Newspaper Page Text
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OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXVI.
(fhroukle & Sentinel.
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a. it. whiojit.
PATRICK M AJ.SII, Associate Editor.
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lien. Robert Toombs’ Spittb. .
We devote a good portico of our apace
this morning to an authorized report of
General Robert Toombs’ speech, delivered
at the great Democratic Ratification Con
vention at Atlanta, .July il'.ii. It is a clear"
able and forcible exposition of the prin
ciples upon which this Government i cat
founded —principles which, though now
departed from and violated by the Radical
party, must again rc-assert them selves
through the voice of the people at the
ballot-box, if the c<mntry is to bo saved
from anarchy. This spc.cli docs great
credit to Gen. Toombs, and most reeom- |
mend itself to the people of the North as
well as the South, from its great force,
sound constitutional doctrines and mode
ration.
Great Speech.—The Great Speech of
lion. Hen Hill, delivered at the Atlanta
Democratic Ratification Mas.-; Meeting,
has been issued in pamphlet form from the
press of the Chronicle, & Sentinel and is
now ready for delivery. Every Democrat
in Georgia and in the South should read
this powerful speech. Single copies five
cents. Fifty copies and upward at the
rate of two and a half cents a piece.
Send along your orders. Every Dem
ocratic Club in Georgia should subscribe
for and circulate this speech. ts.
Sad !—Bryant slated, in his speech on
Saturday last, that he was a Georgian by :
adoptio’u and intended to make Augusta I
las home as lyng as he lived ! That will
be sad news to the people, particularly if ,
he liould live very long, as they were all |
rejoicing at his reported exodus hftnec. |
They have a dislike to ants generally and
Dry ant in particular.
The Maryland Farmer —For August
has been received, and is, as usual, well
filled with articles on agriculture, horticul
ture, the dairy, kitchen, garden, house
hold, ike., &c. The Farmer is a good and
reliable agricultural journal, and should be
in the hands of every farmer in the coun
try. 11 is published by S. Sands, Mills,
A C0.,24 S. Calvert St., Baltimore, Md.,at
$1 50 a year, in advance.
.Joshua Hill’s Letter. —The indi
vidual to whom Mr. Hill addressed his
letter declining to speak at the Radica
Convention in this city, on Saturday last,
was so much elated at the praise with
which Josh bospatkered bim that ho had to
read it twice. It ought to be published
for the benefit of the author, the recipient
and the Democrats, who are gratified at
.Josh’s election.
Democ ratic Speaker’s Hand Book.
—The Miami Publishing Company, of
Cincinnati, have but recently published
the aboveuamed work. It will be'found
a very valuable campaign work. Every
Democratic speaker, editor and party
member should have a copy. Its price is
$2 50. Address Miami Printing and
Publishing Company, corner Bedims l
street and Mi,Alii Canal, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Rows in Aiken.— There were two row
in.Aikcn Tuesday. The first occurred at
the Barbecue grounds, where two or three
persons were slightly cut. Tho second was
occasioned by some Radical ruffiau negro
knocking down one of the eolored orators
of tho day, whereupon some of ihe Au
gusta boys took after the perpetrator of
the outrage, aud fired at him, but he es
caped unhurt. At one time this threaten
ed to boa very serious disturbance, bus,
owing to the presence and prudent coun
sels of Generals Hampton and Butler, it
was stopped.
■Sensible Advice. —Wc find the follow
ing sensible paragraph about exercise in
an exchange:
Tiie Girls. —Encourage your girls to
exereiso. Let them race round the garden
until they are married, and then race j
around after their own children. Let them
jump rope and play battledore on the piaz
za. Praise them for quick and graceful j
motions. Lot them rest when tired, but |
don’t allow listless movements about their 1
work. If housework is in their way, It is
better lor them to labor hard one hour
and rest one, than to take up the two by
slow performance. There is a great deal
of strength and spirit saved by knowing j
how to work. I know that to go slowly I
about, dusting, sweeping, ironing a whole
forenoon, is tiresome ns well ns dull, but to j
do either of these things briskly, turns it '
into a good exercise. Quick work is not !
so fatiguing as slow.
The Democratic Bahrecue at Aiken,
S. CL-AtOj o’clock a. ui , the special I
train, with the Augusta delegation, num- i
boring nearly 200, with the colored Brass '
Band and several banners and transparen
cies, left the Union Depot, and in about an :
hour arrived at Aiken, where they were j
met by the Aiken and other Democratic
Clubs and escorted to the place prepared
for the Barbecge, which was a very grand
affair. There were some three or four ]
thousand persons present, awry large pro- ■
portion being ladies from Georgia and ]
South Carolina.
A noticeable feature iu the procession
was a delegation from the Columbia, (S.
C.) Colored Democratic Club, and another,
Colonel Meredith s celebrated “ Baby
Waker,” which awoke the echoes around
Aiken with frequent salvos.
On arriving at the ground we found two
stands prepared lor speaking, tastefully
draped with evergreens and ornamented
with appropriate mottoes. Tho following
are some of the mottoes on the bauners
borne by the colored club :
"We claim no rights—we expect no
wrong. We trust the men of the South—
we look to the ultimate interest of our
race.' ’
South Carolina:
••tie is a gem in tho diadem bright
That widens the area of Pence—
V. tin milleth the waters of angry strife
And givetli good will a long louse."
Tlo Cm ion:
"Wo kuow our interests.”
" Seymour and Blair, the ftfeeds of the
eolored man.”
"No Scalawags or Carpet-Baggers
wanted here.”
" I'nioH, Ihrm iny am! 1 \ace —We
rally under the National Democratic Ban-
At the appointed hour Col. W. P. Fin
ley called the meeting to order, and intro
duce! Gen. Wade Hampton to the au
dience, who then delivt’ed a very interest
ing and telling speech. He was followed
by Judge Aldrich, and Hon. 11. W. Hil
liard of Augusta; Geu. M. C. Butler,
and Leroy W. Yeomans, of South Caro
lina. Two colored men trout Columbia,
\\ m. Stowe and Preston Goode also made
pteehes, which were listened to with at
tention and loudly applauded. Resolu
tions ratityiug tho nomination of Seymour
and Blair were then adopted.
During the speaking the Band discoursed
music; while the "Baby Water” was
also brought into play.
After the speaking was over the crowd
was invited to the Barbecue, which was
nicely served up, hut a heavy rain coming
up at the time, a great many had to go
off without their dinner, or partake of a
very poor one at the hotel—price $1 00.
Three Biatk Grows.
At a negro meeting held at the City
Hall on Saturday afternoon last, a
whercasand two resolutions were introduced
by a fellow called Brayton (white negro),
and unanimously passed by the intelligent I
“two thousand” tin a horn), which among
other things, stigmatises the statements
made in the resolutions of the citizen’s
meeting last week in relation to the finan
ces cf the city as untruthful.
We shall not attempt a defence of the
action of the citizen’s meeting alhided to.
It was by far the largest, most respectable
intelligent and orderly meeting we have
ever seen assembled in the city, and its
action was characterized by less of partisan
feeling than we thought it possible for a
people so long and so grossly wronged to
have exhibited. The names of the gen
tlemen who figured in that meeting are a
sufficient guaranty of the character of the
assemblage, and its action speaks trumpet
tongued in behalf of its moderation and for
bearance.
The dirty sneaks and wretches who un
dertook, on .Saturday last, to slander the
good people of Augusta are, some of them
at least, not so well known to the people
outside of the city as their base associations
and infamous conduct hero requires that
they should be.
The fellow Brayton, who introduced
the resolutions, is a broad-footed, big
heeied,blubber-lipped, blue-nosed, canting,
hypocritical, white-skinned negro carpet
bagger, recently spewed out of some in
tense Radical town in Connecticut, and
who has found his leva! herejn his associa
tions with the most vile and worthless of
the lower class of disreputable negroes.
The Chairman of‘ this negro indignation
meeting was the somewhat notorious J.
E. Bryant, a sedition monger of the true
Ashburn type, and the other white
skinned “indignant” was a certain youth
ful son of the famous perjurer Blodgett.
These arc the miserable, contemptible
wretehes who presume to stigmatize the
action of honest gent lemen as untruthful.
Ilow appropriate, that the son of Blod
gett, who is now under indictment for
perjury, should be a leader in a movement
to fix ihesiainof untruthfidness upon those
who loathe his perjured sire as they do
the demons of the damned.
What a stain and disgrace to the more
respectable negroes of Augusta that they
should be found associating with such
mean and contemptible white trash. We
pity in our souls the poor unfortunate
blacks #ho haye permitted these carpet
baggers and scalawags to impose them
selves upon their confidence. As long as
they oontinuo such infamous associations
they will continue to forfeit th’e esteem
and confidence of the good pcoplo of this
city.
