It is you who are the sufferers. It is not a question , of imposing it upon the Southern States, for they have crammed the negro question ] .on them. It is an insult put on us. It is < the rebuke we have for exercising our right to decide whether or not we will per ! mit negroes to vote in onr State. THE WAY TO PLACE. Now lam no enemy of the negro. I never was his enemy. lam not sorry that j the institution of slavery fell. lam wii j ling to give the negro his chance. If he s is prudent, if he is industrious, if he is fit I for so great a responsibility, he will get the ! right of suffrage in due time —will earn it, | and the white man will give it to him. If he is not tit for it, all the giving of it to him i by all the Congresses in the world will not eaable him to keep it. And now it has been crammed upon these Southern States, j They have disfranchised the white man j utterly, aud enfranchised the negro, aud j just at tlvis present time, on the eve of a i Presidential election, they have not only f sent us a detachment of carpet-bagger. but i in the next Congress, if they prevail, we will have to receive a full-scented individual | from Africa, sitting there to make laws for I you ' . . Now, I say with General Blair, suen 1 conduct is infamous; such degrading gev -1 ernments must be overthrown. The pow- I er of choosing their own officers, the power ! of choosing Senators and Representative | for their own Stat es to sit in Congress with our Senators and Representatives must be , given to those who are identified with the people of those States, and I say that no j white people will submit to such degrada : tion as has been put upon the Southern ■ people. I say furthermore, they ought J not to submit to it. General Grant may . say, let us have peace, down to his dying | breath, bat there never will be peace while all these violent, lawless outrages are en -1 acted. 1 The white race has been trampled under ; foot by the black. The way to have peace, ! is to have justice. The way to have peace, ; is to go back to the Constitution, and as I ‘ said there is do need of there will ' be no need of war. There will be no Union, i there will be no liberty, there will be no j prosperity until the Republican Congress , and all who support its policy arc swept i from power, and swept away forever. [Applause.] « FROM ATLANTA. j SPECIAL CORSXSrOHDEJTCE OT THE CHRONICLE ± SMTTISEL.] The Emit alien t tiffing out —Inauguration Ball Bullock's and Me Cay’s Speeches ; — Cries for Seymour and Blair—The negroes interrupt Bullock with cries for Bradley— Suspension of Sales and Levies — Warner to be Chief Justice, Atlanta, August 1, 1864. There is a lull in the storm. The Sen atorial election was the culmination of Legislative excitement. When the pas sions of the hour shall have subsided a little, I think the Legislature will be able to address itself to the business of the country with some concert of action. Night before last closed the active outside party demonstrations, I suppose, until the meeting of the Radical Convention. On Tuesday, the Democrats made all the Rads hop, and Thursday night Governor Bul lock invited a select few to hop with him. In the midst of this innocent -amusement with which Georgia’s rulers wct£ tryingjo recreate themselves, and rid for a time from the memory of tbegritve and stern conflicts in which they had been but recently so fearfully engaged, a" crowd of some three hundred niggers, accompa nied by a little leaven of whites", assembled in front of the National II 'tel where Govern or Bullock was entertaining his guests, and commenced a vociferous call for the Governor. Militia- Gen,'l, McKay ap peared at the window and assured them that they should hear from h’is Excellency in a few minutes, and in the meantime the gallant General undertook to entertain them. By this time a Considerable group of the “ unterrified” bad gathered upon the opposite side of the street for.the purpose of witnessing this novel interchange of courtesies between the Governor and the provisional citizens, by whose Votes be was elevated. The speaker who was to enter taiu them until the Governor exchanged slippers for boots, set in in good earnest and was approaching the termination of one of those long drawn-out sentences which was to close with the names of Grant and Colfax, when suddenly there arose from the crowd upon the opposite side of the street, in tones swelling high above those of the speaker and completely drown ing his voice, the -thrilling Democratic refrain, “ Seymour and Blair.” The General, not to he thus vanquished, backed and came again, hut was the seoond time made to utter the prophetic assertion that the colored men would vote for Seymour and Blair at the approaching election. The General was about reaching the “cuss ing” point, when lie was relieved by the appearance of Governor Bullock, who took the job and reached the same point in less time. IJe was just commencing to speak when anew idea seemed to strike cuffee and they commenced yelling “Bradley! Bradley! we want Bradley;” during which demonstration the Governor took occasion to retire, not, however, until he had thanked “ the gentlemen for the honor conferred upon him,” Such is now the complexion of Georsia politics. What consoling reflection the patriot will be able to deduce from these facts lam not able ifist now to see, but it virtually augurs the approach of a trying crisis, one in which the Constitution and the mangled form of Liberty will rise and quell the storm of strife, or sink beneath the fearful waves of anarchy to rise no more in onr time and our country. * The Senate amendments to the resolu tion suspending all levies and sales passed the House to-day after considerable discus sion. The resolution only needs the signa ture of the Governor, and, for the benefit of your numerous readers, I give it entire. Resolved, That all levies and advertised sales under executions in the State* be, and are hereby, suspended until this a General Assembly shall take final action upon the relief measures in the Constitution, and especially the Homestead therein provided, except wages due for