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GREAT SPEECH
OF
HON. BENJAMIN H. HILL,
DELIVERED
AT THE CITY HAT, IA I'G IJST A,
Frl.liiy Kv«irttt<, Anint ‘XI, 1
Ftfkttr-Citizen* : To f-rgct past tli flßjr
crccs, to unite in averting present, cater
goocies, with a view ut scouring I\iturc ad
vantages. is the duly of »!l
sum of all wise statesmanship. M “ en ,
late war ended, no people efer so Dl ’^ J
needed the exctcjbe of these virtues as the
Southern people. Difficulties surrounded
tt v trial* enveloped us, doubts arose ou
every hand ; yet, our patience was sued as
no people, in any previous history O* tto
world, ever exhibited- YVe were rat
poveriehed to a very large degree ; our
means were exhausted ; our pride was
humiliated ; our c»u,e was gone ; our
property was guue - «ud even hope itadl
was alnfost utm- » • H- then, to gather
up our wasted energies, recuperate our
exhausted .strength, arwi efltaWiMi good
government again. This required of us
the most striking forbearance and concilia
tion, with ail the wisdom and firmness
from the people which they could ever be
expected to possess.
There was one eircutn-iancc which oc
curred, indeed simultaneously with the
misfortune of our surrender, which was
well calculated to inspire us with hope—if
anything could inspire hope—and that
wds the manner and the tonus of the sur
render. After four yeafs of war, the strug
gle was -ettlc-1 in aeeordaMu with the
ftipulalioas agreed upon between the Gen
eral,- commanding the armies. These
terms were noble; they were niavnaui
mous, they Wcfe manly ; and permit me
to say here to night, and I say it with
jrleasure, could the terms granted by Gen.
Grant to Gen. Lee, at Appomattox Court
House, and by (Jen. IS her man to Gen.
Jobuston in North Carolina, have been
fairly complied with, tltere would have
been a very different state ot things.
These people were to lay down their arms
and not to tsko them up again.-t the
United State* Government again; to
obey the laws, uwl to live in peace
and quiet, which was so much de
sired by the country alter rhe grievous
warfare through which it. had just passed,
if these terms had been complied with, it
might have restored the Uukm Vntact.it
would have hd't this people in tho same
condition as they went Into the war, with
simply, their losses the lyse. But there
was a certain class whom these terms did
not suit. Congress, the President and the
Judiciary would not endorse them as the
terms which should be exacted of ‘‘rebel
lious States.” Our people thought they
were restored'to the Union and to their
rights; but they were mistaken. Stitt,
there were the terms given by General
Grant to General Lee ami by Gen. Sher
man to General Johnston ; and it must
ever remain an honor to the commanders
of both nriniev, that they were so quickly
and so kindly adjusted. Gut, unfortunate
ly, they were not approved ; unfortunate
ly the honor which was displayed in the
field did not exist with the politicians in
the Cabinet'; and they took upon them-
selves tho revision of tliese terms. And,
first, they exacted terms which had ucver
boon eXauted before, terms which were con
trary to all prcO' lent. JNevcrthcUMM, these
terms wore plausible enough, and well cal
culated to commend themselves to the
Southern people, t hese were tho terms
exacted hy the Executive, Andrew John
son, who hud come into the I ‘residency
upon the deatli of Lincoln. He was not
atisfiud with the stipulations agreed upon
between General Grant and General Lee,
and between General Sherman aud Geueral
Johnston, f would remark here that the
terms to General Loo were limited to Lee’s
army ; but those to General .Johnston ap
plied to the whole country east of the
Chattahoochee, and soon afterward to all
east of the Mississippi.
Andy Johnson, succeeding Mr. Lincoln,
was, as 1 have already said, riot satisfied
with these terms, aud, therefore, required
others. What were they? lie required
that the various State conventions must as
emblo and frame now constitutions ; and
at the same time ho advised tho emanci
pation of our slaves. The first condition
was the calling of the conventions and the
1 raining of now constitutions. Well, the
South very readily yielded to that. And
here I want the oolored people particularly
In understand what 1 am about to say.
They iiave been told that they owe their
freedom to Lincoln’s Emancipation Proc
lamation. It is not true. Even Mr.
Lincoln himself did not claim this. That
was simply a war measure, and of effect
only during the war. If tho South had
accepted the terms of that proclamation,
she could have kept you all in slavery to
this day. Hut they were not accepted ;
and at the close of the war, we laid down
our arms under the terms agreed upon by
the Generals of the Armies. Then catue
Andy Johnson's measures. He said that
lie desired that you should be emancipated.
Well, to this proposition tho Southern
people very readily yielded; and there
were two conditions which reconciled them
to it. First: whether the measure was
right or wrong, whether it was best for
white and colored or not, it was looked
upon as a natural conclusion of the war,
and as a measure of economy. The other,
aud in my judgment, tlic strongest, reason
tiiat reconciled us to it w; s the way in
which you ernored people behaved your
selves during the war. Yes, the colored
people behaved honorably, nobly, bravely
and truly, toward us during that struggle;
for while our fathers, sons, ami brothers,
were absent upon the fiattlo-lield, they
guarded our homes, made our broad, and
protected our interests. This conduct be
got a feeling of kindness for the colored
people which reaetieiled us to their email
cipatiotx With these and some ofhereon
ditions wo oouiplied. We called our State
Uonventious and trained new Constitutions,
aud in this we declared that slavery
should neverexist again. -Now, my colored
friends, mark the point. That is what se
cured you your freedom. In 1865, this
emancipation measure was made a part of
the Constitution in the manner and for the
reasons which I have given you.
This emancipation wu.s anew measure
with us. Wo Bail never before encounter
oil it. We had here four millions of col
ored people as estimated. Now to all
(hose freedom was to bn given at once.
Why, even the Northern people proposed
only a gradual einaneipation;but here,all at
once, suddenly, we gavnyou tout freedom.'
What was to he the result? No man could
tell. We could net tell how you would
behave yourselves, how you would
be guided; whether unprincipled
men would take charge of you, and mis
lead you. Hut these difficulties were met
at the threshol 1. To your credit, colored
people, tie it said, you behaved nobly ; you
remained quiet ; you remained true to the
country ; you went to work quietly and
peaceably; you exhibited a docile tem
perament, and a jihtuiug, gratifying wil
lingness to work. In this you relieved the
question of half of its difficulties, ami the
country of half of its troubles.
The next thing required of us by Mr.
Johnson, was the repudiation of the Con
federate debt. This we also complied
with. In addition to these measures, he
also claimed the right to pardon our peo
ple. Now, l claim that tlie terms agreed
upon at Appomattox Court House senled
that question, and relieved all the peoplp
from the necessity of any pardon; but
Mr. Johnson claimed the pardoning power
—pardoning sonic ot the rebels, as wo
were called, and leaving others out. Well,
we complied with this also. We were re
quired to take an oath to support the Con
stitution, aud the emancipation tit t he slaves.
Tin people took this oath readily and in
good t ilth, and they have kept it in good
faith.
Here, then, we bud two sets of terms:
Ist, the Army terms, aud 2d the terms of
the Executive Department, with both of
which our people complied, and what was
the result ? Thus tar we had become in
volved in no serious difficulties -nothing
had been required of us which was incon
sistent with the rights and honor of an
overpowered people. We had managed
this question wisely —the people and
statesmen had proved themselves equal to
the emergency. Well, what was the result?
Under the existing state ol things we be
gan to prosper. Laud increased in value,
property of all kinds increased in value,
while the colored people were getting the
highest wages paid to any class of laborers
on earth. Everything seemed to grow
brighter—the fluids to bloom more beau
tifully, :ia,l all began to prosper and to
hope! ILw prosperous we wre in ISfiC!
When the close of the year came and eon
tracts ha 1 to be made for the ensuing year,
hands i ' i> nuhwesteru Georgia were paid
as high as $l5O per year, besides being
found. 1 repeat it, such prices were un
ird of before tor labor. Why. not a
single laborer in the North got as much ;
and it was almost double what they got in
their factories. Everybody looked for
ward io the future with iailk ~nd
hope Hut suddenly, auo'her class
came forward with new requirements.
The politicians, the Radicals, n >t satisfied
with the terms given us by Grant and
Slerman, and by John son. must have
terms also. They said that President
Johnson had no right to offer terms Well,
at i nee the prosperity of the South com
menced tumbling, pries* commenced fall
ing, and the country was ruined. The Con
gress denied us every privilege guaranteed
by the Union; it imposed taxation and
every burden upon us possible, yet re
fused us representation. It impost and aux,
first, of tlu'ce per cent, ou our cotton and
then of two and a half per tout.—a tax
which struck at whits* aud black alike. We
soon became a ruined and an impoverished
people, but we stood these heavy taxes,
and readily complied with their terms;
and not only did we tolerate ail this, but
wo stood, also, the robberies of the thieves
who went about the oouutry stealing all
the Confederate property they oould lay
| thoir hands upon. Yes, we bore it all—the
Army, the Executive, and thcCongression
iil terms ; and. wor.se thau.all, we bore the
rogues too. These were like the locusts of
Egypt, a’moet a* numerous and infinitely <j
cieaner- Well, Congress said it must set- 1
tie the question of reconstruction. It give
us the Constitutional Amendment No. If, j
and said we must adopt that. That
Amendment contained four ideas; one of j
them was giving the right of citizenship to ,
all the people. Now this was altogether!
unnecessary, for it is ever to be remem
bered, and it cannot, dure not le disputed,
that wo had already seemed 'you col
ored people your freedom, ia ISGS, as I
have before said to you. Y es, the State
of Georgia had granted you your freedom
long before Congre-s Lad required it of
us; aud yet you wiil bear people going
about the eoantry «ayitjg Congress gave
the colored people their freedom. It did
no such thing. We gave it to you fir t.
Well that requirement was not objection
able, because we bad already done this.
The second requirement, then, was that
all win were excluded from the privilege
of the ballot-box should be excluded from
representation. We could not accede to this,
though by some slight Amendment to the
Constitution we might have met even that
point.
Thethird requirement wag that “fine rebel
debt,” a» they called it, was to be repudi
ated and the United States debt to be paid
Why put this in the Amendment? We
hid already repudiated our debt, and by
going back into the Union, we were help
ing to pay its debt, by paying the taxes
imposed upon u.-. and the more enormous
taxes to the rogues besides.