(Jen. Sherman on Free Speech.
When General Grant reached St. Joseph
on his grand western tour last week,
a few ultra Radicals cssayeif to call him
out for a speech. After a deal of screech
ing and horn-tooting, the great Hiram
Useloss made his appearance and deliver
ed his usual speech : "Ho was greatly
flattered by the call—was very tired, was
not in the habit of speech making—and
hoped they would excuse him.”
The crowd was disappointed, and mur.
murs* ol" dissatisfaction soon became audi
ble. Some enthusiastic Democrat, to
soften the disappointment of bis Radical
friends, called for three cheers for Horatio
Seymour, which were given with a wild
enthusiasm which rent the air, and
brought consternation upon the counte
nances of the Grant party.
At this jjutuc 'jroriorAi »Shorm&n, oi’
Atlanta and Columbia memofy, stepped
upon the balcony, and as soon as he , could
be heard above the din of cheers for Sey
mour, is reported By the Cincinnati
Gazette (Radical) to have spoken as fol
lows :
"Gentlemen, Ido not in general coun
sel violence, but were Ia citizen of St.
“Joseph I would take that man [refer
“ring to the one who commenced the
“cheering] down to the Missouri river
“and duck him. We have fought rebels,
“and wo thought they had had enough of
“fighting.”
The people of this country should be
warned in time by this significant throat
ot the seoond highest officer in the Federal
army. IfJbehadiho power—and he no
doubt speaks the sentiments of nine-tenths
of his party—he would destroy every white
man in this country who dares, in the ex
ercise of his plain rights as a freeman, to
vote against the Republican ticket. The
free people of this country must not pre
sume to express their political preference
in the presence of this "Great Cmser” of
military despotism, unless they are willing
to subject themselves to a lynching pro
cess, such as Tecumseh Sherman advised
his St. Joseph friends to apply to unof
fending Democrats.
Another thing is disclosed by this sig
nificant speech of General Sherman. It
is this : man in the North and
West who opposes Grant and the Radicals
is denounced by this high officer of the
Government as rebel*. Men of the North,
what think you of this military despotism
which is rising up iu your own midst ?
That!. Stevens.
The old Dragoon of spleen and ha te, and
malignant persecutor of the South, ex
plains his position, in- a letter to a friend,
as follows:
House of Representatives, 1
Washington, D. C., July 23, ISGB. J
j Dear Sir : 1 have not declaredfor Sey
inovr and Diair, and I have only ile
i dared against fools aud swindlers, who
| have fabricated the most * atrocious false
, hoods as to my position upon the currency
I question.
When I am a little stronger I shall give
, a full history of this matter, which will
| put the follow s to shame, if they are
; capable of blushing. I shall take care and
| protect the tax-payers from usurers, by
I making every man pay aud receive just ac
j cording to his contract. Touts; ic.,
Thaddeus Stevens.
Well, we are rejoiced to know that he ;
“has not declared for Seymour and Blair," j
but that joy would be considerably en - j
hanced if he would only assure "his j
triend and the country that he “will \
not join the Democracy.
“An you love me ltal no more of that." |
Spoon Thief Butler Branded as a Liar.
Beast Butler has again “put his foot j
in it," by publishing the following letter ,
explanatory of his recent arrest in Balti
more:
Boston, Wednesday, July 29, 1868. j
To the Jfttoot' of the Boston Journal :
I see in vouc telegraphic columns a no- ]
tiee that Charles W. Woolley amt Kimber
ly Brothers brought suit against me in j
Baltimore; in other and less accurate• pa- 1
pers that “I was arrested-’' The first is 1
true, the latter not.
Tho purpose of Woolley's suit
obvious. The- telegram adds that the
Kimberly suit is “tor money extorted 1
from them while I was iu command at
Fortress Monroe." Both suits were
brought by Johu Surratt's attorney—the
latter iu order to give occasion for the tel
egram.
Kimberly Brothers’ claim is for rent
paid bv them for occupation oj tioveru
meut lands. A Board of -Survey reported
that all the occupants of Government land
for shopkeeping purposes should pay rent,
[ the amount of which the Board fixed.
! My Provost Marshal collected of the Kim
berlys iamong others) and accounted for
I that rent for which lam sued, and it is
j telegraphed over ibe eouutry “lor extort
liug money.’’
This is’ a specimen of rebel slanders
nca:usi me. aud rebel' claims against the
j fsovernmeut.
All respectable papers unwittingly giv
j ing currency to to this calumny will, 1
- doubt not, give place to the refutation.
KespecUudy, Bknj. F. Bi tlkk.
It will be seen, by reference to our tele
egraphie columns this morning, that Col
I Brent pronounces this version of the
j bottled beast a lie. The old thief and
woman murderer has a hard time of it
| just now. Senator Henderson “ skinned”
1 hint the other day in the Senate, and now
I he takes upon bis already infamous brow
’ the burning brand of Liar ! ‘Eerily the
j way of the transgressor is bard.
Stay Laws—Relief.
; If the teachings of the history of former
: days has failed to convince the judgments
of law-makers that all the class of expedi
! ents which at various times in the world’s
; history have been resorted to by the law
i making power to relieve the people from
! their legal and high moral obligations to
pay their debts—to the extent, at least, of
their ability—have, in the end, not only
failed to accomplish the desired object, but,
worse still, have greatly added to the dis
tress of the debtor class and diminished
their ability to pay off their debts by re
ducing the value of their assets, the
history of the legislation of our own State
upon this subject for the last seven years
ought to produce conviction in the minds
of those who have given even ordinary at
tention to the effects produced by these
ill-judged efforts to alleviate the too well
known and universally acknowledged dis
tress of our people.
The effect of stay laws, so far as they are
applicable to the debtor class, is merely to
postpone the day of payment. They do
not diminish the debt or lessen the obli
gation to pay or even stop the accumula
tion of interest. They hold out no hope
to the debtor that he may, at any time, be
acquitted of the obligation which he has
voluntarily assumed, to pay both principal
and interest. They merely postpone to a
day later than that mutually agreed upon
between debtor and creditor the time when
the settlement is to be made. They merely
change the contract in relation to the day
of settlement. And this is all the good
which they cm accomplish for the debtor
class.
On the other hand the injury which
such laws inflict upon the credit and busi
ness of the people is seen in the serious
decline in value of the property of the
country. As soon as credit receives the
.Joab stab of legislative interference in the
changing of the terms of contracts made
betweeu man and man it languishes and
rapidly dies. Confidence is lost in the
integrity of mankind when the represent
atives of the people—thoso known and
recognized as the people’s servants —seek
to shield their constituents from the le
gal effects of their voluntary obligations.
As soon as confidence is lost and credit is
withdrawn, the value of property is dimin
ished and prices fall far below a fair nor
mal standard. We believe that the in
judicious stay laws of this State have con
tributed quite as much or more to the
depreciation of the value of our property
than the doubt and uncertainty thrown
over the country by the legislation of the
Jacobin Congress. *
Land, stock, provisions and all the avail
able property of the great planting inter
ests ot the country were at least fifty per
cent, higher in the summer of ’GS after
the stay law of the previous year had
ceased to exist, and before the action on
that subject by the Stato Couvcntion,
than they have been since. Since that
time commercial confidence has been en
tirely destroyed and no man thinks of ex
tending credit to his neighbor upon the
same security which in former years was
considered amply suffeient— to wit: busi
ness integrity and the possession of proper
ty. As we have just stated, the confidence
of our people in the integrity of the
masses has been destroyed, and the direct
operations of the stay law completely
neutralize the advantages which in former
years accompanied the possession of prop
erty.
But these are not all, nor indeed the
most serious, of the injuries which are in
flicted upon the debtor class—the class
they propose to benefit—by the operations
of the Stay Laws. They quietly, and it may
be in some instances slowly, but neverthe
less certainly, beget in the mind of the debt
or the belief that he will never be required to
pay his debts—aud hence he lessens bis es
forts to accumulate and save ; but what is
worse still, they produce conviction in his
mind that it would be wrong and that he
ought not to perform the obligation which
he has So solemnly pledged his word to do.
This is a severe blow to the morals of a com
munity, and, if it were the sole bad cffcctre
sultitig from these laws should speak trum
pet-tongued against their enactment.