labor, taxes and offi cers’ costs, and except in cases where the defendants reside without the limits of the State and when" he is fraudulently convey ing Lis propei ty for the purpose of avoid ing the payment of his just debts, when he is seeking to remove his property beyond the limits of said State, and when he ab sconds." The vote was 62 to 58. Up to date no more messages in reference to'confirmations have been transmitted to the Senate—hot they are looked for on next Monday. The more knowing ones of the lobby insist that Hon.. Hiram Warner will retain his seat as Chief Justice, and the announcement seems to afford general satisfaction. There has been, up to date, about one hundred bills introduced in the House, and sis ty in the Senate. The effort to take the appointing power out of the hands of the Governor, so far as it relates to the W. & A. Railroad, is still gaining ground. Constitution. Democracy In Walker County. Cedar Grove, Walker Cos., Ga., ) July 27, 1868, j On the 25th inst. the Democracy of the western part of Walker held a meeting at Wheeler’s store for the purpose of organ izing a Democratic Club. On motion of Dr. W. B. Simmons, William Beene, Esq., was called to the Chair and Capt. J. Y. Wood requested to act as Secretary. The following resolutions were introduced by Dr. W. B. Simmons and unanimously adopted: Resolved , That this organization be styled the McLemore Democratic Club. Resolved,, 1 hat we heartily endorse the platform of tho New York Convention of J uly 4th, and that we will use all honorable efforts in our power to aid in the election of Seymour aud Blair to the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States. On motion, the Chair appointed eight members, viz : J. R Wheeler, G. D. Whitman, J. Gardner, Jeff. Coulter, W. 11. Hatfield, M. M. Whitford, W. B. Sim mons, Rev. John McDaniel, whose duty it shall be to distribute all documents and papers that may come in possession of the Club. After agreeing to meet on the second and fourth Saturdays of each month, and also requesting the Chronicle & Sentinel and Constitutionalist to pub lish the proceedings, the Club adjourned. Wm. Beene, Chairman. J. Y. W OOD, Secretary. [communicated.] The AugitstaA Savannah Railroad. Editors Chronicle Sc Sentinel: For some days- before the asse&bling of the late Democratic Convention in Atlanta, the public press throughout the State, after exeFting their influence to that end, an nounced that the several railroads ip Geor gia would furnish delegates, -to and from the Capital, transportation for one fare. At such a time the generous offer was no small inducement to atteud the Conven tion ; in fact, it enabled mary to do so who, otherwise, could not have gone, and, so far as I know, all the railroads, except the one above mentioned, pursued this liberal policy. Relying upon thevannounce ment referred to, the Burke County Dele gation took the train 'of Augusta & Sa t vannah Railroad at different points along ] the line, in this county, on the day before the Convection met, reaching Augusta in time to get to Atlanta the next morning by the Georgia Road. They encountered no difficulty nor met any disappointment un til they took the train in Augusta on j their return trip to Waysnesboro. Here : Mr. Becket, the conductor on the j night trains down, demaedea full fare, j The delegates remonstrated, stating the i general understanding abavc referred to, and offering to furnish satisfactory evidence l of their delegate rial character. But the j conductor was inexorable, and gave, as a ; reason, that he had consulted Mr. Wadley, who was on the train, and that his orders . were imperative. So far as dollars and j cents are concerned, this is comparatively ] a small matter; but it exhibits an amount of littleness which we had hoped this [ Road would manage to conceal, if' it really j felt it. One of the delegates referred to , pays to the Company at least two thousand dollars in the way of freight; and all of them are wed known, and have heretofore been its staunch friends. Thus it will be seen that, while the Georgia Road transported our delegates 340 miles for the almost nominal suuT of four dollais, this , switch of the Central charged them three ■ dollars for sixty miles. But what is still ! more strange, a day or so afterward two of j our delegates, who remained over in At ' lanta, wereallowpd to pass over the Road free, by one of our day cqpductors, who was not born with a blue nose in Nova j Sootia or New Brunswick- Now, did they ! have different orders, or did Becket be | come a law unto himself, without consult ing Mr. Wadley ? A Delegate. Joseph E. Brown, James Johnson, and I>. Hall Rice are said to have volunteered j their services to prosecute Russell tor the killing of Hopkins in Savannah lately. Judge Clarke, the present incumbent of the Pataula Circuit, declines to retain the position. The chances are now in favor of the Hon- Mr. Wimberly’s appointment. GREAT SPEECH OF HO A . ROIJEHT TOOJIIW AT Atlanta Georgia, July 23d, PRIPARED FOB ini CHRONICLE & SENTINEL AXD YSS o>*tY AUTHORIZED REP-.RT. Mr. Toombs,after thanking the audience for their kindly greetings and congratulat ing the country upon the presence on the occasion ol so great and enthusiastic a mul titude of her best citizens, proceeds to say: But few nations have wholly escaped the ravages and ruin of war usually inflicted by the insolent and triumphant invaders; fewer, still, the sterner and bitter oursc of eivil war. The histories of the greatest and the most enduring nations of the earth are filled with defeats as woll as victories, sufferings as well as happiness, shame and reproach as well as honor and glory. Purification, in the crucible of adversity, in the fiery furnace of individual and na tional suffering,seems to be the price or the penalty of national greatness. Through this testratien have passed the actions whose power and genius have governed, whose existence has blessed and whose wisdom still guides and directs the world ; through this testratjon have passed the illustrious men whose names have been canonized by mankind, the masters of fortune and the fates, the