Now, colored people,if you will listen to
me. you will find that I am your best
friend—why, lam worth a thousand such
men to you as Bullock, Blodgett, and Bry
ant; for they wiil deceive you— I never will.
Very well. The fourth and last require
ment of the Constitutional Amendment —
and that is why it was rejected and the on
ly reason why the ikmtli made a point
against it—was the exclusion of almost
every intelligent man in the South even
from the humblest office. Why under that
Amendment, you could not have made
that whole-souled, pure and noble patriot,
Charles J. Jenkins,a Justice of the Peace
or a UoB-table in your eouuty. 1 ask the
colored people was that right ? Was it
right ? Afrer all that we had done —after
all that we had complied with,was it right
to exclude such men as Crawford,
Starnes, Jenkins, every educated man,
thousand# of the best, anti wisest men of
your State, from every office in the State?
I ask you, colored men, was it right to let
you vote, and to keep the white mat) front
voting, for no other reason than because
he had been a leader in the war? Tiffs
watqthe fipst point which impinged on
Southern honor. We had granted cheer-
fully everything else with impunity; borne
patiently everything else exacted of us;
hut when the miserable Radical Congress,
which has said we will tax y«H and yet
deny you representation, and now said you
must disgrace yourself by disfranchising
your own people, the whole South rose up
as one man, and said, that we will not do.
Upon the rejection of this measure, Con
gress proposed new terms, known as the
Reconstruction Measures of 1867. Now,
remember, colored men, bow prosperous
you were in 1866, how high you were paid
for your labor. Well, in March, 1807, this
wicked, nefarious measure, known as the
Reconstruction Bill, was adopted by Con
gress. From that moment tho country
commenced going down. Up to that
time, the colored people were docile, I
industrious, true to thoir “old masters,”
and kind good feelings reigned on all sides, j
We began to congratulate ourselves that j
emancipation was the pest thing for us. ,
But from this moment, confidence was
struck down, prosperity ceased, Northern ;
capital stopped coming here ; and very
Soon after wo were introduced to that
meanest, most contemptible of all earthly j
things, called “carpet-baggers.” What j
does this measure propose to do ? It ex- !
eludes the wisest men of the South from
holding office, or voting, while it clothes, :
say four millions of colored people, wiLiitlie •
right to vote. What a field was opened ;
here for these monstrosities, the Freed
mon’s Bureau and the carpet-baggers ?
Those people concluded that they could get
something at the South—the wisest of tho '
white people are excluded, said they, from :
holding office, and the colored people have I
the right to vote. So they became office-,
seekers and office-holders. These carpet
baggers, bummers, and spoon-stealers had j
nothing to do with Grant or Sherman ;
they never were qn the battle-hold; and
never did any good anywhere. But they ;
■saw this fine opening at the South, and
down they came. And this is one of the
first objections to this Rcoonstruotion
measure, that it put such trash upon us.
Well, they came here, and then
what did they do ? They got you colored
people into their Loyal Leagues, took you
into dark places, where the people who
had been your friends, whom you had
been raised with, couldn’t talk to you ;
and where these vile carpet-baggers
taught you a feeling of hatred against, the
Southern people. Unfortunately, you went
in, many of you, and now "see the result.
Under their sway, how property has/allen;
how wages have fallen ; how confidence is
destroyed ; how business is ruined 1 In a
word, "the anidunt of the pecuniary injury
sustained by the Southern people would
pay the debt of every man, woman, and
1 child in the Southern States. Wages are
out down —they are not half as much as
they were in 1867 —while the confidence
I between the employer and the laborer is
destroyed. If it had not been for these
measures, prosperity would still reign here,
and hundreds of factories might now bo
erected over these Southern States.
But l have dwelt too long upon these
points, my fellow citizens ; and so we will
pass on. I want to make two remarks
here, worth bearing in miud, concerning
i these Reconstruction measures.
The first is, that the Northern Radicals,
who matured and prepared them, admit,
themselves, that they arc unconstitutional,
j Not a respeotablo lawyer on the face of
j this continent will say, to-day, that they
i are constitutional.
The second is, that not a respectable j
man in the South, intended as a victim
of these measures, said it was Constitu- !
tional; if he did, he was a fit subject for 1
the lunatic asylum. I wrote to General
Grant, in behalf of the people of the i
South, when Pope said that a large ma
jority of the people Wore in favor of these
measures, and challenged him, or any
honest man, to put his hand upon his heart
aud say that they were Constitutional; that
they wore just; that they were right. I
have never heard an intelligent man yet
say they were any of these things. 1 have
never seen it so claimed in any of the
speeches winch l have read. Some crazy
mau may have said so; but if he did l
didn't see it, as I read only the speeches of
the intelligent men of the country. I look
to such men as Orr, of South Carolina.
Holden, of North Carolina, an unmen
tionable in-Georgia, and others of that
character in other States. 1 did my best
to bring them out. I dared them to come
out, anu say that these measures were legal,
constitutional, and just. Not one of them
would do so. Colored men, remember
this. Then why did they favor them ?
That is the point. What reason did they
Hud for it? Why, that although uncon- j
stitutionul, unfair, and unjust, we had bet- ,
ter adopt them for fear Congress might do
something worse ! In other words, if you
don't let a man cut off year arm he I
will cut off your head. Well, all
I have got to say is if you let him cut i
off your arm, you deserve to have your
head cut off too. Thank Heaven ! that
idea was founded in cowardice, and the '
Southern people didn't accept it.
1 heard men, in whom you have confi
dence, say that they wore in favor of giving '
the negro the right to vote, but wheu they
would get in office they would turn it all over!
Vi bat shall 1 call such meu ? Creatures ?
Creatures is too good for them. Vipers?
1 beg pardon of vipers; things'? No name
can characterize them. They carried you into
their 1/oyai leagues, They have deceived i
you, cheated you, and betrayed you. They
told me, as late as October, some ol these
very men, that they were just as much
opposed to the Reconstruction measures as
1 was ; and after they weye in tbc Union
they would turn round and betray the
whole concern. This was their intention.
And tiny would have dene it then,
though perhaps they wouldn't do it now.
Yet I believe that if they could come back
to the respectable positions which they once
held, they would abandon Radicalism be
fore the setting of to-morrow's sun, and
thank God for the privilege. Bat these
men are demoralized. They have gone so
tar down the current that they can't jjet
back. I wish they could, I fee! sorry for
them; and I would forgive them now, if
they could “bring forth fruits meet for re
pentance. " I’m in a forgiving humor
new. I waut everybody to.come with
us. I want everybody to join us in
this contest. I waut everybody in
the world to vote for Seymour and
Blair. I know that we are going to win
the fight—that the last hattie for Recon
s ructio-i ha., been iought ; but I want you
a io L.tw .. share in the tiutory. These
miserable Radicals have taken back all
they promised you. They put Relief *iu
their Uousii'.ution, and when it went on to
Washington, the Congress struck it out.
aud the miserable creatures at Atlanta,
your so-called Georgia Legislature, which
made a great ado about it, backed out also,
and struck it out. I wouldn t give any
thing for the brains of the colored man
who couldn't tell bow mean a Radical is.
lie shows Lis mean uoss in his countenance;
he shows it in his gait ; he shows
lit in hi* coat; and even in the
swing of his arms. His very shadow
: on the earth is a walking illustration of
his meanness- lie is false to the Con
; stitution, to Liberty, to the white race, aud
to the black race—to every class, condition,
aud race under the sun. Such a scheme
as this Reconstruction measure ean
uot last; it ought not to last. Every
j wise man knows this. The advocates
iof the measure. North and South,
know it. I read in. the NVw
Y’ork Times, a Republican organ* to day, an
articie saying, in substance, that the country
bad not come cut of thi.- Reconstruction
trouble ye-; and the while argument
showed that tho writer considered it a
failure. It could not be otherwise, for the j
measure is illegal, unconstitutional, un- i
wise, arid unjust, stimulated 'by lust, and i
sustained by robbery. Sueh a measure
could not last lon gin this country. And
Dot only has it failed, but tho candi-
date of the parly which emhjrseait can
not be elected President. Every day is
making this more palpable. I deeply re
gret that Gen. Grant has aljowed himself
to be used by this party. Y’ou know how
I spoke of him at the commencement of
roy remarks—how I said that he had act
ed nobly, generously. That was not alt
Evet>after Congress commenced its plan,
when President Johnson sent Gen Grant'
through the South, on a tour of observa
tion, he went back and made a report, in
which he spoke of the Southern people
kindly nod favorably, and recommended .
that we be admitted. That was generous, j
Had he remained true to his position, he
would have been, not only the chief of
the conquerors, but the idol of the con
quered—the favorite of the South. But,
unfortunately for the Geueral, he was re
quired to remain at Washington, where he i
fell intp the hands of those miserable 1
creatures, the politicians. He was taken
charge of by the Radicals; and for some i
time it was not known which side be would
take. Earnest appeals ware made to him
to stand by his position. I took the liberty ,
of appealing to him in behalf of the whole
people but without success. He took
ground ia favor of the Radical party, and j
Upon him alone does it st-rod. If he were j
to abandon it it would not live five hours.
I had hoped that he would have the wis
dom to perceive and the courage to do what
was right; and I never knew any better
until he wrote the letter about the War
Office in which lie acknowledged that he
was deceiving the President, i saw a let
ter the other day from the North in which
the writer states that Geueral Grant is at
last waking up to the knowledge of the fact
that he has been deceived by such men as
Washburne and others, and that he made
a great blunder in going with them ; and
that he talks about coming down. Well,
that makes no difference now ; we will laiat
them anyhow ; but ! would be glad to see
one who once acted so well, rescue his
character from the stain of Radicalism.
These Radicals have no hope of carry
ing Georgia. Their object in adopting the
measure was, by giving the.colored people
the right to vote, to carry the Presidential
election. They now discover they eannot
do that. Tlicy lind that the colored people
arcjoining the Democratic party, and or
ganizing Democratic clubs, with hundreds
in them, everywhere. And now, finding
that their tricks have been discovered,
like all rogues, they are trying to do worse.
They are now trying to take away the
right to vote from'both white and black.
In Florida, they have passed a bill depriv
ing both white and black front voting in
this election. What do you think of that?
They care nothing for the colored man,
but for his vote —and would just as
soon give the right to muies, anything,
•everything, that would vote for them.