Let us not be misunderstood. We are
not and have never, since the disastrous
close of the late war —by which the people
of this State were deprived of more than
four-fifths of their entire property—been
opposed to the extension of such just,
equal and equalized relief to the debtor
class as the changed condition of their
pcciiniary circumstances imperatively de
manded. But we say that stay laws afford
no relief—they do not even palliate the de
plorable condition of our greatly distressed
people. They aggravate and increase their
troubles, and. as we have just said, dimin
ish their ability to settle their debts.
Believing, as we most sincerely and
honestly do, that the stay law has injured
rather than benefitted our people, we urge
the Legislature to adopt some mode of
relief for the people of Georgia which shall
be certain, fixed, definite and final, and
that the stay resolution which has just
passed both branches of the General As
sembly be made as short-lived as possible.
Whatever mode is adopted let it be sub
stantial and complete, and, as we have just
said, final and conclusive. We want, the
people want, the country wants, a finality
on this vexed subject. Almost any real
relief law would be hailed as a relief from
the doubts and fears and uncertainties of
our present stay laws.
We believe that a substantial relief law
could be framed which, while it tvould
enforce equity between debtors and credi
tors in the settlement of old claims, and
vitalize the energies and increase the value
of the property of the people of the State,
would not be violative of the letter or spirit
of the Constitution of the United States.
In the absence of any well-digested plan of
this sort, we shall lay before our readers,
. in a day or two, the skeleton of a relief law
t -deli as we have just indicated. In die
] meantime we invite attention to this sub
i ject from correspondents.
The Ohio Democracy.
An immense ratification mass mooting of
the Democracy was held in Cincinnati on
the 24th lust., on which occasion able and
eloquent speeches were made by Hon. Geo.
11. Pendleton and Hon Geo. E. Pugh.
We laid before our readers in our last
Sunday's issue the full report of the great
effort of Mr. Pendleton. We give below
such extracts from the masterly offort of
Mr. Pugh as our limited space will per
mit. We regret that we cannot give more
ot it, as it is a document which should be
read by every true man in the South:
SEYMOUR AND BLAIR.
Now, they (the Radicals) are greatly dis
tressed about the case of fceymour and
Blair. They will be more distressed by
and-by. [Laughter.] They say Mr. Sey
mour don't stand on your platform. Weil,
I say that he does ; and more than that, I
have read very carefully the very speech of
which they speak, delivered in Cooper
Institute on tne 25th of June. I say that
his speech is exactly the platform, and it
is just one of the tricks of the opposition,
when they fail at everything else, to en
deavor to distract us from the great ques
tion that is before us. Then they say that
General Blair has written a great letter
that frightens some of them.
I expect some are very easily frightened.
They are afraid that the Democratic party
is going to precipitate the country into
another war. Well, you may count me
out. Ido not want to see another war as
long as I live, or at least until this debt is
paid. Bqt what has General Blair said to
tjiem ? He has said that these bogus State
, governments are unconstitutional. They
, are. Thad. Stevens admits even that. He
• has said that they are outrages upon the
AUGUSTA, WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 12, IS6B
people of those States. They are. He
s.ays they ought to be abolished. They
ought to be and they will be. [Applause-]
He has said that the whole power of. the
Government, the President with the army
and the navy, is bound to restore to the
people of those States a representation in
the Government. So the President is.
The Constitution says that he shall do so.
It is the duty of this Congress to do so. It
: s our duty, my fellow-citizens.
Why, suppose I stand before you to re
late the case of the people of Crete, a far
off, distant island in the Mediterranean,
and I told you those poor people are gov
erned by a foreign yoke which disfranchises
all their public men, all those who have
taken any prominence among their fellow
citizens, and that it has promoted over
their heads a set of lately emancipated
slaves. If I told you that freemen were
thus reduced beneath the feet of the mean
est description of slaves, as you have seen
in this city and everywhere else, we should
have great meetings of commisscration and
sympathy, and be putting our hands in
our pockets to raise funds in behalf of these
impoverished and down-trodden people.
THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE,
But it is not of them that I speak. I speak
to you of your fellow-citizens in the South
ern States, Americans like you, white men
like you [cheers], whose fathers aided in
winning the liberty that we eDjoy. Say
that they erred. Call thfem rebels if you
choose. Shower on them all of the epithets
which these leaders of the people launch
against them, at least it remains, they are
our fellow-citizens; they are our people.
[Cheers.] They have been vanquished in
arms, and then, what? If you take the
Constitution of tße United States; if you
take the promises of Congress; if you take
the proclamations of Abraham Lincoln; if
you ta*ke the conditions of the surrender
exacted by Grant, as well as by Sherman,
they are entitled now to be restored .to
their ri & hts as our fellow-citizens.
If you go farther, if you take the laws of
war; if you take that law which the con
queror gives by the edge of the sword, he
is bound to respect as far as it can be done
with regard to the safety of others, the
rights, the welfare and the honor of those
whom be has conquered. Otherwise, poor
humanity would be degraded to a lower
level than that of the brutes. Take
tJiu law of nations as applied to civil war.
It is too late for us to talk about hanging
traitors when we have exchanged prisoners
with them; when we asked them for one
of our men with a captain’s commission,_
and gave in exchange one of their men"
with a captain’s commission. That was
the end of the talk about hanging traitors.
We recognize their officers; we recognize
their rights as belligerents, and as, in a
foreign war, it is closed by a treaty, so, by
international law, every civil war is closed
by a proclamation of amnesty. Andy
Johnson ought to have issued it long ago.
He has delayed it too long. It would
shock the civi.'ired world and the barbarian
world, fouiua-to undertake now to try, con
vict and e-xeouie the people of the South
ern States. Then, what are we to do with
them ? Ask the soldiers, for, after all,
they are generous. It is not the soldier
that hates them. It is not the valiant
Copperhead that stayed at home during
the war.
What are we to do with them ? What
is the dictate of the Almighty ? What is
the dictate of sound policy ? Why, we
read in the Holy Scripture, “Agree with
thine adversary quickly make peace
with him ; recognize his rights of person
and of property ; respect his honor, and
ask him to respect yours: Bring them
back to their old places in the Government,
just as Mr. Lincoln promised should be
done. Keep them in tho Government,
and peace, indeed, will prevail. You will
see quiet reign over tho whole country.
You will see Jhe industry of the whole
South renewed. You will see that put up
on the tax duplicates which will lighten
the burden.
For the sake, therefore, of the toiling
laborer, fox the sake of the owner of prop
erty, for the sake of every man who loves
peace and would eDjoy quiet at home, by
every title by which men can be addressed,
it is our interest to restore the people of
the South to their equal participation in
the privileges of the Government that
they and we so long and so bloodily es
tranged, may come together, and once
more, side by side, as in the old time,
march f.n vi rtnry, to ornpiro, to supromaoy
in the earth. [Applause. J
THE RADICAL POLICY. -
But do these men mean that? No; they
intend that it never shall be. The long
and dreary catalogue of their crimes has
been rehearsed by my honored friend who
preceded me. Let me touch upon but one
or two of the list. They now deny the
right of the State of Ohio to withdraw her
previous assent to the Fourteenth Amend
ment to the Constitution, as you have
heard. No lawyer will deny that right.
But will any Republican who is not a law
yer deny it? If he does, then I tell him
tfiat his party did that very thing in Ohio.
For, in the winter of 1860-61, the Legisla
ture of Ohio, and a Republican Legislature,
did give the assent of this State to what is
known as the Oorwin-Seward Amendment,
and a Republican Legislature withdrew
that assent; and that is of record.
And yet, although Congress has no busi
ness with that question, although Congress
never heretofore has concerned itself with
the question of declaring whether an
amendment was adopted or not, these gen
tlemen have undertaken to put themselves
into the breach and declare that it has beep
ratified.” And how? By resolution passed
through both Houses of Congress ? No
indeed. They have got tired of Andrew
Johnson’s vetoes, and they have now de
cided not to let him have a chance to veto.
Jlave they concluded to dispense with the
Constitution altogether? They toll us that
it passed both Houses, but that it need
not be sent to the President. Let us see
what the Constitution says :
“Every order, resolution or vote, to
which the concurrence of the House of
Representatives and Senate inay be neces
sary, except on the question of adjourn
ment, shall he presented to the President
of the United States, and before the same
shall take effect, shall he approved by
him, or, being disapproved by him, shall
be ronassed by two-thirds of the Senate
and Houso of Representatives according
to the rules and limitations prescribed in
the case of a bill.*’
And yet in defiance of that plain sentence
in the Constitution, they have undertaken,
without consulting the President, without
even giving him a chance to approve or
disapprove, to trample under foot, not
merely the rights of the Southern States,
but the sovereignty of our own good State
of Ohio.