favorites of all the gods, the few immortal names which were not born to die. The heroic struggles of the great and the good, the brave and true men of the world,in all ages and countries, in the,face of the greatest disasters and in spite of the greatest dan gers, in behalf of home and country and the rights of mankind,are the noblest leg acies left by the past to the present gen eration of men; they are trophies of which poor humanity may well be proud,trophies worthy to be laid at the feet of Jehovah. That is a bright page in Roman history which narrates that when thousands of her most gallant and distinguished youth were slain, her veteran legions broken and scat tered, and the victorious enemy was march ing upon her capital, marking their path way by fire and sword, with nothing to re tard his progress but a stern old warrior and patriot, whose chief resource lay in his unconquerable will, the Roman Sen ate met and first ordered propitiatory sacri fices to the gods and then voted the thanks of Rome to the defeated leader of her armies for not despairing of the Republic. From that hour the star of Hannibal “cul minated from the Equator.” The people imbibed the spirit of the conscript fathers; courage aud hope drove out fear and despair, and Rome was saved. Men and women of Georgia, yom too, deserve the , thanks of your country for the evidence you give this day that you have not despaired of the Republic; though despoiled, plun dered and manacled, your spirits arc un broken, and that you yet have heart and hope to make new sacrifices, yea, all sacri fices to regain your lost liberties and to re deem your country from bondage. It lias rarely happened in the annals of time that any people were ever called upon to grap ple with so great a crisis as that which is now impending over the people of the Con federate States. After a gallant hut un successful conflict in the noblest aud holi est cause for which patriot blood was ever shed —the cause of inalienable rights ol man, the liberties of a free people and the sovereignty of the States—at the end of four years these people found themselves sur rendered to victorious foes, whose armies embraced all colors, and tongues and races of men under the sun, fighting un der the flag of the United States. The terms which were granted to the van quished neither won their gratitude nor excited their ad uiration. The manner in which these terms have been observed has even excited the indignation of the brave and the generous whose conduct, courage, and blood achieved the conquest. Those whose blades glittered in the fore most ranks of the Federal army on the battlefield, with a yet higher and nobler courage, scorn the base uses to which the victory has been applied, and now demand that the rights of the vanquished shall be respected, that these wrongs shall be re dressed, and that justice shall be done. This means peace—honorable peace— peace built upon the deep foundations of eternal justice. This demand came none too soon for the public safety. The aveng ing Nemesis which follows in the train of conquest is already confronting the victors in the shape of the Radical part}'. Born in sectional hatred, which it has ever assiduously cultivated ; nurtured by the evil passions which that hatred engengers, reared to its present dangerous proportions by the lawlessness of civii war and the general disorders of the times, this mon ster has become the. great danger to the whole commonwealth. Its thirst for power and plunder has not even been fatigued, much less appeased, by its tyran nies, its robberies, and its ruin of the South ; therefore, to gratify these unholy passions it has conspired to seize supreme power by fraud and force, and to erect a military despotism upon the ruins of con stitutional liberty. To oppose these dan gers, the Democracy of the United States recently met in the city of New York, and with them'also assembled the representa tives of millions of citizens, who hitherto claimed no special alliance with that party as a political organization. Bad men have conspired to overthrow free institutions ; good men have united to preserve them, and, under the flag ol the Democracy, in vite your co-operation. The Democracy have arraigned this faction before the grand inquest ot the na tion for high crimes and misdemeanors. You are assembled as A part of that grand inquest to hear the charges, specifica tions and proofs, and to give true deliver ance between the criminals and the coun try. The declaration of principles adopted by the Convention has tho great merit of clearness and certainty upon all the issues which are likely to enter into the political canvass. It gives out no un certain sound. The old Shibboleths of liberty are again proclaimed as living prin ciples ; whatever else may be lost, “the supremacy of the civil over the military power,” “Magna Charta,” trial by jury, the Constitution, have survived tho con flict of arms, and still live, at least, in the heart ot the Democratic party. These are principles which concern the collective body of the people. 1 shall not attempt, on this occasion, to review all the ques tions of principle and policy submitted by the Convention to the judgment of the people, but shall confine myself mainly to the examination and defence of the one which most vitally affects your interest and the happiness of your posterity. We have now but? small concern with the ques tions arising cut of tire public debt, ex cept so far as .the mode of payment may affect the general industry of the country, and we prefer to leave all disputed ques tions with those who contracted the debt. The one great question which, with you, swallowed up the rest was the “validity of a series of edicts, commonly known as the Congressional plan of reconstruction. The recognition of these measures by tho Democratic party was .impossible. Every Democrat in both Houses of Congress had voted against them and declared them un constitutional and void ; the Democrats in all the State Legislatures, in local conven tions and in every form of party action, had stamped them with just Condemna tion ; yet, although the