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OLD SERIES, VOL. LXXVIII.
(Liirmutlc & Sentinel.
>J 4.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
I>A ILV.
On* month $ 1 **•
Thre* month* - 2 60
One year 10 00
TUI-WEERLV.
One year I 0 00
Six month* 3 50
Three months - 00
WEEKLY.
Throe mouth* $ 1 00
Six mouth* 1 50
One year -3 00
H KDNEf.iiAF HORNING, MAY 3.
WABIIINGTON KIHORS.
The Washington correspondent of the
New York Tribune asserts that consid
erable difference ot opinion was developed
in a recent caucus of Democratic Congress
men upon that portion of the proposed
“address to the people,” in which it is
said the address states that “the Dernc
cratic party accepts in good faith the
Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth
Amendments to the Coih.tituttioD, and
that the rights of ail citizens, black as well
a* white, under those amendments, must
hereafter be respected.”
'1 he Tribune man ways that this endorse -
ui ut of'the amendments was bitterly op
posed, and especially by some of the
Northern D-meerats. Senator Saulebury,
in prirUonliT, who stated that his people
would not sustain such an endorsement—
that they never would consent to accept
these amendments whioh they believed to
be wrong, and are outrages upon the
Democratic party. The Southern mem
bers are reported to have been almost
unanimous in this acceptance of the amend
ments.
The trulhfulness of these statements
we seriously doubt. We do not believe
that the Democratic members of Congress
have agreed to accept and endorse thefee
flagrant violations of the Constitution. Os
this, however, wa .‘■hall bo fully advised in
a few days, as we see it stated that the
whole address will be published as roon as
the Ku Klux bill is signed by Grant.
BNKAK TimClf JOURNALISM.
Nym Crinkle contributes to the New
York World an article on the vicious order
ot journalism which has reoently had
much expansion, which pries into the
privacy of persors and publishes it, or
guesses at it and publishes it, which he
denominate* sneak thief journalism. It
goes upon the rule that a newspaper is ex
empt From the rules of common decency,
and that .a journalist is incapable of gen
tlemanly manners or honorab'e feeling.
Hi* argument is aimed particularly at tho
pretended journals of society, which com
bine toadyism with blackmailing, in which
anybody can gut mentioned as in society
ior a small consideration, and in which
families who are giving any society enter
tainments may get mentioned in a way
very annoying to people of refinement un
less they submit to the blackmail.
We wish wo could say that this aban
donment of all tho rules of decency and
this viola! ion of the rights of privacy were
confined to the pretended society papers ;
but it. is riot. Nym Crinkle thus describes
some of tho ways in whioh this vice of
jouruali-m invades the sanctity of do
mestic piivacy :
Most, respectable and modest citizens
have of late been astouished to find the
affairs of their own fireside vulgarly pa
rnrte'i in these chattering sheets. Young
Indies of estimable character, who shun all
notoriety, come taea tofaao with announce
ments ot their engagements, their nup
■ ials, their visits, their very purchases,
wlmn they visit the theatre or the houses
ot their friend*. Gentlemen who guard
thfir households ns they would guard a
sanctu iry from the intrusion of impudence,
and curiosity, and vulgarity, encounter tho
nit tries of their daughters flippantly asso
ciated with public festivities, and often, in
tho same clang that ohronicles a rat bait,
or sandwiched in between the putfs of no
torious women. Thoy wonder how the
intelligence was obtained, if the paragraph
should happen to huvo a slender basis of
fact, as it sometimes does.
Probably tbore are some respectable
people who tako these papors, aod perhaps
furnish them something to publish, under
the supposition that this is the fashion.
So respectable, unsophisticated girls and
women sometimes imitate the manners and
dress of the demimonde ? under tho im
pression that this is style. They will not
be likely to fall ioto worse company in one
ease than in the other.