And how does the fourteenth amend
ment operate ? A year or two ago it was
supposed to operate upon the people of
the Southern States. Now it operates I
upon us. It says that a State which de
nies to the negro the right of" voting shall
be sheared of its representation in Con
gress, and in the Electoral College to the
extent of the whole negro population of
that State. And, therefore, this four
teenth amendment, which they have hus
tled through Congress in the last two
in violation of the Constitution, is intend
ed to punish you, my fellow-citizens, for
having, by fitly thousand majority, refus
ed this neero suffrage last fall. It is you
who are the sufferers. It is not a question
, of imposing it upon the Southern States,
for they have crammed the negro question ]
.on them. It is an insult put on us. It is <
the rebuke we have for exercising our
right to decide whether or not we will per
! mit negroes to vote in onr State.
THE WAY TO PLACE.
Now lam no enemy of the negro. I
never was his enemy. lam not sorry that
j the institution of slavery fell. lam wii
j ling to give the negro his chance. If he
s is prudent, if he is industrious, if he is fit
I for so great a responsibility, he will get the
! right of suffrage in due time —will earn it,
| and the white man will give it to him. If
he is not tit for it, all the giving of it to him
i by all the Congresses in the world will not
eaable him to keep it. And now it has
been crammed upon these Southern States,
j They have disfranchised the white man
j utterly, aud enfranchised the negro, aud
j just at tlvis present time, on the eve of a
i Presidential election, they have not only
f sent us a detachment of carpet-bagger. but
i in the next Congress, if they prevail, we
will have to receive a full-scented individual
| from Africa, sitting there to make laws for
I you ' . .
Now, I say with General Blair, suen
1 conduct is infamous; such degrading gev
-1 ernments must be overthrown. The pow-
I er of choosing their own officers, the power
! of choosing Senators and Representative
| for their own Stat es to sit in Congress with
our Senators and Representatives must be
, given to those who are identified with the
people of those States, and I say that no
j white people will submit to such degrada
: tion as has been put upon the Southern
■ people. I say furthermore, they ought
J not to submit to it. General Grant may
. say, let us have peace, down to his dying
| breath, bat there never will be peace while
all these violent, lawless outrages are en
-1 acted.
1 The white race has been trampled under
; foot by the black. The way to have peace,
! is to have justice. The way to have peace,
; is to go back to the Constitution, and as I
‘ said there is do need of there will
' be no need of war. There will be no Union,
i there will be no liberty, there will be no
j prosperity until the Republican Congress
, and all who support its policy arc swept
i from power, and swept away forever.
[Applause.] «
FROM ATLANTA.
j SPECIAL CORSXSrOHDEJTCE OT THE CHRONICLE ± SMTTISEL.]
The Emit alien t tiffing out —Inauguration
Ball Bullock's and Me Cay’s Speeches ; —
Cries for Seymour and Blair—The
negroes interrupt Bullock with cries for
Bradley— Suspension of Sales and
Levies — Warner to be Chief Justice,
Atlanta, August 1, 1864.
There is a lull in the storm. The Sen
atorial election was the culmination of
Legislative excitement. When the pas
sions of the hour shall have subsided a
little, I think the Legislature will be able
to address itself to the business of the
country with some concert of action.
Night before last closed the active outside
party demonstrations, I suppose, until the
meeting of the Radical Convention. On
Tuesday, the Democrats made all the Rads
hop, and Thursday night Governor Bul
lock invited a select few to hop with him.
In the midst of this innocent -amusement
with which Georgia’s rulers wct£ tryingjo
recreate themselves, and rid
for a time from the memory of tbegritve
and stern conflicts in which they had been
but recently so fearfully engaged, a" crowd
of some three hundred niggers, accompa
nied by a little leaven of whites", assembled in
front of the National II 'tel where Govern
or Bullock was entertaining his guests,
and commenced a vociferous call for the
Governor. Militia- Gen,'l, McKay ap
peared at the window and assured them
that they should hear from h’is Excellency
in a few minutes, and in the meantime
the gallant General undertook to entertain
them. By this time a Considerable group
of the “ unterrified” bad gathered
upon the opposite side of the street for.the
purpose of witnessing this novel interchange
of courtesies between the Governor and the
provisional citizens, by whose Votes be was
elevated. The speaker who was to enter
taiu them until the Governor exchanged
slippers for boots, set in in good earnest
and was approaching the termination of
one of those long drawn-out sentences
which was to close with the names of Grant
and Colfax, when suddenly there arose
from the crowd upon the opposite side of
the street, in tones swelling high above
those of the speaker and completely drown
ing his voice, the -thrilling Democratic
refrain, “ Seymour and Blair.” The
General, not to he thus vanquished, backed
and came again, hut was the seoond time
made to utter the prophetic assertion that
the colored men would vote for Seymour
and Blair at the approaching election.
The General was about reaching the “cuss
ing” point, when lie was relieved by the
appearance of Governor Bullock, who took
the job and reached the same point in less
time. IJe was just commencing to speak
when anew idea seemed to strike cuffee
and they commenced yelling “Bradley!
Bradley! we want Bradley;” during which
demonstration the Governor took occasion
to retire, not, however, until he had
thanked “ the gentlemen for the honor
conferred upon him,” Such is now the
complexion of Georsia politics. What
consoling reflection the patriot will be able
to deduce from these facts lam not able
ifist now to see, but it virtually augurs the
approach of a trying crisis, one in which
the Constitution and the mangled form of
Liberty will rise and quell the storm of
strife, or sink beneath the fearful waves of
anarchy to rise no more in onr time and our
country. *
The Senate amendments to the resolu
tion suspending all levies and sales passed
the House to-day after considerable discus
sion. The resolution only needs the signa
ture of the Governor, and, for the benefit
of your numerous readers, I give it entire.
Resolved, That all levies and advertised
sales under executions in the State* be, and
are hereby, suspended until this a General
Assembly shall take final action upon the
relief measures in the Constitution, and
especially the Homestead therein provided,
except wages due for labor, taxes and offi
cers’ costs, and except in cases where the
defendants reside without the limits of the
State and when" he is fraudulently convey
ing Lis propei ty for the purpose of avoid
ing the payment of his just debts, when he
is seeking to remove his property beyond
the limits of said State, and when he ab
sconds." The vote was 62 to 58.
Up to date no more messages in reference
to'confirmations have been transmitted to
the Senate—hot they are looked for on
next Monday. The more knowing ones of
the lobby insist that Hon.. Hiram Warner
will retain his seat as Chief Justice, and
the announcement seems to afford general
satisfaction.
There has been, up to date, about one
hundred bills introduced in the House, and
sis ty in the Senate. The effort to take the
appointing power out of the hands of the
Governor, so far as it relates to the W. &
A. Railroad, is still gaining ground.
Constitution.
Democracy In Walker County.
Cedar Grove, Walker Cos., Ga., )
July 27, 1868, j
On the 25th inst. the Democracy of the
western part of Walker held a meeting at
Wheeler’s store for the purpose of organ
izing a Democratic Club. On motion of
Dr. W. B. Simmons, William Beene,
Esq., was called to the Chair and Capt.
J. Y. Wood requested to act as Secretary.
The following resolutions were introduced
by Dr. W. B. Simmons and unanimously
adopted:
Resolved , That this organization be
styled the McLemore Democratic Club.
Resolved,, 1 hat we heartily endorse the
platform of tho New York Convention of
J uly 4th, and that we will use all honorable
efforts in our power to aid in the election
of Seymour aud Blair to the Presidency
and Vice Presidency of the United States.
On motion, the Chair appointed eight
members, viz : J. R Wheeler, G. D.
Whitman, J. Gardner, Jeff. Coulter, W.
11. Hatfield, M. M. Whitford, W. B. Sim
mons, Rev. John McDaniel, whose duty
it shall be to distribute all documents and
papers that may come in possession of
the Club. After agreeing to meet on the
second and fourth Saturdays of each
month, and also requesting the Chronicle
& Sentinel and Constitutionalist to pub
lish the proceedings, the Club adjourned.
Wm. Beene, Chairman.
J. Y. W OOD, Secretary.
[communicated.]
The AugitstaA Savannah Railroad.
Editors Chronicle Sc Sentinel: For
some days- before the asse&bling of the
late Democratic Convention in Atlanta, the
public press throughout the State, after
exeFting their influence to that end, an
nounced that the several railroads ip Geor
gia would furnish delegates, -to and from
the Capital, transportation for one fare.