country had a right to expeet it, the unanimous declara tion of the National Convention that these “aets” (so-called) were usurpations, un constitutional-, revolutionary and void, sent a thrill of joy through millions of hearts, and brought countless blessings upon the heads of the noble representatives of the fearless and indomitable Democracy. The usurpers, until then, had hoped that these gigantic wrongs, being once accom plished might find security in their mag nitudc.or toleration in the pretended dan gers of their eradication. This 'grand declaration of the Democracy dispels all such illusions ; let it be confirmed by the people of the United States, and all these miserable mockeries called reconstructed ; States, erected by fraud and force against j the consent of the people t and in defiance jof the. Constitution, will pass away; j perish without a struggle. This “plan” leaves _no room for differ ; ence of opinion or action among patriots; j while its immediate evils fall with crush , ing weight upon you, its ultimate effects j will be equally disastrous to, constitutional I liberty aud free government in every part of the Republic. It contains no principle, or policy, no purpose or object to com mend it to your approval, nothing to mit igate your sternest hostility to all of its provisions. In the ten States subject to their operation these edicts defeat all the rightful purposes to secure which govern ments were instituted among men, abolish ail securities to life, liberty and property, all rights, all remedies, alf laws whatsoever, either civil or military. The Constitution and laws of the United States, the laws of nations, the Constitutions and laws of the States, all fall before them, and they erect in lieu thereof a species of military des potism hitherto rare in the annate of hu man crime; a military despotism freed from the forms of military administration, i and without the restraints of military or any other law whatever; organized anarchy i upheld and administered by bayonets, j These are neither the ordinary hr ap ’ propriate instrumentalities for the con struction or reconstruction of good gov eminent; that result would be wholly in consistent with tho gjand design of the authors of this pyramids of iniquities. This grand design is the preservation and per petuation of despotic power in the hands of the present dominant faction in the United States. The difficulties in the way of this great work were not fully appreci ated, or, perhaps, forseen in its inception. Its authors seemed clearly to perceive that no amount of tyranfiy or torture, rewards or punishments could induce the white population of the South to consummate the ruin of public liberty. The experiment in Tennessee had demonstrated that white men who had faltered at tho commission of no other political crime recoiled from patri cide. It became necessary to improve even on that only model of a perfect common wealth which the Radical party had, as yet, constructed. Its main defect rested at its foundation; a sufficient amount of ignorance, vice and pauperism could not be found among the meanest of the white race to insure its security. These were to be found in unlimited supplyamong the negro race. Therefore, absolute negro.supremacy was decreed to be the corner-stone of the Congressional plan of reconstruction, the foundation rock of Radical despotism. The simplest and most direct mode of reaching negro supremacy in the “late rebel States,” and one in entire harmony with the genius of the piaD, would have been to have enfran chised all of the negroand disfranchized all of the white race. But it was determined by the assembled wisdom of the party that the plan would gain in safety what it lost id simplicity and boldness, by tempering audacity with craft, and force with fraud. Hence they endeavored to combine the white and black elements in such proportions as would give color to the claims of assent to the plan by the white, without endanger ing tho complete asccndaucy of the black race. This was a point of great import ance, and of some difficulty ; all the com plex machinery of the edicts was adopted far its adjustment. This solution was sought in giving suffrage to all of the blacks, and a limited portion of the white people. Tho natural rule of exclusion would seem to have been, to havcexcluded the leaders of the civil war, the civil and military officers who guided, directed, and upheld the Government, and the boldest and bravest of its defenders. Such men had certainly the best claim to be inscribed on this “roll of honor.” While many such names are to be found on it, not a single one was placed there for those reasons. Neither Mr. Davis or General Leo are ex cluded by reason of their positions in, or services to, the Confederate States ; they are excluded solely on the additional ground that they held office under the United States before tho war ; tho rule being that the holding of some State or Federal office before the war is a necessary ingredient of disfranchisement. It seems to have been considered that this rule would include a class sufficiently numerous to preserve negro ascendancy and, at the same time, sufficiently virtuous and intelligent, to be unfit instruments of tyranny. But to provide against the pos sibility of any mistake on this decisive question of numbers, or any other unfor seen difficulties or omissions which might hinder, delay or defeat, the realization of the hopes of its authors, “this plan” was protected against the dangers which con stitutionally beset ordinary legislation. It was placed under the special guardianship of its fathers, the legislative department, and in order that this guardianship might be effectual, this department decreed that its portals “like the gates of hell should be always open,” duringjthe parturition of this monster. Parental solicitude has been fully vindicated by the result. It has cost two extra sessions of Congress and many supplemental bills to perfect the scheme. Other difficulties embarrassed “this plan” of reconstruction. The President had al ready declared his opposition to it in able and elaborate veto