In Alabama the same kind of bill
has been passed ; but, fortuuately, there
they have a Southern man for Governor,
Mr. Smith, who is a little better than
most of his party, and he vetoed it. I
know him, and I begin to have some
hopes of hi 5 recovery. Well, they made a
great fuss about it, but they had to sub
mit. They cannot frighten or buy up tho
white people, and they find that the color
ed people are waking up to their wicked
ness. They are in a terrible bad box. In
Atlanta they have also tried to pass a bill
similar to those of Florida and Alabama,
but it cannot pass. Poor Bryant says that
several of the Radicals in the Legislature
have turned Democrats; and Bullock will
not have a chance to veto the* bid—though
I don’t think he would if he had a chance.
No, in Georgia they cannot take away
from the colored man. the right to vote ;
you will have, that right ; but mark it.—
mark what I tell you, the Radicals will
take it away from you, if they have the
power. The Democrats gave you this
right; and they shall not take it away
from you.
Now, then, they are getting desperate ;
what’s to he done ? Disgrace and shame
are staring them in the face. I’ll tell you
what their last card wifi be, ands want to
warn you people of it. They are sending
emissaries over the country, who are en
deavoring to make (he Northern people
believe that wc arc unwilling to live under
the Union —that wo are trying to get up
another secession ; that the spirit of ’6l
is prevailing here yet. Poor fellows ! they
could not charge anything of 1861 on me,
because I, was then a Union man.
Yes, they are doing all they can to im
press their falsehoods on the public mind,
i have seen my own speeches perverted
and misquoted in the Northern papers;
these vile creatures have telegraphed their
venomous falsehoods abroad, and every
thing that can be tortured into the shape
ol a “rebellious spirit,” as they cal Tit, is used
to make false charges against us. It is
important tliatf these thing!) should be
understood ; and I hope that there is no
difficulty in understanding me. I know I
am but a plain, humble man ; but I want
to put the Southern people ou their guard
against these creatures.
When you laid down your arms and took
the oatli to support the Constitution, you
meant it in good faith ; but you could not
support measures, tho authors of which
themselves, declared to be unconstitution
al. You couldn't support thorn and keep
vour oaths as honest men ; because every
man who took that oath, to support
the Constitution of the United States,
and then supports these measures, is
guilty of perjury. Why? Because
the Constitution is one thing, and
Radical reconstruction is another and
right-opposite thing. You cannot support
both You cannot worship God and
Mammon. When I make this charge, I
mean it for those people who voluntarily
support and intend to carry out those
measures. If you mean right, I don’t
mean you ; but ifyou mean wrong, Ido
moan you.
I am myself for restoring the Union in
good faith, according to the Constitution,
and as our fathers made it. I was for that
in 1860. I entered the politioal field in
1,855, because 1 believed that the contesc
tbeu begun would result in a dissolution ot
the Union, and I wanted to give my feeble
efforts to prevent it, if possible. I fought
all the time in a minority party, until se
cession was accomplished, Then when
my State took her position on that ques
tion, I went with her. There was no
service which I could render, which was
not at her command ; and, as I professed
to be a Confederate, I stood by my State
until she laid down her arms. I would have
scorned myself if I had not thus been true
to her. I saw and believed that secession
was unwise and inexpedient on our own
account, but, when the State effected it, I
went with her. Every true Northern
man endorses this position. Let a man
always be what be professes to be, aud he
will be respected. The great trouble with
the Confederate States was that too many
who inaugurated the secession movement
became faithless to the cause.
Well, we laid down onr arms at Ap
pomattox C. H., and took the oath, as I
have said, to support the Constitution and
agreed that the colored people should be
free. When I say 1 have kept tliat oath,
and meau to keep it, every mam of you
will agree with me. The charge, then,
that we are disuniouists aud faithless to out
oaths, is false—gotten up by men them
selves false, theuiselvc-s traitors to the
Constitution, to the Union, to every race,
every law, every interest of this country.
The flag of the Union is our flag. If it be
emblematical of the Constitution, it will be
gladly our banner ; and North aud bout It,
to-day, it floats from every village and
hamlet of the country. Flag of our coun
try ! wave! wave on, wave ever —but wave
over freemen, not slaves ; over States, cot
provinces ; over States of equals, not
lords and vassals ; over a land of liberty
and right, not a land of despotism and
strife 1 (Here there was immense, loud,
and prolonged eheeriDg.)
And, my countrymen, when we hear
such sentiments as these received with
such rapturous applause, when we know
that they are the sentiments of every
Democrat iu the Southern States, how hu
miliating. how mortifying it is to find even
urea from among us, too, telling the North
ern people that we intend another rebel
lion ! But the North is waking up to this
falsehood, it has, no doubt, had a terri
ble ethe: ; and is now to be renewed with
desperate energy. Another branch of this
scheme of deception is to cultivate strife
between the white and colored races, by
teliinar the Northern people that we are
oppressing the colored and loyal Uniou
people. I speak fearlessly, my friends, be
cause I kuow it is my duty todo so. I want
you to see and to hear that the Radicals
are making desperate efforts to keep the
colored people separated from and embit
tered against the white race. And why ?
Because they know that they cannot con
trol the Northern people unless they create
a liilse impression upon their minds. They
want to see repeated the New Orleans and
Memphis riots, so as to create the impres
sion that the respectable white people of
the South, all of whom are Democrats, are
endeavoring to get up strife between them
selves and the colored people.
These miserable creatures say, too, that
another object erf the Democratic party is
to earry you back into slavery. They are
vile liars ' They kuow that it is lalse.
We gave you your freedom in our Conven
tion in 1805. And the Radicals are the
very ones who have declared that Consti
tution illegal and set it aside ! They say
that we want a war of races. Now, let me
ask you who owns all the property in this
country? Don't you know that the white
people own 99 100ths of it in Augusta
and other places in Georgia? Don’t you
know it’s the Democrats who own it?.
Well, if war comes who will be the losers ?
Wouldn't it be the Democrats? Why,
f we- ve tried war, we’ve lost by war, and wc
don’t want to lose any more bv war. War
’ is a thing which causes losses. Atlanta
t was burned by war ; money is required to
carry on war; and all that we have got
j now is the little that was left u< from the
j last war. Yet these miserable Loyal
j Leaguers want to make you believe that
we want to get up another war. No, I'll
tell you what it is. These vile miscreants
that they are, want to get up another war.
These miserable creatures want a war—a
war against men who arc your true friends.
They are bankrupt in character as they j
arc in purse—and that is very broken—
aud, therefore, a war would be the very
thing for them. They could go buc< to
their old occupation of stealing spoons !
It is true we haven't got a great many
left, but they might get the balance. These
vagabonds, also, at the commencement c f
the war had nothing, but wound up at its
clo-e with fortunes which they had stolen.
These men may make something b> stir
ring up another war, and henee they want
it. I ask every colored man if the
Democrats own the property of this
country, aint they the last men to try
another war ? \Ve don’t want you to be
deceived; we don’t want you to be betray
ed; wc don't want you to be misled by
these miserable carpet-bag scoundrels.
They.are a j so teaching you to hate us. ‘
IV ill it do you any good ? Suppose you
keep up your Loyal Leagues ; suppose
you keep on hatmg the white people; sup
pose you get up a war, what will become
ct these miserable carpet-baggers ? They
will run worse than a scared rabit from a
hunter s gun. My colored frier: df, I warn
you here, to-night, and in doing so I am
discharging my duty to you—for I confess
that I am talking principally to you —there
is no use ia talking to the white peo
ple : they can see what the intentions of
our enemies are; they have had more edu
cation than you have, and the Radicals
cannot get the honest masses of white
people into these Loyal Leagues, to give
carpet-baggers places of trust and prof
it. But they deceive you and make
you feel enmity against the white
people. I appeal to you to come
out of such dark holes, and stand by the
people whom -you were raised with.
Don’t you see that it is to the interest of
the white people to take care of the coun
try and to preserve peace? How can you
promote peace by believing the white peo
ple your enemies ? It is strange that, every
colored man docs not see the way whieh
these carpet-baggers are leading them.
Come boldly, then, into the Democratic
OiubsA The white people will protect you.
They are your friends. I exhort you to
cultivate kindly feelings toward them; and
l exhort, them to cultivate kindly feelings
toward you. Organize your clubs. YVe
will protect you. Yes, let us all go for
the Democracy, white and colored, and
then there will be no war—then there can
be no war. But I warn you now, against
the schemes of these miserable Radicals.
It is your duty to be on your guard, white
and black —to bear and forbear ; to reason
and to remonstrate together ; to defeat
(he carpet-baggers, aud to unite in elect
ing Seymour and Blair. If you do this,
colored people, I will guarantee to you
that your wages will bo increased fifty per
cent, by Christmas. I am a farmer,
and I am willing to enter into a bargain
with you if, whether with or without your
help, the Democratic candidates arc
elected, to give you next year fifty per
cent, more than I am giving in 1868
Why can I guarantee this ? Because if
the Democrats are triumphant, confidence
will be restored, we will be placed where
we wore before, capitalists will come here,
lands will rise in value, everything will in
crease in value; and as property and products
increase in value, labor will also increase
in value. We will bo better able to pay
fifty percent, more than we arc now, than
to pay what we now do. Don’t you un
derstand that ? Ynu aro destroying your
own interests, the peace and quiet of the
country, rushing youri'amilies, your wives
and children, into war and destruction,
when you go with these Radical carpet
baggers. Then, let us all unite against
them. We feel under obligations to you
for your kindness to our people during the
war, and ior your conduct after emancipa
tion. We were all industrious then, all
doing well, until these miserable Radicals
came in and commenced destroying your
substance. You can see what we are
coming to. I hope that you will look
at , the subject carefully and honestly.
I feel anxious about it. It is
an important one; and it is strange
that you do not consider it as you ought
to do. I speak kindly to you all the time, I
feel kindly toward you, aud I want to see
you do right; but wherever I go the obi
ject of the Radical party is to keep you
:'rom hearing me. They represent me as
your enemy. They tell you falsehoods,
and send drummers all over the country to
prevent ypu from hearing me. But I
want you to hear the warning that I have
given you, and the appeal tha,t I have
made to you, ard the few of you whom I
have seen, apd who have heard-me, tell
what I have said to your friends and
neighbors. I want them all to know it; to
know that they, have been deceived ; to
know who arc their friends. Then I will
give you an additional piece of advice.