IIO.HK MAW FAITIKKtL
Thunk Factory.— Our acknowledge
ments are duo Mr- Wells for the presenta
tion of one oi the trunks that he is daily
manufacturing in this place. It is divided
into three coally arranged departments,
lor the deposit ul men’s apparel. The
workmanship is ereJitahlc, the truck is
stout and durable. Mr. W. informs us that j
this is the only Trunk Factory South, and !
the experiment as to whether the Southern
poplar could be satisfactorily worked to j
the same advantage that the Northern
white pine is, in the manufacture of these I
truuks, has proven, by practical demonstia- i
tiou, that the Southern poplar is far su
perior to the Northern white pine. Ii is,
wo learn, the intcution of the company to
enlarge their business iu this place and
engage more extensively in the manufac
ture of trucks that for durability and
iK’auty of fiuish cannot be excelled. This
enterprise, and others of like character,
should be encouraged and patronised. Alt
these cu'.eioppiogs ol Southern enterprise
arc favorable indications of the dawning
of a more independent and prosperous day
for the South.— Marietta Journal.
Wo are glad to chronicle the establish
ment of this important enterprise in our
State: We have vast and unlimited sup
plies of the very best poplar timber, and
we have no doubt that when properly and
thoroughly seasoned, it will prove superior
to white pine for trunk making.
We learu that there is a nail factory in
Home, (Jcorgis, which is making naiis in
every respect equal, if not superior, to
those of Northern make. We tru-t that
thev pioneer factories will be followed by
others in different sections oi the State.
They have a Saber Club in Savannah,
Ganiyri&Jn which the chivalry are working
hard lo produce prodigies of horsemanship
and sword play. More benefit to their city
and ronntry might l* expected if these
patriots would tnrn their swords into
plough-shares and pruning books,cultivate
•be art- of peace, and study other sources
than that of war. The school-master is
far more useful in such a republic as ours
than the fencing-master, even though the
latter may not beau organizer of ivu-
Klux.—..Vetf Vorl Standard.
The Southern youth have always been
educated so as to develop their virtues
truthfulness, honesty and honor* ble 1 car
ing—which in .just combination make np
the high standard of a chivalrous gentle
man. It is s great pity that such people
as the editor of the Standard have so
slight an appreciation of such qualities.
l>u'. men who are convicted of daily and
persistent falsehood and pilfering, cannot
be expected to think very highly of hon
est, truthful gentlemen. The short-CO til
ings of the Standard man are very well
kuown to the people of the South. We
recommend him to be placed under a
teacher of truth and honesty, but we fear
vhat he is so hardened iu his ways that
(lie efforts of the best teachers would
prove wholly useless.
The young gentlemen of Savannah are
capable of taking care 0 f their own busi
ness, without the impertinent interuied
ling of w ' c! ‘ fellows as the editor of the
Standard.
The Stone Moontain Granite Company
Is shipping granite to Bt. Louis, Mo.
THIS TALC* OF THIS STATE ROAD.
At last public di-cussion has elicited
something definite as a basis whereby to
, get at the value of the State lload lease.
, President Joseph E. Brown has seen fit to
i publish a condensed statement of the ope
. rations of the road—the gross earnings
j and the expenditures for the month of
| March, 1871. The following is the official
statement:
| Hon. Joseph E. Brown , President Western
and Atlantic Railroad Cos.:
| Sta: I have the honor of submitting to
j you the following statement of the earning*
and expenditures of the Western and At
j iantic Railroad, for the month ending
; March the 31st, 1871.
Your obedient servant,
Owes Lynch, Gen’l B. K.
Ottos* EARNINOS.
! Am't from freight...f 100,734 08
j Amount from Pass
engers 20,766 10
Amount from Mis
cellaneous income 9*38 15
• $128,408 33
KXPKNDIXUP.KS.