messages. The com mand of the military forces of the Union and the power of appointing executive officers, the instruments placed in his hands by the Constitution to ensure the faithful execution of the laws, were wrested from him, and he was, in effect, deposed. The Supreme Court might be called on to ex amine into the conformity of these edicts to the organic law; it seemed relucCant to admit that the Constitution was either dead or dormant, and therefore it was not to be trusted with this questiotl; the agents ofreconstructioS were invested with judicial as well as executive power, and command ed to refuse obedience to" all interferenee with their acts by any civil authority what ever. lhe (hurts were closed. .Congress enacts, expounds and excutcs tho laws,' apd becomes the embodiment-of a perfect despotism. The apology' put forth for . these measures by their authors, is that ‘‘the late rebel States” are not under the protection of the Constitution of the United States, that they are conquered provinces, and that therefore Congress has the absolute right to govern them accord ing to its own will and pleasure, without any other restraint except that which may be imposed upon them by the laws of na tions. This involves the proposition upon which alone these measures can be sus tained, that Congress is the sole exponent of the will of the conquering people, and may rightfully make, expound and execute all laws which they may doom necessary and proper for enforcing that will. All the rights to which just war gives birth belong to the nation. Every nation exercises these as well as all other rights she may possess, according to the forms prescribed by herself. The rights of the nation cannot be exercised by any one person, or any number of persons whatever, except by authority conferred by the nation. All the powers of Congress are derived from the Constitution of the United States, and all of its acts, whether intended to operate within or without its limits, whether over the conquerors or tho conquered, rest upon no other legitimate authority. The laws of nations cannot change the organic law of the conquerors. The organic law of the United States oon fers no executive or judicial power on Con gress; its exercise of either is mere usur pation, binding upon no person whatever. If the will of the conqueror be truly the only law of the conquered people, the same law requires that will to be legally declared. The judicial tri bunals alone have the right to decide upon the validity of these acts, whether or not they are laws, and the power is conferred upon the (‘resident “to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.” These acts annul the powers of these two co-ordinate departments of the Govern ment, and are therefore unconstitutional and void, and being void they cannot de clare the will of the nation, and are there fore equally condemned by the laws of nations. It is not .true that none but loyal citizens can claim the benefit of the laws of the conquering nation. The traitor can only be triod according to the laws of the country claiming his allegiance; the pirate, though the declared enemy oi all mankind, can only be tried and pun ished according to the laws prescribed by the country of his captors. Thus it is clear that if the Constitution of the Uni ted States gives ho rights to the “ late rebel Slates,” itcertainly places serions impediments in the path of Radical tyr anny. This effort of the Radical narty to es cape the obligations of the Constitution, strips them of all pretenee of justification for the war. The position assumed by them and the whole war party in the North, was that the Union wag indissolu ble by the terms of the compact for any causes whatever, and that any and all ef forts to dissolve it were merely insurrection and rebellion, which subjected all who aided and abetted them to the pains and penalties of treason, and Congress de clared their objects and purposes in waging war against us in the following resolution : “ dissolved, That the war is not waged on our part in any spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of ednquest, or for inter fering with the rights or established insti tutions of these States, but to defend and MAINTAIN the SUPREMACY of the CONSTI TUTION, and to preserve the Union with ALL TIIE DIGNITY AND RIOTITS of the several States unimpaired. ” This resolution was adopted unanimous ly. It is the only justification of the war which has ever been offered to the public by the Government of the United States. It is hut a logical conclusion from the cardinal principles of the war party. If the late civil war was only a rebellion it did not annul the Constitution and laws of the United States in the Confederate States. They were neither, dormant, dis placed or suspended. Their exercise was simply resisted by illegal violence and, up on the suppression of this illegal violence, they were as much the supreme laws of Georgia as of Massachusetts ; they were in as full force and operation at the end as in the beginning of the war. This theory was universally announced and accepted by the Government and people of the I United States during the war and seems : to be still adhered to by its executive and judicial departments. Under it traitors could be punished, but punished only by the judgment of their peers and accord i ing to the laws of the land. These laws secured them trials—speedy, public, im partial trials—trials by jury after indict ment found in the district where the al ledged crimes wer6 committed ; under it confiscations might take place, but con NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVII. NO. 32. fiscatjons after trial and conviction, con fiscations according to the laws of the land. In short, according to this theory, the Union was never dissolved; it was already constructed and needed no reconstruction. But the Radical party did need it. Its incompetency, its corruption, its venality, its tyrannies, its treachery to the Caucasian race, its patronage of vice and fraud, of crimes and criminals, its crimes against humanity in its efforts to subvert all the safeguards of personal