Come and occupy the position Gad has
given yqu. What He has done is right,
just, and good, Let us come together;
live together in peace and good will, and
'plenty shall come to us again for ourselves
and our posterity.
It is my duty to warn you to-night, that
if you turn a deaf ear to what I have
spoken to you ; ifyou will be deceived ; if
you will .hate the white people ; if you,
-yourselves, wiil provoke a war of races—i
warn you that destruction is in store for
you. When such a war comes, if unhap
pily it should, the whites, North and
South, will unite against you. I sec let
ters from the North, almost every day l
saying let the contest come; we will fight
it out. Oh, my colored friends, that a
voice from Heaven could tell you, that
the best friends you have on earth are
these Southern people—these people who
have been raised with you. It w strango
to me that you can be made to believe any
thing else. The Radicals have tried the
white people and failed with them ;
and now they arc failing with the colored
people. I have studied the history of
your race for four thousand years. —
During your slavery you enjoyed
more advantages and happiness than
any of your raco elsewhere. If you want
to.preserve your advantages and hapyti
ness in freedom you must preserve your
kindly and natural relations with tho white
people. You are now as free as I am;
1 but do not-lct the future historian say that
| as soon as you got your freedom you be
, gan to deteriorate. Preserve your charac
ters, improve your race, be honest and
just, and freedom will prove a blessing to
you. It you turn your back on ,your
friends, on men who made this country,
what will become of you? We want
peace —wc intend to have peace—it is to
our interest to have peace ; but if you
will wage war, if you will follow strangers,
if you will hate our people at the instiga
tion of carpet-baggers, woe be unto you.
These are words which should strike deep
into ybur hearts, as I utter them —woe!
woe! unto you will be the words from all
parts of the world, These are not threats,
my colored friends; they are words of
counsel, and warning, and wisdom to >you.
I do not know what is to become of the
couutry. There were never so many
whites and assembled together in
one Government,* as freemen, before.
Whether it will stand or fall I do not know.
Philosophers say that it eannot stand. I
won’t*dispute it with them. Well, wnot
then? Do you expect the white people
to quit it? Do you expect them to
follow the carpdl-baggera in their disfran
chisement of intelligent people? That they
won't do. Never! Never! If you would
prosper and be happy, then, you must
come to us; come together; it is your
iuterest to come. We understand this
question better than you do—we know
our rights, and we know yours. I have
made, my friends, a more earnest appeal
to the colored people of Augusta than I
have elsewhere, because they have been
subjected to mure deleterious influences
than those of other places. 1 don't know
any place where there were more of these
carpet-baggers and more efforts made by
them to deceive you—some of these, un
happily, are “to the manor born.” They
told me themselves that they wanted to
deceive jou, and now, seeing their failure,
are becoming desperate. Some of
these men in Georgia have become so
hardened, so desperate that they would be
willing to see the country sacked, to see
arson, theft, murder, and every crime in
[ the catalogue enacted, if by it they could
I be left in power.
In my opinion, in regard to our candi
dates and tne present canvass, much
speaking is unnecessary. Wbv ? Be
cause every white man understands the
issue, unless he is a fit subject for a lu
natic asylum ; and as for the colored men,
if you want good advice, go to the men
who have never deceived you—to those
who were raised with you—to those who
have always been your friends ; go to
them privately, but not to office-seekers
and office-holders ; go to citizens whose
whole interests are in the property aud
prosperity of the country, ask them honest
ly ; they will advise you right, and then
follow their advice. Take their advice in
stead of that of Loyal Leaguers, who have
! oorae down here to get offiee and to stir up
strife between you and the white people,
and you wiil not regret it.
My oountrvmeo, 1 have detained yon
i longer than 1 intended. I have indulged
in a vein of earnestness unusuai with me ;
but I feel the weight of the words that I
have been speaking and the importance of
I the subject I have presented to you. I
have indulged iu no rhetorical flourishes.
What we want is plain words, and plainly
i spoken. I can tell you, my countrymen,
: we are standing beside a vortex, an im
mense abyss ; and when we are asleep we
| know not what schemes the miserable ad
’ venturers are plotting against us—against
j white and black. We cannot tell. We
' only know that the elements of discord are
at work ; we know tlsat some men will
j sacrifice honor, hope, country, everything
for office ; we kuow that if we do not see
evil we cannot avert it—and, seeing it, if
we do not -avert it, we are false pj our
selves and to our children. Therefore
I say what I do, so earnestly
and so strongly to you. And now we of
ler forgiveness to all who are willing to do"
right. There has bceu errors,
for dissensions, Tor mistakes. That time
has passed. Itot us forgive and forget and j
let as takball in who are aid as j
in the gr.at work befere us. Let u? teach I
the colored man his dtrty; be kind and j
forbearing to the colored man, forgiving to |
the penitent, and to all who are willing to !
save the country. But when I have said i
that, my powers of fbrgivenes# wre exhaust
ed. The man who votes for the vassal
age of the Southern white f*pople to the
Northern white people, forgets himself
and his couD+ry—its present, its past, and
its future. The roan who votes the Radi- :
cal ticket should be forever contemned by
white and Maek'. But eyg-i ip these
wicked miscreants use no violence; hun 1
not a hair of their heads, but drive them i
from your society, forsake them in their i
business, and brand them like Cam, to be
fugitives and vagabonds upon the laeeof I
the earth.
You may say (his Is proscription. Are
they mot proscribing you f Let them !
know it before hand what your feelings are ;
and what your conduct will be towards '
them, and they will abandon their Nvildand !
wicked projects. Let them knpw that you
understand that they are deceiving the
colored men, and they will be afraid to
continue it. Come up to this platform,my ; I
friends,yith kindness to all who ate willing I
to do right, whatever may have been the j
errors of the past, with our hands to all
who are wifidg to aid us in this contest, !
firm and true to the great principles in- |
volved.in.it,and the timeiwillcome whep our
children will rejoice that their fathers
proved so equal to the great task which j
Providence has imposed upon them.
Mr. Hill was frequently cheered duriug
his remarks, and sat .down, amidst the
wildest and most enthusiastic cheering.
if htouitlc & dentil;Cl
hLDNKSDAY Ml! KM Mi. AIUGIST* 26.
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cle & Sentinel. d&w.
Great Speeches. —The able Speeches
of Hon. B. 11. Hill and Generals Robert
Toombs and Howell Cobb, delivered at
the Atlanta Democratic Ratification mass
meeting, July 23, 1868, have been issued
in pamphlet form from the press of the
Chronicle & Sentinel, and are now ready
for delivery. One copy of the three
speeches ten cents. Single copies’ of each
speech, five cents. Fifty copies and up
ward, at the rate of two and a half cents
apiece. All orders promptly filled. Every
Democratic club in Georgia should sub
scribe for and circulate these powerful
speeches. They should be read by every
Democrat in Georgia and in the South.
Ben. Hill’s Great Speech in Au
gusta.—We say great speech because it
is a great one. We not only hoard it, but
we’ve written it out, and tje say unhesi
tatingly that it is one of the best which
has been made in this campaign. It should
have a wide circulation. The oolored pco.-
ple should read-it, or have it read to them.
It speaks the sentiments of the Southerq
people, and of tiro Democracy, and is,
therefore, truly a great speech, an irnport
ant*speech, one which should pc read, aud
one which must have a gbod effect wher
ever read.
MeckFenburg Female College.—
This College is located at Charlotte, N. U,
and has an accomplished and experienced
Faculty. The inducements which it offers
to those who have girls to educate are very
great, and we commend it to the patronage
of the public. The advertisement will be
found in this morning’s Chronicle & Sen
tin il,
The Galaxy. —We have received-the
September number of this valuable maga
zine. Each number is an improvement
upon tho. preceding one, and it is now
justly regarded as one of tho first-class
publications of tho country. The present
number contains the usual variety of able
articles. The Galaxy is published by
Shelton & Cos., 498 Broadway, New York,
at $4 a year, in advance.
M’He Julia Hisson, the new prima donna,
is young and very handsome, and has a
magnificent mezzo soprano voice, of extra
ordinary richness, volume, sweetness and
inflexibility.— Exchange.
How can it be such a rich voice, when it
must have a liissen sound ?
A Democratic Him.—The official re
turns from Kentucky show a Democratic
majority of 89,249. .
The Selma, Rome and Dalton Road.
—The Rome ’Commercial says : that S
II. and D. Railroad has been completed to
within twenty miles of Rome, and will be
finished to Rome by the first' of October.
Tbe Romans, headed by Col. Cothran and
other capitalists, project building, 11 at
once,” a Railroad from Rome to Gadseo,
Ala.
First Bale of New Cotton in this
Market. —The first bale of this year’s
crop was received yesterday by Messrs, J.
M. Dye A Cos., grown upon the plantation
of J. M. Murphy, l Esq., of Burke county,
It was classed as Liverpool Middling and
sold to Messrs. Russell A Rotter. Price
not madu publio.
Blue RiPoe Railroad in So. CabO’
lina. —We learn from ’the Charleston
Courier that the Committee from the city
of Charleston, from the Chamber ofQom'
meree, and the President of the Blue
Kidge Road, Gen. Harrison, after an inter
view with General Scott, de facto Govern
or, expresses the opinion that the work on
this Road “will be resumed at an early
day, and its speedy completion assured.”
Hon. Benj.* Hill and Gen. Robert
Toombs. —These distinguished gentlemen
having arrived in our city Thursday, the
Democrats got up an impromptu demon- ,
stration in their honor that night. They
formed in procession at the Club* Rooms
on Ellis street, and, preceded by Fisher's
Brass Band, marched to the Planters’
Hotel, when Mr. Hill, being caliedTor, ad
dressed the crowd in a brief but eloquent
and soul stirring speech, bidding the peo
ple be of good cheer, hut firm, active, and
energetic, in the cause of Democracy, as
the cause of peace, honor and prospwity.
He was severe upon tbe chemies. of his
couatry, but not unjustly so; and was earn
est and eloquent in his denunciations of
Radical wremg and infamy, and in his ap
peals to the people to save the State from
ruin and degradation.
The crowd then proceeded, at tha sug
gestion of Geu. Wright, to the Centra!
Hotel, where Mr. Toombs regaled them
for some time, in one of* his fiery, im
passioned efforts, dealing unsparing blows
upon the Browns, Bullocks, Blodgetts
MeCays and Gibsons.
He also urged the people to be up and
doing and closed with an eloquent perora
tion, in which he piead earnestly for the
cause of public liberty and the success of
the Democratic party.