At such a time the generous offer was no
small inducement to atteud the Conven
tion ; in fact, it enabled mary to do so
who, otherwise, could not have gone, and,
so far as I know, all the railroads, except
the one above mentioned, pursued this
liberal policy. Relying upon thevannounce
ment referred to, the Burke County Dele
gation took the train 'of Augusta & Sa
t vannah Railroad at different points along
] the line, in this county, on the day before
the Convection met, reaching Augusta in
time to get to Atlanta the next morning
by the Georgia Road. They encountered no
difficulty nor met any disappointment un
til they took the train in Augusta on
j their return trip to Waysnesboro. Here
: Mr. Becket, the conductor on the
j night trains down, demaedea full fare,
j The delegates remonstrated, stating the
i general understanding abavc referred to,
and offering to furnish satisfactory evidence
l of their delegate rial character. But the
j conductor was inexorable, and gave, as a
; reason, that he had consulted Mr. Wadley,
who was on the train, and that his orders
. were imperative. So far as dollars and
j cents are concerned, this is comparatively
] a small matter; but it exhibits an amount
of littleness which we had hoped this
[ Road would manage to conceal, if' it really
j felt it. One of the delegates referred to
, pays to the Company at least two thousand
dollars in the way of freight; and
all of them are wed known, and have
heretofore been its staunch friends. Thus
it will be seen that, while the Georgia Road
transported our delegates 340 miles for the
almost nominal suuT of four dollais, this
, switch of the Central charged them three
■ dollars for sixty miles. But what is still
! more strange, a day or so afterward two of
j our delegates, who remained over in At
' lanta, wereallowpd to pass over the Road
free, by one of our day cqpductors, who
was not born with a blue nose in Nova
j Sootia or New Brunswick- Now, did they
! have different orders, or did Becket be
| come a law unto himself, without consult
ing Mr. Wadley ? A Delegate.
Joseph E. Brown, James Johnson, and
I>. Hall Rice are said to have volunteered
j their services to prosecute Russell tor the
killing of Hopkins in Savannah lately.
Judge Clarke, the present incumbent of
the Pataula Circuit, declines to retain the
position. The chances are now in favor
of the Hon- Mr. Wimberly’s appointment.
GREAT SPEECH
OF
HO A . ROIJEHT TOOJIIW
AT
Atlanta Georgia, July 23d,
PRIPARED FOB ini CHRONICLE & SENTINEL AXD YSS o>*tY
AUTHORIZED REP-.RT.
Mr. Toombs,after thanking the audience
for their kindly greetings and congratulat
ing the country upon the presence on the
occasion ol so great and enthusiastic a mul
titude of her best citizens, proceeds to say:
But few nations have wholly escaped the
ravages and ruin of war usually inflicted
by the insolent and triumphant invaders;
fewer, still, the sterner and bitter oursc of
eivil war. The histories of the greatest
and the most enduring nations of the earth
are filled with defeats as woll as victories,
sufferings as well as happiness, shame
and reproach as well as honor and glory.
Purification, in the crucible of adversity,
in the fiery furnace of individual and na
tional suffering,seems to be the price or the
penalty of national greatness. Through
this testratien have passed the actions
whose power and genius have governed,
whose existence has blessed and whose
wisdom still guides and directs the world ;
through this testratjon have passed the
illustrious men whose names have been
canonized by mankind, the masters of
fortune and the fates, the favorites of
all the gods, the few immortal names
which were not born to die. The heroic
struggles of the great and the good, the
brave and true men of the world,in all ages
and countries, in the,face of the greatest
disasters and in spite of the greatest dan
gers, in behalf of home and country and
the rights of mankind,are the noblest leg
acies left by the past to the present gen
eration of men; they are trophies of which
poor humanity may well be proud,trophies
worthy to be laid at the feet of Jehovah.
That is a bright page in Roman history
which narrates that when thousands of her
most gallant and distinguished youth were
slain, her veteran legions broken and scat
tered, and the victorious enemy was march
ing upon her capital, marking their path
way by fire and sword, with nothing to re
tard his progress but a stern old warrior
and patriot, whose chief resource lay in
his unconquerable will, the Roman Sen
ate met and first ordered propitiatory sacri
fices to the gods and then voted the thanks
of Rome to the defeated leader of her
armies for not despairing of the Republic.
From that hour the star of Hannibal “cul
minated from the Equator.” The people
imbibed the spirit of the conscript fathers;
courage aud hope drove out fear and
despair, and Rome was saved. Men and
women of Georgia, yom too, deserve the ,
thanks of your country for the evidence you
give this day that you have not despaired
of the Republic; though despoiled, plun
dered and manacled, your spirits arc un
broken, and that you yet have heart and
hope to make new sacrifices, yea, all sacri
fices to regain your lost liberties and to re
deem your country from bondage. It lias
rarely happened in the annals of time that
any people were ever called upon to grap
ple with so great a crisis as that which is
now impending over the people of the Con
federate States. After a gallant hut un
successful conflict in the noblest aud holi
est cause for which patriot blood was ever
shed —the cause of inalienable rights ol
man, the liberties of a free people and the
sovereignty of the States—at the end of four
years these people found themselves sur
rendered to victorious foes, whose armies
embraced all colors, and tongues and
races of men under the sun, fighting un
der the flag of the United States. The
terms which were granted to the van
quished neither won their gratitude nor
excited their ad uiration. The manner in
which these terms have been observed
has even excited the indignation of
the brave and the generous whose conduct,
courage, and blood achieved the conquest.
Those whose blades glittered in the fore
most ranks of the Federal army on the
battlefield, with a yet higher and nobler
courage, scorn the base uses to which the
victory has been applied, and now demand
that the rights of the vanquished shall be
respected, that these wrongs shall be re
dressed, and that justice shall be done.
This means peace—honorable peace—
peace built upon the deep foundations of
eternal justice. This demand came none
too soon for the public safety. The aveng
ing Nemesis which follows in the train of
conquest is already confronting the victors
in the shape of the Radical part}'. Born
in sectional hatred, which it has ever
assiduously cultivated ; nurtured by the
evil passions which that hatred engengers,
reared to its present dangerous proportions
by the lawlessness of civii war and the
general disorders of the times, this mon
ster has become the. great danger to the
whole commonwealth. Its thirst for
power and plunder has not even been
fatigued, much less appeased, by its tyran
nies, its robberies, and its ruin of the
South ; therefore, to gratify these unholy
passions it has conspired to seize supreme
power by fraud and force, and to erect a
military despotism upon the ruins of con
stitutional liberty. To oppose these dan
gers, the Democracy of the United States
recently met in the city of New York, and
with them'also assembled the representa
tives of millions of citizens, who hitherto
claimed no special alliance with that party
as a political organization. Bad men have
conspired to overthrow free institutions ;
good men have united to preserve them,
and, under the flag ol the Democracy, in
vite your co-operation.
The Democracy have arraigned this
faction before the grand inquest ot the na
tion for high crimes and misdemeanors.
You are assembled as A part of that grand
inquest to hear the charges, specifica
tions and proofs, and to give true deliver
ance between the criminals and the coun
try. The declaration of principles
adopted by the Convention has tho
great merit of clearness and certainty upon
all the issues which are likely to enter into
the political canvass. It gives out no un
certain sound. The old Shibboleths of
liberty are again proclaimed as living prin
ciples ; whatever else may be lost, “the
supremacy of the civil over the military
power,” “Magna Charta,” trial by jury,
the Constitution, have survived tho con
flict of arms, and still live, at least, in the
heart ot the Democratic party. These are
principles which concern the collective
body of the people. 1 shall not attempt,
on this occasion, to review all the ques
tions of principle and policy submitted by
the Convention to the judgment of the
people, but shall confine myself mainly to
the examination and defence of the one
which most vitally affects your interest and
the happiness of your posterity. We
have now but? small concern with the ques
tions arising cut of tire public debt, ex
cept so far as .the mode of payment may
affect the general industry of the country,
and we prefer to leave all disputed ques
tions with those who contracted the debt.
The one great question which, with you,
swallowed up the rest was the “validity of a
series of edicts, commonly known as the
Congressional plan of reconstruction. The
recognition of these measures by tho
Democratic party was .impossible. Every
Democrat in both Houses of Congress had
voted against them and declared them un
constitutional and void ; the Democrats in
all the State Legislatures, in local conven
tions and in every form of party action,
had stamped them with just Condemna
tion ; yet, although the country had a
right to expeet it, the unanimous declara
tion of the National Convention that these
“aets” (so-called) were usurpations, un
constitutional-, revolutionary and void, sent
a thrill of joy through millions of hearts,
and brought countless blessings upon the
heads of the noble representatives of the
fearless and indomitable Democracy.