security, and to uproot the foundations of free govern ment, had strictly .forfeited all its claims to public confidence. It then determined to hold the supreme power in spite of tho people. These reconstruction edicts were the first fruits of This wicked con spiracy, the boldest experiment upon the intelligence and patriotism of the people. It is true the time was inauspicious, hos tilities had ceased, the acquiescence of the people of the South in the existing order of things was complete and universal. The laws of the United States wertl as safely administered and as quietly obeyed as they.had ever been before the war ; conventions had been called, what are called State constitutions were formed un der the dictation of the Federal au thorities, and made to conform to the new >rder of things, and wore acquiesced in by the people. Elections had been held. Senators aDd Representatives were elected and sent to Congress, and the work of estab lishing “praotical[relatiops” seemed accom plished. There appeared to be no impedi ment in the way of restoring the Uniou except this Radical faction. It was very plainly perceived that, however much this general pacification might benefit the country, it would be death to Radicalism ; not a single electoral vote for this faction could be safely counted on from the Poto mac to the Rio Grande. The North was faltering, Jhe South was lost; in this ex tremity of their fortunes these conspira tors, having the absolute control of both branches of Congress, determined to rule or ruin the Republic. It was difficult to find a pretext sufficient to warrant the stringent policy which thoir necessities demanded. They were compelled to seize upon a street riot between a few negroes and white men at New Orleans, which oc curred some eight months before as the sole justification for the subversion not only of the! existing government aud all the laws of Louisiana, but also ithe governments.and laws of nine other States against whom they could not even find the excuse of an assault and battery upon a loyal African. The edicts are issued, ten States are proclaimed conquered provinces, and the will of Congress declared to be their only law. I have already shown you that whatever may be the rights of the conquerors over conquered people, these rights belong to the people of the conquering natiorn— not to any particular branch of the Govern ment which they may have established— and that these rights can only be exercised according to the fundamental law of such people; that the fundamental law—the Constitution of the United Statos—doos not confer these powers upon Congress, aud that the attempt by Congress to exercise them is a sheer usurpation, imposing no obligation upon either the conquerors or the conquered to obey these arbitrary edicts. I propose, in the next place, to in quire what are the rights of conquerors over conquered people, by the laws of nations. The assumption Dy this ignorant and infamous faction and their still more ignorant and infamous allies in the South, that conquest alone places the lives, liber ties, honor and property of the vanquished at the absolute disposal of the conquerors, has no other foundation than the baseness and turpitude of its advocates, and is a libel upon Nature and Nature’s God. It is neither sustained by principle or authority, and is condemned by all just men and ap proved writersupon the fawsof nations from Cicero to James Longstreet; and, ex cluding the latter, there is an unbroken current of authority against this wicked perversion of publiclaw. To me the ex ception is a painful one, not that heis any authority upon this subject, but because I would not have him to tarnish his own laurels. I respect his courage, honor his devotion to a just cause, and regret his errors. It is true that there have here tofore been wars, and such may oceuu again, where the principle contended for by these conspirators and their allies may be justly applied ; and I wish to save tiic exception to the general principle for the bonefit of those whose crimes deserve and whose conduct provokes its rigid enforce ment. Such are the rights of war (not of peaoe) against pirates and robbers and other outlaws, whose atrocities mark them as enemies of the human * race, and ex clude them, by the judgment of mankind, from the benefits of the laws of nations. What condemnation, what punishment copld be great enough for those com mandess of our armies, those leaders of our counsels who thus characterize the late war among the States ? What lower deep can they find in this world or the next ? The laws of nations, though wanting in the oertainty of municipal laws by reason of the want of authoritative interpreta tion, are still laws; they are the laws of nations and of God, divine laws ; the rock of ages is their corner-stone and the golden rule is their standard and exponent. They decide upon the rights of peace and war, fix limits to the rights of conquest, and establish rules for the government of the conquered beyond whioh he cannot pass without placing himself outside of their protection. This rule measures his rights by “the justice of his cause, and his neces sary self-defence.” The .world had no need to be told by the wise and good men of Greece and Rome, by Puffendorf and Grotius, Burlamarqui, Vattel and all other approved publicists, “that he who engages in war derives all of his just rights from the justice of his cause, and that whoever, therefore, takes up arms, with out just cause, can have no rights whatever; that every act of hostility he commits is an act of injustice (Vattel, book 3, chap. 11), that all of his victories are murders, and all of his acquisitions are robberies.” That “it is certain that no conquest ever author ized a conqueror to govern any people tyrannically.” (Burlamarqui, p. 11). That “the most absolute sovereignty gives no right to oppress those who have surren dered;” that “the most absolute must govern his conquests according to the ends for which civil Jgovernments were established” among men. (Vattel, book iii., chap, xiii.) That “private property is not to bo seized by the victors.” That “all despotism is un lawful, wrong, wicked and imposes no obli igation of obedience upon any human be ing;” finally that “resistance to tyrants is obedience to God.” These are but the teachings oi reason)and revelation, the clear utterances of nature and nature's God, ring ing thro’all climes and all centuries, and proclaiming justice as the supreme law binding upon both men and nations. Let us have no more of these treacherous babblings about the rights of the conqueror, from those who dare not defend his cause, and who seek to cover up their own shameful apostacy by libels on the benefactors of the j human race, and imputations upon the i wisdom, justice and goodness of the living ! God. The rights of the conqueror being thus shown (o be limited by the justice of his cause and his necessary self-defence, let us examine for a moment how stood the question of right between us and our opponents. The Federal Congress, from the first day of the war to this hour, has never made an allegation of wrong or in jury committed by us against the United States; they placed their justification of the war solely upon the ground that wo sought to withdraw from the Union. This was true and we hold justifiable. Passing over, for the sake of not reviving old animosities, the causes of separation which we alleged, justified and demanded it, it is sufficient to say that the laws of nations, as expound ed by the Declaration of Independence, fully justified the seceding States in es tablishing for themselves anew and inde pendent government. The crime, if any, was committed by those who made war to prevent the exoroiso of this right, a right clearly admitted by all parties before the compact of Union wa3 formed. Second ly, the States were sovereign and inde pendent at the time of the formation of the confederation, and did not surronder their sovereignty and independence by the Constitution. Ido not intend, to repeat the arguments on this point which I have so often made before you. My object on this occasion being only to show that we have not committed any such crimes by withdrawing peaceably from the American Union as should pat us under the “bau of the empire” and exclude us from the benefit of the laws of nations. The right of each State to judge for itself of the infraction of the Constitution, and tho mode and manner of redress, was plainly affirmed by Mr.Jefferson in the first of a se ries of resolutions drawn by him and adopted by the Kentucky Legislature m 1798. That resolution was accepted as a true explana tion of the Constitution from 1801 to the be ginning of the late war, by the great ma jority of the American people. It was in corporated in- the Democratic National platforms from 1844 to 1860, andrepeatedly sanctioned by large majorities of the people. Can it then be said that, for the exercise of this right thus affirmed and sanctioned by the laws of nations, we are justly con demned to the deprivation of all civil rights, outlawry,and chains, and that consumma tion of all evils, negro supremacy over ua ? Yet this is the proposition whioh the Radi cals and their supporters must establish before they can justify Radical rule in tho South, and their Congressional edicts. I have thus shown that these measures can derive Bo justification, support or apology from either the Constitution of the United States, the laws of nations, or the acts of the people of the Confederate States; they stand, therefore, in their naked deformity, open’ to the indignant gaze of all honest men. Tyranny and malice their ingenuity in their conception. By the aid of a military Dic tator, eminently fitted to execute them, through the agency of bayonets, stuffed ballot-boxes, fraudulent registries and re turns, they have accomplished their ap pointed work. A mockery, called the Constitution of the State of Georgia, has been imposed upon the people, which makes all good government impossible as long as it stands. An ignorant aud un principled adventurer has been installed .under it as the Chief Magistrate of the State, clothed with imperial power over the interests and destinies of this people, who is already prostituting tlfc power and patronage bestowed upon him for that purpose, in buying posts of honor and trust for his co-conspirators, in corrupting the judiciary, in rewarding profligate fol lowers, in attempting to iutimidate and debauch the poople themselves in order to perpetuate the faction to whose base meas ures alone ho owes his elevation. All these and many more such wrongs have been inflicted upon you without your consent. Your consent alono can give the least validity to these usurpations. Let no power on earth wring that consent from your manly bosoms. Take no counsel of fear it is the meanest of masters; spurn the temptations of office and gold from the polluted hands of your oppressors; he who holds only his own sepulchre, at the price of these chains,, owns a heritage of sham*. All honor tft the National Dem ocracy who have risen in their might to strike off these letters from your limbs.* You, one and all, owe it to them, to your selves, your posterity and your country, to rush to their standard, and labor with them in this great work of deliverance and liberty. They have thrown wide the portals of admission ; “ forgetting all pa'st differences of opinion, they invite all to unite in the present great struggle lor the liberties of the people. ’ ’ Come, unite with them. Your country says oome, honor says come —duty says come—liber ty says come—the country is in dan ger —let every freeman hasten to the rescue. [communicated.] (omiuemonient of the Louisville Acad emy. Messrs. Editors : The threatening aspect of the Heavens on Wednesday , night was regarded as a sure sign of a continued sea son of wet weather; but, contrary to the expectations of all, Thursday morning ap peared giving promise of a pleasant, day. The exoroises of the above Academy began at 8 o’clock, a, m., the first part of the day being given to an examination of the younger scholars. As the day progressed the higher branches were reviewed, and in such a manner as to reflect honor upon the scholars, and to