The crowd was large and the enthusiasm
vc-ry great.
The Literary Pastime.—This is tbe
tittle of anew literar : paper recently com
menced in Richmond, Ya., by A. F.
Crutchfield, Esq. It appears to be a
wortLy candidate for popular favor.—
Terms; $3 j*er annum in advance.
The Barbecue and Heeling at. Abilene
Chared.
Oxing to tbs threatening aspect of the
treatharfsatunlay morning there was not
as large a crowd at the Meeting as had
been anticipated. There was, however, a I
gathering of several hundred, and every
thing passed off in the most pleasant and
agreeable style.
We did not reach the Church until after
the first speech—that of Colonel Joseph
Ganaltl—was concluded. Those who heard
him, speak in the highest terms of his ad
dress.
Major J. B. Cumming, Elector for this
: District, was the nest who spoke. lie
entertained the audience for a little over
1 an hour in calm, close, logical argument, in
which he laid bare the hideous deformities
of the Radical Jacobins and exposed their
intolerant and revolutionary designs. He
counseled moderation and forbearance |
1 toward those who had conscientiously cast ;
their ballots at the late election with the !
Radical party, and who now, seeing the j
error of their ways, arc disposed to vote '
with tlie Democracy. Ila deprecated any- [
thing a spirit of intolerance against >
those members of the Legislature who, to j
rid the Statu of the arbitrary and irre- i
sponsible military government, had voted j
for the ratification of the I4tii article of j
the Constitution. He could not have so j
voted,but he was not disposed to condemn,
indiscriminately , all who had done so. This |
speech was listened to throughout with
great attention and seemed to meet the .
hearty approval of the large audience. I
After the conclusion of Maj. Gumming's j
address the crowd repaired to a sumptuous j
repast which had been furnished by the j
.ladies and gentlemen of the county. There j
was an abundance for all, and we have j
never seen a dinner of Uic kind prepared :
and conducted iu so perfect a maimer. :
Two large tables were spread—one for tlfc
ladies and one for the sterner sex, while a
smaller one was spread for the officers of
the club and speakers, and distinguished,
guests.
Having done full justice to the elegant
dinner, the crowd again assembled at the
stand, where Hon. B. H. Hill made one
of those earnest, eloquent and telling
speeches for which he is so justly distin
guished.
We shall not attempt to give an
outline of this powerful effort. For more
than an hour he held his audience en
raptured and spell bound by his earnest
and burning eloquence. No report of this
gentleman’s speeches can do him justice.
There is something in bis eye—in the tone
of his Voice—in his maimer —a certain
electrical influence which he possesses
which enables him td chain the attention
and sway the feelings of the multitude, in
a manner which we have rarely seen
equalled and never excelled. To get the
full value of his speeches you musL hear
him deliver them as only he can do it.
Ilia speech here will do good—particularly
that portion in which lie advised the peo
ple as to their duties toward the black
men.
Soon after the conclusion of Mr. Hill’s
speech, the rain, which had been threat
ening, ail the morning commenced to
fall, and the crowd repaired to the church
near by, where speeches were made by”
General D. M. Dußose, Judge Aldrich
and others.
General Dußoso’s speech was an urgent
and eloquent appeal for a thorough organ
ization of the party. He urged this as a
prime necessity in the present canvass,
and encouraged them with the results
which had been already accomplished by
our friends in the North and West. We
had never heard the General on the stump
before, and were not prepared to bear him
lead off in a stylo so interesting and effect
ive. He is quite a young man, and will,
doubtless, win many laurels in this can
vass. His whole soul is in the issue, and
he seems determined to fight Radicalism
as fiercely, and bravely, and efiioenfly as
lixg services in the late war showed he was
caps bib' of doing in the tented field.
We were compelled to leave upon the
conclusion of General Dußose’sspeech and
were thu3 deprived of the pleasure of hear
ing J udge Aldrich and the other speaker?.
We canuot conclude this notice of the
days exercises without paying a well mer
ited compliment to the ladies and gentle
men of the vicinity for the excellent ar
rangements and decorations of the speakers’
stand, the accommodations for the au
dience and the general perfection of all the
arrangements of the day. We have never
seen the accommodations and arrange
ments of an occasion like this so tasteful
appropriate, comfortable and perfect.. If
committees of arrangements on similar oc
casions would do their duty as well as
those of the“ Friendship Democratic Club’’
it would add greatly to the comfort of both>
speakers and audience. Wo learn that
Gen. Geo. W. Evans and his family con
tributed very largely to the success of this
excellent entrainment.
Clement L. YallaiidlgDani.
This distinguished champion of Consti
tutional Democracy has been nominated
for Congress in the 3rd Ohio District. The
District is now represented by the “Hero
of Vienna,” the doughty Bob Schenck. If
we do not greatly mistake the “Lingo” in
Ohio the redoubtable Bob will boas fir
behind Vallandigham at the close of the
otovass as ho was ahead of his troops
when running for dear life from the urn
stained fields of Vienna.
(iettlng llettcr.
There can be no longer any doubt in re
lation to the decided improvement in the
tone and action of both Houses of the Leg
islature. The Senate, which lias been
decidedly Radical, by its action yesterday
shows that some of its members, heretofore
classed as Radicals, arc willing to act in
accordance with the terms of their oaths of
office. Mr. Lester, Senator elect from
the Ist District, has been permitted to
take his seat, although the Georgia Solon,
the learned Bullock, had decided ihe
seat, vacant and issnod his proclamation
ordering an'election to fill the vacancy.
If Bullock shall persist in his illegal at
tempt to deprive Mr. Lester of his seat,
by : carrying out his proposed eleetipc, fee
shall have another contest ever this, vexed
question. * >■ ’ * ,
The ultra and more rabid Radicals are
becoming disgusted ! with the ’'conserva
tism exhibited iu both branches of the Leg
islature, and threaten to adjourn. If they
will only carry their threat into exe
cution, it will be a blessing to the people of
the State, and will entitle them to what
we never dreamed they would ever merit,
the thanks of all honest men.
Fire in Ldqeijeld Dust., S. o.—We
learn that a house and kitchen, belonging
to 0- J. Howard, and situated in Edge
field Dist., about 2j miles from the Au
gusta Bridge, was entirely destroyed by
fire on the morning of the 21st inst. The
loss is estimated at from SI,GOO to s2,t>oo,
and the property was, insured for &SOO.
The fire is supposed to have been the
work of an incendiary.
Democratic Rally at Warrenton,
Ga. —1 here will be a grand rally of the
Democracy of Warren county, at W ar~
reatcro, on Saturday next, August 29ib.
Generals Toombs, Wright, and others are
expected to address the meeting on that
occasion. The Democrats of Richmond
and adjoining oounties are invited to at
| tend. _
( Personal.— General D. JL Dußose is
f in the city, and is, we learn, the guest of
Major J. B. Cummin?,
Sic Transit Gloria Plctonis.— Read
out dispatches—Jones, a Republican can
didate tor elector in the Fourth District of
Alabama, takes the stump for Seymour
and Blair, and the Montgomery Sentinel,
a Radical sheer, suspends for want of pat
ronage. Verily, the Rads have a hard
j road to travel, but may-be they'll do better
on the other side of Jordan. The fiat has
gone forth and the party is doomed. Ah
ready the cry of suave <pd pent is heard i
along the distracted lines, and total route
l is kamiDent. Alabama goes far Seymour
and Blair! Come, Georgia Rads, quit
your foolishness and join the party ofj
peaee, progress and success.— Atlanta ,
Constitution, 22th
Southern Ohio is having a large peach
crop this year.
The Brookiynifcs are agitating the steam 1
street car question.
BY TELEGRAPH.
TECE laiptirc COiXBSsroXDSXME
» - TO T’U
CHRONICLE & SENTINEL
rSOH ATLANTA.
Atlanta, Augud p. m.—ln the
SSeuato the special order for to-day was the
question sealing Col. Ilufus Lester, from
the Ist District, vice A. A. Bradley, who
was recently expelled. The quosloir was
taken up amt, after considerable discus
sion, it was decided to seat Col. Lester.
He was thou sworn and took his seat.
The vote-stOod, lives 18 ; nays 11.
The Seriate is now considered decidedly
Democratic, and tire same may be said of
the House.
The more moderate and respectable of
both branches of the so-called Legislature
aro thoroughly disgusted with Radicalism
and begin to see and feel its evil elfects.
In the House tire hill exempting foreign
capital, Invested in manufactures, which
was lost yesterday, was recousidored to
day, and will lie so amended as to oxempt
all manufactures of woollen, and cotton,
and will probably be passed.
The House has finally decided to limit
speakers to fifteen minutes.
Several propositions have beeu rnado to
apjouru to an early day. (Probably the
small (?) salary of §9 a day is not consider
ed an equivalent for their valuable ser
vices.)
The Radicals aro getting disheartened
and say that they had better adjourn, as
their party can pass no measure.
A bill to reorganize .he municipal gov
ernment of Bavanuah Was made the special
order for Monday.
The House has accepted the proposition
of the City Council of Atlanta, to take the
Opera House for the use of the State Leg
islature, so-called. X.
TO TH£ ASSOCIATED PRESS.
Yacht Hate Postponed Ac.
London. August 22, p. m.—The Inter
national \ atch Race was postponed to
Tuesday.
Heklen, August 22, p. m—Ship lAbcig,
formerly Leibnitz, has been seized by the
government for giving emigrants insuf
liciont food and shelter, whereby many
died. J J
Catfie I*l a g uc.
Cincinnati, Augustus, p. m.—The cat
tle plague has appeared here and seven
teen cows belonging to one dairy have been
stricken and are dying rapidly”
From New York.
New* York, August 22, p. m.—Tho
Board of CouneiUiie.ii, fifteen in number,
were arrested to-day by the Sheritl'. Tim
Board adjourned and accompanied the
Sheriff to the Supremo Court.
Prom Washington.
Washington, August 23, p. m.—Hiram
Ketchum, of Now York, Collector of
Alaska, was at the Treasury to-day re
ceiving instructions.
Altornev General l-Warts spends two
weeks in Vermont.
Government employees have petitioned
the President against the .Secretary of
War’s-decision about the eight hour ‘law.
Tlio petition uigues that the debate and
votes, pending the passage of the bill, in
dicated no reduction of wages to follow
the reduction of time.