The usurpers, until then, had hoped that
these gigantic wrongs, being once accom
plished might find security in their mag
nitudc.or toleration in the pretended dan
gers of their eradication. This 'grand
declaration of the Democracy dispels all
such illusions ; let it be confirmed by the
people of the United States, and all these
miserable mockeries called reconstructed
; States, erected by fraud and force against
j the consent of the people t and in defiance
jof the. Constitution, will pass away;
j perish without a struggle.
This “plan” leaves _no room for differ
; ence of opinion or action among patriots;
j while its immediate evils fall with crush
, ing weight upon you, its ultimate effects
j will be equally disastrous to, constitutional
I liberty aud free government in every part
of the Republic. It contains no principle,
or policy, no purpose or object to com
mend it to your approval, nothing to mit
igate your sternest hostility to all of its
provisions. In the ten States subject to
their operation these edicts defeat all the
rightful purposes to secure which govern
ments were instituted among men, abolish
ail securities to life, liberty and property,
all rights, all remedies, alf laws whatsoever,
either civil or military. The Constitution
and laws of the United States, the laws of
nations, the Constitutions and laws of the
States, all fall before them, and they erect
in lieu thereof a species of military des
potism hitherto rare in the annate of hu
man crime; a military despotism freed
from the forms of military administration,
i and without the restraints of military or
any other law whatever; organized anarchy
i upheld and administered by bayonets,
j These are neither the ordinary hr ap
’ propriate instrumentalities for the con
struction or reconstruction of good gov
eminent; that result would be wholly in
consistent with tho gjand design of the
authors of this pyramids of iniquities. This
grand design is the preservation and per
petuation of despotic power in the hands
of the present dominant faction in the
United States. The difficulties in the way
of this great work were not fully appreci
ated, or, perhaps, forseen in its inception.
Its authors seemed clearly to perceive that
no amount of tyranfiy or torture, rewards
or punishments could induce the white
population of the South to consummate the
ruin of public liberty. The experiment in
Tennessee had demonstrated that white
men who had faltered at tho commission of
no other political crime recoiled from patri
cide. It became necessary to improve even
on that only model of a perfect common
wealth which the Radical party had, as
yet, constructed. Its main defect rested
at its foundation; a sufficient amount of
ignorance, vice and pauperism could not be
found among the meanest of the white race
to insure its security. These were to be
found in unlimited supplyamong the negro
race. Therefore, absolute negro.supremacy
was decreed to be the corner-stone of the
Congressional plan of reconstruction, the
foundation rock of Radical despotism. The
simplest and most direct mode of reaching
negro supremacy in the “late rebel States,”
and one in entire harmony with the genius
of the piaD, would have been to have enfran
chised all of the negroand disfranchized all
of the white race.
But it was determined by the assembled
wisdom of the party that the plan would
gain in safety what it lost id simplicity and
boldness, by tempering audacity with
craft, and force with fraud. Hence they
endeavored to combine the white and
black elements in such proportions as
would give color to the claims of assent to
the plan by the white, without endanger
ing tho complete asccndaucy of the black
race. This was a point of great import
ance, and of some difficulty ; all the com
plex machinery of the edicts was adopted
far its adjustment. This solution was
sought in giving suffrage to all of the
blacks, and a limited portion of the white
people. Tho natural rule of exclusion
would seem to have been, to havcexcluded
the leaders of the civil war, the civil and
military officers who guided, directed, and
upheld the Government, and the boldest
and bravest of its defenders. Such men
had certainly the best claim to be inscribed
on this “roll of honor.” While many such
names are to be found on it, not a single
one was placed there for those reasons.
Neither Mr. Davis or General Leo are ex
cluded by reason of their positions in, or
services to, the Confederate States ; they
are excluded solely on the additional
ground that they held office under the
United States before tho war ; tho rule
being that the holding of some State or
Federal office before the war is a necessary
ingredient of disfranchisement. It seems
to have been considered that this rule
would include a class sufficiently numerous
to preserve negro ascendancy and,
at the same time, sufficiently virtuous
and intelligent, to be unfit instruments of
tyranny. But to provide against the pos
sibility of any mistake on this decisive
question of numbers, or any other unfor
seen difficulties or omissions which might
hinder, delay or defeat, the realization of
the hopes of its authors, “this plan” was
protected against the dangers which con
stitutionally beset ordinary legislation. It
was placed under the special guardianship
of its fathers, the legislative department,
and in order that this guardianship might
be effectual, this department decreed that
its portals “like the gates of hell should
be always open,” duringjthe parturition of
this monster. Parental solicitude has been
fully vindicated by the result. It has cost
two extra sessions of Congress and many
supplemental bills to perfect the scheme.
Other difficulties embarrassed “this plan”
of reconstruction. The President had al
ready declared his opposition to it in able
and elaborate veto messages. The com
mand of the military forces of the Union
and the power of appointing executive
officers, the instruments placed in his hands
by the Constitution to ensure the faithful
execution of the laws, were wrested from
him, and he was, in effect, deposed. The
Supreme Court might be called on to ex
amine into the conformity of these edicts
to the organic law; it seemed relucCant to
admit that the Constitution was either
dead or dormant, and therefore it was not
to be trusted with this questiotl; the agents
ofreconstructioS were invested with judicial
as well as executive power, and command
ed to refuse obedience to" all interferenee
with their acts by any civil authority what
ever. lhe (hurts were closed. .Congress
enacts, expounds and excutcs tho laws,'
apd becomes the embodiment-of a perfect
despotism. The apology' put forth for
. these measures by their authors, is that
‘‘the late rebel States” are not under the
protection of the Constitution of the
United States, that they are conquered
provinces, and that therefore Congress has
the absolute right to govern them accord
ing to its own will and pleasure, without
any other restraint except that which may
be imposed upon them by the laws of na
tions. This involves the proposition upon
which alone these measures can be sus
tained, that Congress is the sole exponent
of the will of the conquering people,
and may rightfully make, expound and
execute all laws which they may doom
necessary and proper for enforcing that
will. All the rights to which just war
gives birth belong to the nation. Every
nation exercises these as well as all other
rights she may possess, according to the
forms prescribed by herself. The rights
of the nation cannot be exercised by any
one person, or any number of persons
whatever, except by authority conferred by
the nation. All the powers of Congress
are derived from the Constitution of the
United States, and all of its acts, whether
intended to operate within or without its
limits, whether over the conquerors or tho
conquered, rest upon no other legitimate
authority. The laws of nations cannot
change the organic law of the conquerors.
The organic law of the United States oon
fers no executive or judicial power on Con
gress; its exercise of either is mere usur
pation, binding upon no person whatever.
If the will of the conqueror be truly the
only law of the conquered people, the
same law requires that will to be
legally declared. The judicial tri
bunals alone have the right to decide
upon the validity of these acts, whether
or not they are laws, and the power is
conferred upon the (‘resident “to take
care that the laws be faithfully executed.”
These acts annul the powers of these two
co-ordinate departments of the Govern
ment, and are therefore unconstitutional
and void, and being void they cannot de
clare the will of the nation, and are there
fore equally condemned by the laws of
nations. It is not .true that none but
loyal citizens can claim the benefit of the
laws of the conquering nation. The
traitor can only be triod according to the
laws of the country claiming his allegiance;
the pirate, though the declared enemy oi
all mankind, can only be tried and pun
ished according to the laws prescribed by
the country of his captors. Thus it is
clear that if the Constitution of the Uni
ted States gives ho rights to the “ late
rebel Slates,” itcertainly places serions
impediments in the path of Radical tyr
anny.
This effort of the Radical narty to es
cape the obligations of the Constitution,
strips them of all pretenee of justification
for the war. The position assumed by
them and the whole war party in the
North, was that the Union wag indissolu
ble by the terms of the compact for any
causes whatever, and that any and all ef
forts to dissolve it were merely insurrection
and rebellion, which subjected all who
aided and abetted them to the pains and
penalties of treason, and Congress de
clared their objects and purposes in waging
war against us in the following resolution :
“ dissolved, That the war is not waged
on our part in any spirit of oppression, or
for any purpose of ednquest, or for inter
fering with the rights or established insti
tutions of these States, but to defend and
MAINTAIN the SUPREMACY of the CONSTI
TUTION, and to preserve the Union with
ALL TIIE DIGNITY AND RIOTITS of the
several States unimpaired. ”
This resolution was adopted unanimous
ly. It is the only justification of the war
which has ever been offered to the public
by the Government of the United States.