establish tlieir olairn to rapid improvement. Later in the day, the Latirr scholars were examined, when Vir gil and Horace figured conspicuously as Authors and Poets. At 5 o’clock, p. m., the audience were honored with an ad dress from J. H. Wilkins, Esq., rich in production—practical in its teachings, and well delivered. The handsome features and snowy hhnds of the orator could scarcely be considered as sustaining him in his criticism upon those of our youth who ply the plough and seek to occupy some position falsely called “gentility.” How ever it is all very well, inasmuch as the speaker is an industrious,enterprising farm er, as well as scholar—professionally a lawyer. Jle alluded to the overstocked condition of all the higher order of professions and forcibly held up agriculture as the very foundation upon which must be reared all these superstructures. His poetical quo tations reflected considerable study as Byron figured no greater than those less widely known. Ambition—as af fecting man in various ways—was an alysed, its provisions censured, its niisim provement condemned, and its true glory beautifully presented. On the whole, the address was in season. Combining wit, common sense, and much of the beautiful, well calculated to claim the attention of an audience on a hot summer day when any other style might have failed. The address finished, an interim was given, in order that supper might be taken and all repair to the Court House, where beauty and grace, eloquence anil art in an undeveloped state awaited them. At 8 o’clock p. m., one of the male students appeared and welcomed the auditory to “what of pleasure might be found” in attending to the final exercises. Then began the speaking in earnest. A little six year old orator apologized for his inexperience in the art of speakiug, and reminded the audience in quite an amus ing style that they, too, had onoo to learn their ABC. Quite a laughter and con siderable applause followed—and wo ven ture to say that the little fellow received an apple or “plumb pudding,” from his doting parents on account ol the .success 1 ful issue of his oratorial debut. In the usual manner the speaking was gone through, and the young ladies appeared upon the stage, and read with graceful eloquence those pink and blue decked manuscripts called “composition.” How they could get up and condemn ex travagance with everything about them acting as example contra precept, is in deed a wonder ! “Woman I” “Woman’s influence and mission,” painted in glow ing color. Vanity added interest to beau ty; and did the hearers but follow the injunctions laid down, all would be hap pier and life would be “a noonday dream. ” “A look around,” bringing up the “good old days,” attracted much attention, and it was only with an effort that the applause of the erowd could be stifled till the com position was finished. Feeling, humor and good senso found each a place in the “look around ;” and with much ingenuity it was so continued as to conclude with the words, “Seymour and Blair Kill carry the day f” How every Southern heart throbb •l, how every eye kindled would have done you good, and testified to the truth of those words, “there is life in the old land yet.” The speaking and reading were completed by a farewell address from one of the students, appropriate in its hearing, and well delivered. “ Improvement ” was uttered by many lips, and it is truly encouraging to behold the change a single year has effected in the scholars of the Louisville Academy. * Charades next came and every drowsy feeling was quickly expelled to give place to that innocent enjoyment always found here. Music occupied every pause between the entire exercises; its sounds a feast for the ear, and the beauty of the singers a feast for the eye. Thus passed this yearly“cxcitcment and Jxmisville is dull again.” (). B. Phillips’ Provision exchange. . Cincinnati, July 31, 1868. PhUtorn Chronicle <fc Sentinel: The inactivity which characterized the provision market at the date ol' my last continued up to Wednesday, when some orders were received from Baltimore and other distributing points, and these, togeth er with favorable advices from Mew Or leans, caused a decidedly firmer market and enabled holders to establish an ad vance on most articles.n This, however, restricted operations to some extent, though holders were not inclined to yield any of the advantage gained, ami it is ' doubtful if purchases could be made to any extent at my quotations, as holders generally are coulideut, and as soon as a disposition was manifested to buy at, the prices asked, they would pnt up their ligure*. A portion of the stock fa in the Uamfa of parties who bought some time time since on speculation, and at figures above their present level, and they are not willing to sell at a loss as long as there is any prospect of an improvement in pri ces. The market closes very firm at my quotations. Mess Pork —lias been quiet all the week and held atf2B 5© for choice brands • sales were made at S2B 25 to-day; about 1.000 hbls' sold at prices ranging f’;oin S2B 25@528 60; it closes firm at the jitter rate with more buyers thau sellerti. Prime Pork— Can be had at Lard —Has changed but little; rt is firm ly held at 18c for city kettles, w’ltli small sales at this price. Bri.ic Meats—Under largo orders from Baltimore are ia good demand and prh-es are higher; I quote Shoulders at 12e Bides life loose; Clear Riband Clear nom inal at 15i<5;16c loose. Bacon—ln sympathy with Bulk Meats is in better demand and holders succeeded in establishing an advance—lßJ, 17c packed, being the asking price for Shoulders, Clear Ribs and Clear Bides; Hants S C continue in fair domand at 20(oi20ic, Plain 17ic, 2a piekle 18c evs’d and pk’d. Prate Beep— Dull at sl9 00@30 00. Dried Beep—lßc. Exports— 4l9 bbls and 366 kegs Lard • 659 hhds, 823 tierces and 46,902 fbs Bulk Meats and Bacon; 597 bbls Pork. Imports— 67 bbls Lard; 6 hhds and 205 tierces Bulk and Bacon. Freights— An advance in east boand next; to Boston 65, N V 60, Phila 50, Balto 50, or 5c less rail and water. Very respectfully, Geo. W. Philips, Jr., Provision and Produce Broker.