Supervising districts, under the now tax
law, takes place orv the loth in Virginia,
and in West Virginia on the ll.th ; North
and South Carolina on the 12th ; Georgia,
Florida and Alabama on the 13th; Lou
isiana, Mississippi and Arkansas on the
14th; Texas ou the loth.
McCulloch has taken no action on
Rollins’ nominations for supervisors.
Sherman’s dispatches (corroborate tlio
newspaper accounts of Indian outrages.
Gen. Sheridan telegraphs that they are too
horrible tor detail. Sherman directs Sheri
dan to follow and administer summary
punishment.
Secretary Welles has arrived in New
Aork from his inspection tour. Ho returns
next we^k.
Georgia Legislature.
Atlanta. August 22, p. m.—Tho peti
tion of K. E. tester, claiming the seat
in the Senate made vacant by the resigna
tion ot Bradley, of the Ist District, was
granted—yeas IS; nays 11. Lester was
sworn iu and took his sent.
Money Markets.
London, August 22, noon.—Holiday.
Frankfort, August 22, noon.—Bonds
751 @7s#,
N>:yv York, August 22, noon.—Stocks
strpng ; Money easy ; Gold 1-14; ’«2s I,‘if ;
North Carnhnas old 711, Hew 701; Vir
gitlqts ex-coupons*, r )25, new 57; Tennessces
ex-coupdns64i, new6BJ; ’sterling9§.
New York, August 22, p, m.— Money
easy at 3®f>; Sterling firm at 91; Gbld
firmer ai 144(4) 144 j; Governments dull anil
heavy.
BaktiMor to, August 22, p. m.—Virginia
old inscribed 465 bid;:’664o bid; ’6745 bid;
coupons, old and now, 53 bidj.North Caro
lina new 71 bid.
New -Orleans, August 22, p. m.—Ster
ling 57@59; New York -Sight J premium.
Cotton Markets.
Liverpool, August 22, noon.—Cotton
opened buoyant and advancing; sales
15,000 bales.
Liverpool, August 22, evening.—Cot
ton closed buoyant at an advance; Up
lands 10|t@ 102d; Orleans UMllid; sides
15,000 bales.
New Your, Au\u. t 22, noon.—Cotton
firm at 80c.
New York, August 22, p. m.—Cotton
more steady--sales 900 bale- at 300.
Baltimore, August 22, p. m.—Cotton
291 @ 30c.
Charleston, August 22, p. iu. —Cotton
firm, sellers bolding above the views of
buyers and asking 29c for Middlings— no
sales; receipts 53 bales; exports coastwise
318 ball's.
Savannah, August 22, p. m.— Cotton
firm but quiet ; exports 857 bales; small
sales—Middlings 2v)o ; receipts 2 balos.
Mobile, August 22, p. in.—Cotton—noth
ing doing and quotations nominal ; re
ceipts 9 bales ; exports none.
New Orleans, August 22, p. m.—Cot
ton steady—Middlings 29(0*30e ; sales IK
bales ; receipts 115 Lales ; exports 050
bales.
Produce Markets.
Liverpool, August £2, noou.—Bread
stuffs irregular.
Liverpool, August 22, evening.—Bread
stutlsdull; Fork firm; Lard quiet; Bacon
advanced to 555.
New York, August 22, noon.—Flour
10(a)20c lower; Wheat duil and nominally
lower; Corn 1 (<y%c lower; Mess Forks2B 50;
Lard heavy at i ti'i (a. 182; Turpentine in
moderate request at 45<jy-lsi ; Los in droop
ing—strained to common §2 85| Freights
dull and lower.
New York, August 22, p. m.—Flour
dull and 20 30c lower during the day—
Southern ranges from $s 70(a) 11 75; Wheat
2(a)3c lower; Corn l(a)2c lower; AVbiskey
firmer at 71c; Mess fork at 828 50<§)28 621;
Lard quiet; Naval Stores quiet; Freights
lower*
Baltimore, August 22, p. m.—Flour
and Wheat dull at unchanged pricos; Corn
firm—white sl2s©42*i; Oats aud Bye dull;
Provisions steady.
Cincinnati, August 22, p. m.— Flour
dull and detained lO&loc; Corn dull-ear
92(ct;93e; Whiskey held at 65; Mess Fork
823 75; Bacon—shoulders clear
sides 17ic; Lard JBJfi.
Wilminoto.n, August 22, p. m.—Spirits
Turpentine firm al 401, New York casks
•11; lto.dn.s linn—{strained it 09, N0.2 $2 10,
pale ?2 25 j 'Par advanced to $2 30.
New Orleans, A light t 22,pc in.—Sugar
and Mol assert steady tir.ii unchanged ;
Flour steady— Superfine s4> Com %\Gy
1 ogj; Oats steady at 023':; Bran unchanged;
Pork §3O 50; JJacqn 'quiet—Shoulders 14c,
Clear .Sides 18a; Lard firm—tierce I9ic,
k< g 21 ie.
LKTIKKS ON CHRISTIAN UNITY.
NO. 3. .
MK. EVANS’ PRIVATE JUDGEMENT.
Reverend and Dear Sir:
In my last letter I examined your scrip
tural argument against the organic unity
of Christ's Church, and commented on
, your amazing perversions of some of the
plainest of God’s words. Os yonr seven
proof texts —all but one of whieh had no
reference to the subject—l.found to boas
strong as I could wish iu favor of the very
thing against whieh you have lolt yourself
at liberty to preach. Let mo recall them
to your memory.
1. Iu tue first, St. Paul speaks of Bap
tism ll iuto one body. ’'
2. In the second, he speaks of a “whole
body, fitly joined and conwacted."
3. In the third, our Lord prays that
His followers ll may be one as lie and the
Father are one.
4. The fourth shows merely the permis
sion of political separation oi‘ Israel from
Judah. When Israel attempted to divide
the Church as well as the nation, that
1 whole Kingdom fell into enormous idola
tries.
5. The fifth has nothing to do with the
| subject.
G. In the sixth you quote Christ say-
I iDg, “Other sheep I have which are not
of the fold , conveniently forgetting to
I add, what Christ did not forget to add,
“them also must 1 briny, and then shall
be one Fold and one Shepherd.”
.7. Iu the seventh wt have a consp cnous
, illustration, in his history of the Church
1 at Antioc, of the preservation of unity by
the surrender yf mere private judgment to
the authority of the Church.
Remember, Reverend sir, tnat these are
your own chosen texts against the unity of
the Church, and it is not impossible that j
you yourself may be surprised at the Det
result of your scriptural researches. Now
the question arises, and it is a very serious !
question, how could a learned divine, like j
you, composing and delivering a written !
discourse, to be published through the ;
length and breadth of the State in which
you live, fall, with your eyes wide open,
into such amazing perversions and con
tradictions of* the word of God ? You set
deliberately to your task. You were in no
wise hurried. You had ample time for
study and mature reflection. You had
nothing to k)se by taking tinie, and you
were likely to incur some little danger by I
rushing madly into print. For your own
sake, therefore, it is reasonable to suppose'
that you have done your best. And due
respect for the Right Reverend gentle
man, whose sermons you assailed, de
manded of you no small circumspection in
preparing your assault. He assailed no
one. ne spoke out, and he spoke nobly
out, the earnest wish that “all who pro
fess and ball themselves Christians” would
seek and preserve the apostolic uuity of
spirit in the apostolic bond of peace. In
dependently of his high office and his not
able distinction in the Church, it was due
to him, as plcadiug for so grand a thing,
that you should well consider what you
said in your gratuitous attack. And,
Reverend Sir, there is another higher
reason why I must believe that you were
very careful iu preparing this discourse.
lou are a minister of religion, authorized
to preach the scriptures to a large con
gregation of devout and earnest Christian
people. You are their instructor and their
guide. Talk as you will of private judg
ment, yo a know that a majority of those
who listen to your sermons never dream of
questioning your words or doctrines, much
less your quotations of the scripture. It
is utterly impossible that you would will
ingly mislead them. It is inconceivable
that you should even be intentionally
negligent in your discourses. If we have
to render an account of even the idle
words that pass without thought from the
lips, how awful a responsibility attaches to
the words of him who speaks in Christ’s
name to Christ’s people! It would be
unkind, it would be uncharitable, it would
be, I am convinced, unjust to suppose you
did not feel that. And honoe I must and
disbelieve that you .were wholly unoon
scious of the perversions of the Word of
God to which, on that occasion, you gave
utterance.
Now I repeat the question, How did
it happen—how was it possible—that
being of sound mind and more than or
dinary learning, you could read the plain
est words of the English language, and yet
understand them to mean (he exact con
trary of their ordinary significations? If
“ one body” means many bodies, and if a
“ whole body” means fragments of a body,
then black may mean white, and the days
of Babel have returned. You would treat
no other book as you treat the Bible. You
would treat no num’s words as you do
your Saviour's. How comes it that you
can treat that Book and that Saviour as
you would no other? This questiou I
shall try to answer for you.
There is one thing in Bishop Beckwith’s
sermon which appears to have awakened
all your ire, and against which you have
leveled your most terrible artillery of dec
lamation. It is his aversion to unbridled
private judgment, setting at defiance the
authority of Christ’s Church. Declama
tion counts for much in Sophomorical de
bates. It counts, and ought to count, for
very little in Theology. It is one of your
most ready weapons and I hazard little
here in giving you whatever you can gain
by it. You say;
“I object to such a union upon the
Bishop’s principles because it would de
stroy my distinctiveness as a man arid coir
vert me into a mere machine. God made man
a thinking, self-acting and determining bet.
ing, and thus distinguished him from in
animate matter. But to prevent schism,
and to secure a universal union, I must
surrender the right of private interpreta
tion of the word of God, and accept the
decrees of Church councils as the law of
faith and the rule of my life. This sinks
me to the level of a machine, moved by the
motive power of the Church, God made
me a man, and not a thing. In the name
of my manhood I protest against its sur
render, to build up tho P. E. C.”
These aro fine sounding words, sir, and
doubtless fell amazingly on people who
know so little about themselves as never
to have learned to distrust themselves or
their judgments. They are fine words,but
they remind me of th 6 old rule in theologi
cal dispute—“whenever you have written
anything particularly fine, scratch it out.”