It is hut a logical conclusion from the
cardinal principles of the war party. If
the late civil war was only a rebellion it
did not annul the Constitution and laws of
the United States in the Confederate
States. They were neither, dormant, dis
placed or suspended. Their exercise was
simply resisted by illegal violence and, up
on the suppression of this illegal violence,
they were as much the supreme laws of
Georgia as of Massachusetts ; they were
in as full force and operation at the end as
in the beginning of the war. This theory
was universally announced and accepted
by the Government and people of the
I United States during the war and seems
: to be still adhered to by its executive and
judicial departments. Under it traitors
could be punished, but punished only by
the judgment of their peers and accord
i ing to the laws of the land. These laws
secured them trials—speedy, public, im
partial trials—trials by jury after indict
ment found in the district where the al
ledged crimes wer6 committed ; under it
confiscations might take place, but con
NEW SERIES, VOL. XXVII. NO. 32.
fiscatjons after trial and conviction, con
fiscations according to the laws of the land.
In short, according to this theory, the
Union was never dissolved; it was already
constructed and needed no reconstruction.
But the Radical party did need it.
Its incompetency, its corruption, its
venality, its tyrannies, its treachery to the
Caucasian race, its patronage of vice and
fraud, of crimes and criminals, its crimes
against humanity in its efforts to subvert
all the safeguards of personal security, and
to uproot the foundations of free govern
ment, had strictly .forfeited all its claims
to public confidence. It then determined
to hold the supreme power in spite of tho
people. These reconstruction edicts
were the first fruits of This wicked con
spiracy, the boldest experiment upon the
intelligence and patriotism of the people.
It is true the time was inauspicious, hos
tilities had ceased, the acquiescence of the
people of the South in the existing order
of things was complete and universal.
The laws of the United States wertl as
safely administered and as quietly obeyed
as they.had ever been before the war ;
conventions had been called, what are
called State constitutions were formed un
der the dictation of the Federal au
thorities, and made to conform to the new
>rder of things, and wore acquiesced in by
the people. Elections had been held.
Senators aDd Representatives were elected
and sent to Congress, and the work of estab
lishing “praotical[relatiops” seemed accom
plished. There appeared to be no impedi
ment in the way of restoring the Uniou
except this Radical faction. It was very
plainly perceived that, however much
this general pacification might benefit the
country, it would be death to Radicalism ;
not a single electoral vote for this faction
could be safely counted on from the Poto
mac to the Rio Grande. The North was
faltering, Jhe South was lost; in this ex
tremity of their fortunes these conspira
tors, having the absolute control of both
branches of Congress, determined to rule
or ruin the Republic. It was difficult to
find a pretext sufficient to warrant the
stringent policy which thoir necessities
demanded. They were compelled to seize
upon a street riot between a few negroes
and white men at New Orleans, which oc
curred some eight months before as the sole
justification for the subversion not only of
the! existing government aud all the laws of
Louisiana, but also ithe governments.and
laws of nine other States against whom
they could not even find the excuse of
an assault and battery upon a loyal
African. The edicts are issued, ten States
are proclaimed conquered provinces, and
the will of Congress declared to be their
only law.
I have already shown you that whatever
may be the rights of the conquerors over
conquered people, these rights belong to
the people of the conquering natiorn— not
to any particular branch of the Govern
ment which they may have established—
and that these rights can only be exercised
according to the fundamental law of such
people; that the fundamental law—the
Constitution of the United Statos—doos
not confer these powers upon Congress, aud
that the attempt by Congress to exercise
them is a sheer usurpation, imposing no
obligation upon either the conquerors or
the conquered to obey these arbitrary
edicts. I propose, in the next place, to in
quire what are the rights of conquerors
over conquered people, by the laws of
nations. The assumption Dy this ignorant
and infamous faction and their still more
ignorant and infamous allies in the South,
that conquest alone places the lives, liber
ties, honor and property of the vanquished
at the absolute disposal of the conquerors,
has no other foundation than the baseness
and turpitude of its advocates, and is a
libel upon Nature and Nature’s God. It is
neither sustained by principle or authority,
and is condemned by all just men and ap
proved writersupon the fawsof nations from
Cicero to James Longstreet; and, ex
cluding the latter, there is an unbroken
current of authority against this wicked
perversion of publiclaw. To me the ex
ception is a painful one, not that heis any
authority upon this subject, but because I
would not have him to tarnish his own
laurels. I respect his courage, honor his
devotion to a just cause, and regret his
errors. It is true that there have here
tofore been wars, and such may oceuu
again, where the principle contended for
by these conspirators and their allies may
be justly applied ; and I wish to save tiic
exception to the general principle for the
bonefit of those whose crimes deserve and
whose conduct provokes its rigid enforce
ment. Such are the rights of war (not
of peaoe) against pirates and robbers and
other outlaws, whose atrocities mark them
as enemies of the human * race, and ex
clude them, by the judgment of mankind,
from the benefits of the laws of nations.
What condemnation, what punishment
copld be great enough for those com
mandess of our armies, those leaders of our
counsels who thus characterize the late
war among the States ? What lower deep
can they find in this world or the next ?
The laws of nations, though wanting in
the oertainty of municipal laws by reason
of the want of authoritative interpreta
tion, are still laws; they are the laws of
nations and of God, divine laws ; the rock
of ages is their corner-stone and the golden
rule is their standard and exponent. They
decide upon the rights of peace and war,
fix limits to the rights of conquest, and
establish rules for the government of the
conquered beyond whioh he cannot pass
without placing himself outside of their
protection. This rule measures his rights
by “the justice of his cause, and his neces
sary self-defence.” The .world had no need
to be told by the wise and good men of
Greece and Rome, by Puffendorf and
Grotius, Burlamarqui, Vattel and all
other approved publicists, “that he who
engages in war derives all of his just rights
from the justice of his cause, and that
whoever, therefore, takes up arms, with
out just cause, can have no rights whatever;
that every act of hostility he commits is an
act of injustice (Vattel, book 3, chap. 11),
that all of his victories are murders, and
all of his acquisitions are robberies.” That
“it is certain that no conquest ever author
ized a conqueror to govern any people
tyrannically.” (Burlamarqui, p. 11).
That “the most absolute sovereignty gives
no right to oppress those who have surren
dered;” that “the most absolute
must govern his conquests according to
the ends for which civil Jgovernments were
established” among men. (Vattel, book
iii., chap, xiii.)
That “private property is not to bo seized
by the victors.” That “all despotism is un
lawful, wrong, wicked and imposes no obli
igation of obedience upon any human be
ing;” finally that “resistance to tyrants is
obedience to God.” These are but the
teachings oi reason)and revelation, the clear
utterances of nature and nature's God, ring
ing thro’all climes and all centuries, and
proclaiming justice as the supreme law
binding upon both men and nations. Let us
have no more of these treacherous babblings
about the rights of the conqueror, from
those who dare not defend his cause, and
who seek to cover up their own shameful
apostacy by libels on the benefactors of the j
human race, and imputations upon the i
wisdom, justice and goodness of the living !
God. The rights of the conqueror being
thus shown (o be limited by the justice of
his cause and his necessary self-defence,
let us examine for a moment how stood
the question of right between us and our
opponents. The Federal Congress, from
the first day of the war to this hour, has
never made an allegation of wrong or in
jury committed by us against the United
States; they placed their justification of the
war solely upon the ground that wo sought
to withdraw from the Union. This was true
and we hold justifiable. Passing over,
for the sake of not reviving old animosities,
the causes of separation which we alleged,
justified and demanded it, it is sufficient
to say that the laws of nations, as expound
ed by the Declaration of Independence,
fully justified the seceding States in es
tablishing for themselves anew and inde
pendent government. The crime, if any,
was committed by those who made war to
prevent the exoroiso of this right, a right
clearly admitted by all parties before the
compact of Union wa3 formed. Second
ly, the States were sovereign and inde
pendent at the time of the formation of
the confederation, and did not surronder
their sovereignty and independence by the
Constitution. Ido not intend, to repeat
the arguments on this point which I have
so often made before you. My object on
this occasion being only to show that we
have not committed any such crimes by
withdrawing peaceably from the American
Union as should pat us under the “bau
of the empire” and exclude us from the
benefit of the laws of nations. The right
of each State to judge for itself of
the infraction of the Constitution, and tho
mode and manner of redress, was plainly
affirmed by Mr.Jefferson in the first of a se
ries of resolutions drawn by him and adopted
by the Kentucky Legislature m 1798. That
resolution was accepted as a true explana
tion of the Constitution from 1801 to the be
ginning of the late war, by the great ma
jority of the American people. It was in
corporated in- the Democratic National
platforms from 1844 to 1860, andrepeatedly
sanctioned by large majorities of the people.