The simple fact is, that the only way in
which lean account for yourextraordinary
eoutradictions of the Holy Scriptures, 1
without accusing you of willful misrepre
sentation of God’s Truth, is by believing
that in writing your discourse you were
utterly destitute of private judgment, and
wholly led by the traditions in which you
were reared. I affirm, and affirm unhesi
tatingly, that no honest, truthful man can,
with a free mind and unbiassed private
judgment, read the seven passages of
seripture you have quoted, and arrive at
any other conclusion than that the perfect
unify of Christ’s Church is what Christ
cenimanded. Yet,from these seven passages
you argue that perfect unity is not
commanded, and that, on the whole,
innumerable schisms are better than
unity. Since, therefore, you are both an
honest man and a truthful one, I am forced
to take the other horn of the dilemma,
and to believe that your mind is not free'
and your judgment not unbiassed. The
pride of private judgment has run riot in
this age and in this country. Side by side
with its sister, schism, has everywhere
prevailed. There are to day, said to be
some three hundred different sects of
Christians, all wrangling about something,
all professing to be Churches, all with
some excuse for tholr existence, alt alleg
ing some cause why they aro not something
else. To talk of any sort of unity among
such jarring elements is folly, and, in fact,
there is but one thing in which they agree.
That is scouting unity as a utopian impos
sibility.
Some indeed are—and they the most
devout aud earnest—who vainly conceive
of some substantial unity existing under
neath, and, in spite of all the wrangliogs and
recriminations and divisions which prevail.
Such men do not lake our Savouir’s words
to mean absolutely nothing. So they de
voutly dream that those words are fulfilled
in spite of men’s worst efforts to defeat
them. They regret the evil of the days in
which their lot is east, and look with long
ing to that better country where 1 think
even you will not deny that there is only
one church. God bless such men, what
ever name they bear ! However they may
differ from him, such men will rejoice to
hear that any man is laboring even iu this
world to accomplish that of which they have
despaired.
But there are other men, like you,
Reverend sir, who have learned not only to
acknowledge the grim fact of schism in the
body, but to approve of it, and to love it,
and defend it. In spite of' the unquestion
able fact that Christ set no limit to the
unity for which He prayed ; in spite of the
unquestionable fact that He took as the
model of Ilia Church’s unity the very unity
of the Triune God; in spite of the un
questioned and unquestionable fact that
in the days of the Apostles there was never
a division greater than exists to-day be
tween Saint Paul’s and Saint Luke’s
Methodist Churches in (’olumbus ; and in
spite of the equally unquestioned fact that
for hundreds of years the Church’s unity
was never broken save when heretics
denied the very Lord that bought them
and, like schismatic Israel, sought after
strange gods; in spite, 1 say, of these
things, and of many others like them,
the tradition of division is so grained into
your minds—it so warps and beclouds your
judgments—that you fail to find the unity
of Christ’s Church even on Christ’s lips
when you quote the words iu which He
prays for it.
In this fact, Reverend, sir, I find the
reason and afiology for your extraordinary
searchings of the Scripture. When you
. read about the unity of the State, you
understand that well enough, though
there are many men of many minds
throughout the State; there is tut one
supreme law, whieh many different officers
administer hut all obey. Why if a civil
commonwealth is able to achieve such
unity,‘should Christ’s Church fail of it?
Surely the thought is not unreasonable. Yet
to*you it seems so utterly impossible—that 1
when the Scripture speaks of it you read :
jts words to mean the very opposite of 1
what they say.
Such is the awful blindness into whieh
you have been led by the traditions of a
reekless and unbridled private judgment
that is not your own. I have not a little
more to say of like effects which have re
sulted from the same cause. I will, how
ever, close this letter by observing that I
heartily thank God that lie has given me
something better for the guidance of my
faith than either my own or any other
mans private judgment.
I am, Reverend and dear sir, truly your
obedient servant, John Fulton.
if? jgf* “BLESSINGS BKIfiHTEN AS
§Art»#sa ,| tty tako ll(clr 111 fhU”-Uo’-e,
f a -‘ ul life u;:;a luliuroly more
\ r to the sirfferrtr from i.f-rvona tlabl! ty wfaeu the
j that, ere kic*r, beawut leave tiig a fvruver. Wiuu
.* he i«o4uth luta rrtwi** puireti, fciid t.e Ur I* li&'uig,
i t I:f. tookj i>ore slTunr*. H tut the <
| n.fc>ii j of rtvßorn-ioa Ui of ueiv .nx
i difficulty has been to provide a stimulant yrTufiMim; cot oely
I EDOttiQßai ajcit, Lui one aftjjdiug f-truAnwL relief. If
1 iioS* K ITER’s hTOMA.CH BITIJEItS is reaortwl to in
I •'<£-* C’uefl, Its f fffccta will soon become apparent in
the buoyancy of jpkritsPjujd renewod atrengtii of rte hitherto
! fleeted patient. Experience has proved that preparation to
f he “THE HEMEUT OF THE AGE” for ajtlilVot*
! HEBIIJTY, as well a* all dUeuaes arising from derange
i ment ©ftie itomacb ad liver.
i Per ton; acvmeed & life, and ft. lag the hand of time
weighra* heavily open tnem, with all Its attendant ills, will
and in the twe of HOiTKTTER'S CELEBRATED
NXOMJ.CH HITTERS—an fe !!xlr tha* will hutil utw lb«
i*>to their vel-r; rertire, la an e»«u:«, tin, arii. r awl
c.'juoreyo llilol dayi; MiM up their shrunken foraj and
git heultl. aiid v*g. rto thdr remaining rea n. Those
are In Inn least tfllcltd with Dj.pipsia, Ague, W,
N«.«a.*r any other trcufckeome and dangnony cbtLi
a Is.ngfrom a disordered fy.teir, shoeld not I wila* , to aval;
tt-erneelvee of the benefit derived from tki*great n i u ejy
The immense qmmfltied o/tkls invaluable tonic that are
conrumed, and which U sttadUj- ytw L, ytMr k
suflicient In ite«lf lo dimaTn the meet tcepttca l
au*2l_<ll2iw2
— BURKE COUNTY.—
GLAADIAN’jj iSALE.-By leave oi the
Court o.'Bnrke connty, wliJbe ac,lJ on the FIRST TUE<
, DAY in OCTOBER next, at the Cour in as ; d county,
to the highest bidder. OLt-fcurlh Interest in a hcu.se lot
;n W ayntshoro’; said lot lying southwest of Col.
lot. Sold an the property of ißuatiu# Palmer, deutaasU,
Sold for life beaeSt of fgnatius Palmer, Jr.
Terins ca*h; purchaser to pay for titles.
WILLIS PAL.MEIt, AdiiiinUtrator*©:
Palme.’, Sr., and (juaißiaji oi
IgUßtSu I*»linej, Jr.
August Jftih, 1918. aug2|~vui
Weekly Review of Augusta Markets.
OFFICE BOARD OF TRADE, )
Auousta.Ga., August 21, 18C8—P.1I I
FINANCIAL.—There Is no <4iiisgo’worthy of note in
our financial album since last week, with the exception
pl a Blight decline in Goki—-the figures now being 1.43
buying, and L 46 soiling. Silver remains unchanged,
H*t«i tho demand for Stock® and Honda remains gen
era fly ;ood.
COTTON.—The markot, during the first part of the
week v as firm, with a light demand, and under favor
able auyiccs from abroad advanced to 28c for Middling,
but in tlie latter part of the week adv ices from abroad
being unfavorable caused a refaction hi our market—it
closing dull with a decline of fully >*c., leaving Mid
dling 27> t c. The sales and receipts of the week have
beep v cry,light, amounting to 326 bales sales, and f>.">
bah-ft receipts.
DOMESTICS— Remain dull, and prices gutirvly
nominal.
MERCHANDISE.—There Is no change whatever iu
our provision market since our last review. Trade
remains generally dull, with no material change in
prices, with the exception of an advance in Bacon, and
a heavy decline in Com, occasioned by leafy receipts
in our market during the past week.
COHN.—Heavy stock, holders pot disposed to press,
believing prices will react—nominally, by car load,
1.10 for prime, demand light.
FLOUR—In better demand, without any advance.
The advance in Northern markets have given a better
tone here. •
Wheat—Good demand, at full prices. Strictly
choice is in great demand, and would bring an advance
on quotations. Heed Wheat wanted.
supply. Nominally, 86c.
K\ E—No change, 1.3<) to 1.40.
fl A2W> ROPE—Iu demand, at unchanged
li.YKDWARE.—ThoTrade iu Hardware for the past
W 7v- Ji5Sr2S? tt * >riet ‘ 8 about the same as hist week.
LEATHER Demand light and prices of an upward
tendency. t
UTILIZERS Dull and ropy light, and no chaiigo
to report iu prices.
demand light, and prict»o nominal.
lOBACOO—More inquiry, and demand somewhat
improved, but prices as yet gem rally unchanged.
DRUGS—The trade iu Drugs for the past week has
been a little slack, but with no change ill figures.
DRV GOODS—We have to note a slight hilling off tn
tho Dry Goods business during tho past week but
make no change in prices.
RECEIPTS OF COTTON.
The following aro the receipts of Cotton by the dif
fervnt Rail Roads and the River for tlio week ending
Friday evening, August 21, 1868:
Receipts by tho Georgia Rail Road Isdos 20
„ “ Augusta & Savannah Kli * 3
By tiie River ; p
Total receipts by R. R o;i
COTTON SHIPMENTS.
■l’ha following aro the shipments of Cotton by tho
different Rail Roads and the River for the week ending
Friday evening, August 21, 1868. *
By Bail Bon 4.
South Carolina R. R., local shipment bales 127
“ “ “ through shipments y
Augusta & Savannah R. U., local shipments nr,
“ . " through shipments 00
By Bh'fi-.
Steamer Swan, local shipment bales. 00
Steamer Katie, “ “ “ '
Total shipments by River and Rail Roads... .1*52
RECEIPTS OF PRODUCE, ETC.
The following aro* tlio receipts of produce by the
different Rail Roads during'tlw Wok ending ou Friday
evening, August 21,18C5:
Bacon .lbs... .207,721
t’orn bushels.... 24,268
Wheat, new •« 10,:y>2
barrels 156
oo
° at * 3,100
GEOROT A TANKS.