Can it then be said that, for the exercise of
this right thus affirmed and sanctioned by
the laws of nations, we are justly con
demned to the deprivation of all civil rights,
outlawry,and chains, and that consumma
tion of all evils, negro supremacy over ua ?
Yet this is the proposition whioh the Radi
cals and their supporters must establish
before they can justify Radical rule in tho
South, and their Congressional edicts.
I have thus shown that these measures
can derive Bo justification, support or
apology from either the Constitution of the
United States, the laws of nations, or the
acts of the people of the Confederate
States; they stand, therefore, in their
naked deformity, open’ to the indignant
gaze of all honest men. Tyranny and
malice their ingenuity in their
conception. By the aid of a military Dic
tator, eminently fitted to execute them,
through the agency of bayonets, stuffed
ballot-boxes, fraudulent registries and re
turns, they have accomplished their ap
pointed work. A mockery, called the
Constitution of the State of Georgia, has
been imposed upon the people, which
makes all good government impossible as
long as it stands. An ignorant aud un
principled adventurer has been installed
.under it as the Chief Magistrate of the
State, clothed with imperial power over
the interests and destinies of this people,
who is already prostituting tlfc power and
patronage bestowed upon him for that
purpose, in buying posts of honor and
trust for his co-conspirators, in corrupting
the judiciary, in rewarding profligate fol
lowers, in attempting to iutimidate and
debauch the poople themselves in order to
perpetuate the faction to whose base meas
ures alone ho owes his elevation.
All these and many more such wrongs
have been inflicted upon you without your
consent. Your consent alono can give the
least validity to these usurpations. Let
no power on earth wring that consent from
your manly bosoms. Take no counsel of
fear it is the meanest of masters; spurn
the temptations of office and gold from the
polluted hands of your oppressors; he
who holds only his own sepulchre, at the
price of these chains,, owns a heritage of
sham*. All honor tft the National Dem
ocracy who have risen in their might to
strike off these letters from your limbs.*
You, one and all, owe it to them, to your
selves, your posterity and your country, to
rush to their standard, and labor with
them in this great work of deliverance
and liberty. They have thrown wide the
portals of admission ; “ forgetting all pa'st
differences of opinion, they invite all to
unite in the present great struggle lor
the liberties of the people. ’ ’ Come, unite
with them. Your country says oome,
honor says come —duty says come—liber
ty says come—the country is in dan
ger —let every freeman hasten to the
rescue.
[communicated.]
(omiuemonient of the Louisville Acad
emy.
Messrs. Editors : The threatening aspect
of the Heavens on Wednesday , night was
regarded as a sure sign of a continued sea
son of wet weather; but, contrary to the
expectations of all, Thursday morning ap
peared giving promise of a pleasant, day.
The exoroises of the above Academy began
at 8 o’clock, a, m., the first part of the
day being given to an examination of the
younger scholars. As the day progressed
the higher branches were reviewed, and in
such a manner as to reflect honor upon the
scholars, and to establish tlieir olairn to
rapid improvement. Later in the day, the
Latirr scholars were examined, when Vir
gil and Horace figured conspicuously as
Authors and Poets. At 5 o’clock, p. m.,
the audience were honored with an ad
dress from J. H. Wilkins, Esq., rich in
production—practical in its teachings, and
well delivered. The handsome features
and snowy hhnds of the orator could
scarcely be considered as sustaining him in
his criticism upon those of our youth who
ply the plough and seek to occupy some
position falsely called “gentility.” How
ever it is all very well, inasmuch as the
speaker is an industrious,enterprising farm
er, as well as scholar—professionally a
lawyer.
Jle alluded to the overstocked condition
of all the higher order of professions and
forcibly held up agriculture as the very
foundation upon which must be reared all
these superstructures. His poetical quo
tations reflected considerable study as
Byron figured no greater than those
less widely known. Ambition—as af
fecting man in various ways—was an
alysed, its provisions censured, its niisim
provement condemned, and its true glory
beautifully presented. On the whole, the
address was in season. Combining wit,
common sense, and much of the beautiful,
well calculated to claim the attention of an
audience on a hot summer day when any
other style might have failed.
The address finished, an interim was
given, in order that supper might be
taken and all repair to the Court House,
where beauty and grace, eloquence anil
art in an undeveloped state awaited them.
At 8 o’clock p. m., one of the male
students appeared and welcomed the
auditory to “what of pleasure might be
found” in attending to the final exercises.
Then began the speaking in earnest. A
little six year old orator apologized for his
inexperience in the art of speakiug, and
reminded the audience in quite an amus
ing style that they, too, had onoo to learn
their ABC. Quite a laughter and con
siderable applause followed—and wo ven
ture to say that the little fellow received
an apple or “plumb pudding,” from his
doting parents on account ol the .success 1
ful issue of his oratorial debut. In the
usual manner the speaking was gone
through, and the young ladies appeared
upon the stage, and read with graceful
eloquence those pink and blue decked
manuscripts called “composition.” How
they could get up and condemn ex
travagance with everything about them
acting as example contra precept, is in
deed a wonder ! “Woman I” “Woman’s
influence and mission,” painted in glow
ing color. Vanity added interest to beau
ty; and did the hearers but follow the
injunctions laid down, all would be hap
pier and life would be “a noonday dream. ”
“A look around,” bringing up the “good
old days,” attracted much attention, and
it was only with an effort that the applause
of the erowd could be stifled till the com
position was finished. Feeling, humor
and good senso found each a place in the
“look around ;” and with much ingenuity
it was so continued as to conclude with the
words, “Seymour and Blair Kill carry the
day f” How every Southern heart throbb
•l, how every eye kindled would have
done you good, and testified to the truth
of those words, “there is life in the old
land yet.” The speaking and reading
were completed by a farewell address from
one of the students, appropriate in its
hearing, and well delivered.
“ Improvement ” was uttered by many
lips, and it is truly encouraging to behold
the change a single year has effected in the
scholars of the Louisville Academy. *
Charades next came and every drowsy
feeling was quickly expelled to give place
to that innocent enjoyment always found
here. Music occupied every pause between
the entire exercises; its sounds a feast
for the ear, and the beauty of the singers
a feast for the eye.
Thus passed this yearly“cxcitcment and
Jxmisville is dull again.” (). B.
Phillips’ Provision exchange. .
Cincinnati, July 31, 1868.
PhUtorn Chronicle <fc Sentinel:
The inactivity which characterized the
provision market at the date ol' my last
continued up to Wednesday, when some
orders were received from Baltimore and
other distributing points, and these, togeth
er with favorable advices from Mew Or
leans, caused a decidedly firmer market
and enabled holders to establish an ad
vance on most articles.n This, however,
restricted operations to some extent,
though holders were not inclined to yield
any of the advantage gained, ami it is
' doubtful if purchases could be made to
any extent at my quotations, as holders
generally are coulideut, and as soon as a
disposition was manifested to buy at, the
prices asked, they would pnt up their
ligure*. A portion of the stock fa in the
Uamfa of parties who bought some time
time since on speculation, and at figures
above their present level, and they are not
willing to sell at a loss as long as there is
any prospect of an improvement in pri
ces. The market closes very firm at my
quotations.
Mess Pork —lias been quiet all the
week and held atf2B 5© for choice brands •
sales were made at S2B 25 to-day; about
1.000 hbls' sold at prices ranging f’;oin
S2B 25@528 60; it closes firm at the jitter
rate with more buyers thau sellerti.
Prime Pork— Can be had at
Lard —Has changed but little; rt is firm
ly held at 18c for city kettles, w’ltli small
sales at this price.
Bri.ic Meats—Under largo orders from
Baltimore are ia good demand and prh-es
are higher; I quote Shoulders at 12e
Bides life loose; Clear Riband Clear nom
inal at 15i<5;16c loose.
Bacon—ln sympathy with Bulk Meats
is in better demand and holders succeeded
in establishing an advance—lßJ,
17c packed, being the asking price for
Shoulders, Clear Ribs and Clear Bides;
Hants S C continue in fair domand at
20(oi20ic, Plain 17ic, 2a piekle 18c evs’d
and pk’d.
Prate Beep— Dull at sl9 00@30 00.
Dried Beep—lßc.
Exports— 4l9 bbls and 366 kegs Lard •
659 hhds, 823 tierces and 46,902 fbs Bulk
Meats and Bacon; 597 bbls Pork.
Imports— 67 bbls Lard; 6 hhds and 205
tierces Bulk and Bacon.
Freights— An advance in east boand
next; to Boston
65, N V 60, Phila 50, Balto 50, or 5c less
rail and water.
Very respectfully,
Geo. W. Philips, Jr.,
Provision and Produce Broker.