Augusta Insurance and Banking Cos $ a—
Bank of Augusta 73 a—
Bank of Athens N 55 »
Bank of Columbus 9 a—
Bank of Commerce 6 a—
Rank of Fulton t 4s a
Bank of. the Empire State .* 18 a
Bank of Middle Georgia 90 a
Bank of Savaanah 50 a—
Bank of the State of Georgia 21 a—
Central Rail Road and Banking Oo 98 a—,
City Bank of Augusta 3H«»
Fanners’ and Mechanics’ Bank 9 a
Georgia Rail Road and Banking C 0,... 98 a—
Mariuo Bank y« a
Mechanics’ Bank "" * * \ a
Merchants’ and Planters’ Bank .. u a—
Planters’ Bank __ a 39
Timber Cutters’ Bank 2 a—
Union Bank g a __
fcUTTn CAROLINA TANKS.
Bank of Camden.... 27 a—
Bank of Charleston ‘ 28 a—
Bank of Chester g a
Bank of Georgetown .!!”.*! 8 a—
Bank of Ham burg 19 ft
Bank of Newberry 30 a
Bank of South Carolina .v.. ... . . 9 a—
Bank of the State of S. C., old issue... 12 a—
Bank of the Statu of fc>. C., new issue.. 3 a
Commercial Bank, Columbia l a—
Exchange Bank, Columbia 8 a _
Merchants’, Cheraw g n __
Peoples’Bank * a r,
Planters’ Bank ’ 4 a
Planters’ and Meelianies’ Bank*!... *. * iy a _
Houthwestern Rail Road, old 27 a—
State Bank * ‘ 4 R
Union Dank 80 a—
OKU BoNiw, KH .
Gnornia Rail Road Bonds 102'.a
“ 5t0ck........ ;ig a—
Central Hail Knml lionds ton a—
“ “ Stock iso a—
Southwestern Kail Hoad Bonds 100 a—
‘ ■ “ Stock 110 a—
Atlanta and tVest Point Bonds 100 a—
“ “ Stock 100 a—
Jlacon and Augusta endorsed Bonds.. 00 a 95
Macon and Augusta Morgagedßonds.. to a
-and Augusta Stock 35 a—
Muscogee Kail Koad Bonds 75 a 80
Stock no a fir>
(ieorgla Sixes, old r .V. 75 a
“ Sevens, new 90 a
Columbia Augusta Bail ltoad Stock BXa
Atlantic & Gulf Kail ltoad Stock 48 a
Augusta Bonds .... 75 a 80
COMMEKCIAL.
AI’PLSS—
Green perhbl.. 7 00 a a
Dry bbl.. 8 00 a 9
BACON-
Clcar Sides... He.. a 20
Long Clear lb.. a 18 K
Dry Salt Shoulders...... lb.. 14 a 75
Cluar ltibbed lides.i Ib.. a 1912
Itibbcdß. B. Si its.. lb.. a lß‘.
Shoulders .. ,Ib,. a 15
Hams lb.. 10 a 29
DrySaltC.lt lb.. 17 a 18
BKKF—
Driod ib.. 20 a
BAGGING AND ROPfi-
lh’fiyinq —Gunny t yd.. 20 a 28
Dundee . yd. _ a
Burlaps... yd’.’. 14 a
Item —Machine, nenip lb.. 111., ,o
Half Ceilg.i lb..
HaudSpfc lb.. 9 a 10
Green Loaf ;..lb.. 12 a I'c
Manilla u>.. 25 a
F1ax...... lb.. 9 a 10
Cotton lb.. 30 a
BAGS-
Osnaburg, two bnshel aj a
Shirting, « jij a
Burlaps .20 a
BDTTER—
Goslien { ,iu.. 45 a 5n
Country ib.. :iU a 35
BEES WAX-
Vellow : .lb.. 15 a 30
BUCKWHEAT—
New Buckwheat Flour bbl IS 00 a
“ half bbl 7 fk) a
' _ " “ art bb1.... 480 a
CANDLES—
SPrim...., ll».. 45 a 50
PatentSpenn :... lb.. m a 70
Adamantine lb.. 21 a 25
Tallow iu.. 22 a 25
CANDLES—
American.........;.. .. lb.. 20 a 28
French lb.. 75 a 1 32
CHEESE—
Goshen Ib.. 18 a 19
Factory jb., 19 a 20
BLto * lb.. 1014a 18
CEMENT-
Hydraulic blit.. 5 00 a 5 56
COPPER—
Kin, common 1 lb.. 21 a 22
Fair 11,.. 24
lb.. as a 26
Choico 111.. 20 a 27
Laguayra lb.. 28 a m
Java lb.. 40 a 42
Mallbar lb.. 50 a
African lb.. 50 a
COTTON CARDS
No. 10 per doz.. 800 a9 00
CAMBRICS—
Faper yd., in a
Common yd.. 12>4tt
CORN MEAL—
City Bolted lms.. * a 1 35
Country,. bus.. 1 20 a 1 25
CORN SH ELLERS-
DIiUGS, DYES, OILS, PAINTS, SPICES, ETC.
PACKAGE VRICES.
Aoifl—Muriatic : .IL 9 a 10
" Nitric lb.. 18 a 20
" Sulphuric lb.. 7 a 9
Alnra lb.. B a R
Alleplce lb.. 37 a 40
lilueMaßs fld a 1 50
Blue Stone lb.. 12 a 18
Borax—rofinod ib.. 40 a 45
Brimstone lb.. 7 a 9
Cassia (Cinnamon) ib.. 1 In a 1 25
Oalouioi lb.. 1 a« a1 60
Camphor lb.. 15u a 1 76
Chloride Time ....lh.. 9 a 12
Chrome Green lb.. 2S a 40
Chrome YoHow lb.. 28 a r,O
Cloves lb.. CO a 70
Copperas /.R,.,,. ;i a 5
Crearn Tartar lh.. 50 a C 5
Epsom’s Salt TO?. 6 a 7‘7
Flax Seed lb.. 10 a 12
Dinger H<x,t lb.. 28 a 30
Cilass—Bxlo box SOL. 4 00 a5 00
" 10x12 4SO aB 60
“ 12x14 «* 600 a7 00
“ 12x18 (i 00 a8 00
dauber's Salt lb.. 4 a 6
Dine lh.. 30 a 40
Gnm Arabic— Select lb . 1 00 a 1 2S
“ “ Sorts..., Ib». 00 a
Honey—strained gall.. 160 a2 Ml
ItldlgP—Span Hot... lb.. 1 40 a 200
Lamp BlaoV-Ordinary lh.. 10 a 12
* “ Refined lb.. 35 p 40
I.iqucrhv, I’awtc, 4'Tilth lb.. 45 a 55
Litharge.., , lb.. 18 a 20
Logwood—chipped ~. lb.. 6 a 6
" Extant lh., 15 a IB
Mace lh.. 165 a1 76
Madder lb.. 20 a 25
Mercury lb.. 100 a 1 25
Morphine—Snlph. oz., 8 75 a 025
Nutmegs lb.. l-«* a 1 79
Oil—Castor (Last I pdia) gall.. 325 aU 60
“ * •• (American) gall.. 300 a
“ Coal (Her) burning best.gall. 65 a K
“ j Lnbrloatlng ....pall.. 75 a1 25
“ Wd gall.. 200 aa 10
“ Lmip gall.. 250 a J
" Lins-ed^...... ......gall.. 150 a
•• Sperm, pure gall.. 306 a3 75
’• TantmTH gall.. 25 a oo
Train gall.. 100 a
Opium lb.. 13 (10 aid
Potash—bulk lb.. 15 a 18
“ In Cans ...lb.. 23 a 25
Prussian Bine Ib. 75 a 1
Putty lb.. 7 a 9
quinine—Sulphate oz.. 265 a3 00
Red Lead lb.. 18 a 20
Itoots—Ginsing lb.. 80 a 1 28
“ Pink .... ..Ib.. 40 a CO
“ Queen’s DeHglit lb.. 10 a 20
“ Senega lb.. 00 a 75
. “ Snake, Virginia lb.. 90 a 1
Soda—Sal lb.. 5 a G
Soda—-Bi-Carb.... lb.. 9 a 11
Spanish Brown ......lb'. 5 a C
Hjdrit Turpenttne gall.. A5 a 8S
Sulphur Blowers lb.. 8 a 9
Liu Per- Raw. lh.. lo a 12
•• Burnt lb.. 15 a IS
Varnish—Coach .gaU.. 400 a C 0(1
“ Purnibire ..._.. gall.. 300 a 4 50
“ Damar gaU.. 460 a 5
Japan...... ....gal],. 260 a3 oo
VenettMi Red ib.. s a 9
Venmllina—Chinese lb.. 175 a2 28
“ . American. jb.. 5o a Go
Verdigris ]b 75 a j
White Lead gr. in Oil—Amer.lb., 14 a 18
"... “ “ Engl.lb.. lo 2o
biting ib.. 4 a 5
Zinc—white, inpil—lTeneh.lb.. 18 a 2o
“ “ “ Amer..,11,., 12 a 18
DOMESTIC COTTON 000DS-
Angtwto EacGiry, 3-4. yd a 12
7-8 ...yd.. a 11
“ *‘ 4-4 yd.. * 17
“ “ fdt Drill..yd— a 17’
Hopewell, 7A- yd.. Uk : ‘
7 i>z. Osnaimrgs .—yd— a 13
Montour, Os a 18
8 02. Oeaubnrga yd- 19 a
twvtbrtrg Strip,* yd.. 18 a
Uidewy Stripe- yd.. 12qa IS •
Euutenoy Shirtings yd— 17 a
OranitcviOc Factory, 3-4 -yd— a 1*
7-8 yd.. a K
«• •• 4-4—y<7.. a 17
■■ 7-8 Drill.. a 17
Atlieua CUrclos X - 21 a 22
Athens Wool Jeans yd.. 40 a 60
Athens Srrtp'S yd— 18 a
Apalachee Stripes J*d.. 18 a 19
Rock Fact ,ry. 7-8 s'd.. 13«a
F " 4-4 yd- 16ka
mchmend Fact’y Osuaburgs. yd.. a ICJ4
*•' Stri 1 «e....yd.. a 17>»
“Wt:. «... .
ELOI'R
Ceanlry—3uper .bw.. M 50 cb
Extra.,.., ..hbl.. 13 50 aU
Northern XxTT- hhl.. 15 Ou alj 50
hKCflsior MilU— Sup« bhl- • all
Pxtra bhl.. al2
*X bid. an
Grinnl. UVtl~ Canal bhl. a
• . Superfine... bhl.. ull
Extra hbl.. alj 6t|