Amount Sor Trans
portation Dep’t $21,188 15
Amount for motive
power 28,140 55
Amount tor mainte
nance of way- 9,098 10
Amount lor mainte
nance of cars r 13,409 71
Amount for general
expense 3,921 35
Amount for repairs
of buildings 1,677 30
Amount for equip
ment 5,417 66
Am’t for new iron... 7,303 04
Amount for laying
track 740 75
Amount for cross
ties 7,673 05
Amount lor interest
to Ohio falls 0n.... 178 86
A mount for rental... $26,000 00
Brianee $4,629 86
As apparent, the balance set forth as net
profit is $4,629 86. It will be inferred,
and the probabilities are the statement has
been contrived that the public would infer,
that the lessees—the stockholders of' the
Western and Atlantic Railroad Company
—were making but the insignificant sum
of four thousand six hundred and twenty
nine dollars and eighty-six cents per month,
after paying tho “ rental" of twenty-five
thousand dollars per month. This looks
like a poor business. The net profit for a
year, at this rate,would only be $56,17832,
a little more than one per cent, per an
num on five and one-half millions of
dollars. This is a degree of patriotism
which is marvellous. The earefullness
and economy of the President who con
trols and directs the management whero
his private interests are at stake, has be
come an historical proverb. His shrewd
ness and sagacity in matters of thrift is
not only an historical proverb, but has
been a matter of personal public thanks
giving to the good, good God, who has
blessed him “ with a good head.” It
challenges our credulity, therefore, to be
lieve that the President and his corpora
tion would embark in an enterprise invol
ving millions, which would only pay the irt
sificant sum of ono per cent, per annum
on a risk— would enter upon so hugo a
work as operating such a miserable, broken
down, bankrupt, rotten concern, as the
State Road is alleged to be, for a per
eentage less than the general average of
charges for tire risks throughout the coun
tsy. Wc oonf'ess to us this is marvelous —
most marvelous —straoge—passing strange.
We do not believe it, and what is more,
the statement of Mr. Owen Lynch, book
keeper, covering the operations of tho
road for the month of March, does not
call lor %ich a wonderful exercise of faith.
Lot us examine that statement.
Mr. Lynch gives the gross earnings of
the road for the month of March at
$128,838.47. The cost of operating rail
roads average from 45 to 65 per cent. The
average is fifty-five per cent. Let us put
the operatiug cost on the State Road above
this average—say sixty per cent. The
account would then stand thus :
Gross earning* per month $128,838.47
Operating expenses (OOperct.) 77,302.08
Net profits $ 51,536 39
Hero it will be seen that the not profits
are, in round numbers, fifty thousand dol
lars ptr mouth, of which the State gets
one-half, or twenty-five thousand dollars
per month, and the stockholders twenty
five thousand dollars yor month. This is
a pretty fair divirion —the State gets one
half and tho lessees oDe-half. It is cer
taiu'.y better than tho Blodgett division.
No one will doubt that. For, under the
Blodgett-Bullocl* management, the State
got nothing; but, under the Brown-Catu
eron lease, the State gots one-half. A
very oommendaole advanoe in the princi
ple of division.
But again : In Mr. Lynch’s statement,
The gross earnings
are $128,468 33
Cash on hand ... $4,029.86
(Extraordinary ex
penses) expend
ed lor motive
power $28,140.55—32,770.41
Balance left to pay
rent and opera
rating expenses.. 95,697.92
Deduct rent 25,000.00
Ordinary expenses. $70,697.92
Iu this showing from Mr. Lynch, the
Stale gets twenty-five thousand, and the
lessees have in cash over lour thousand
dollars left, after purchasing “ motive
power,” say two locomotives, which is
their property, not the State’s. That is,
in the month of March the lessees get
thirty-two thousand dollars, and the State
twenty-five—that is, the State, in a year,
gets threo hundred thousand dollars and
the Brown Cameron Company three huo
drod and eighty-four tbous-od dollars—
and the total net profits is six hundred and
eighty-tour thousand dollars, or about ten
per oont. on $6,840,000. Now, wo call this
a pretty good showing for a broken down,
worn out, rotten, rattle-trap road; for
this is the condition it is represented to be
in. For be it remembered that the Brown-
Cameron party have simply taken the
road as represented, and are running it as
they found it. At eight millions of dollars,
the State Road property, rattle-trap as it
is represented to be —unsale to travel
over— a good eight per cent stock.
; Pretty good for Joseph !
Til 1C WAR IN PENNSYLVANIA
The coal war continues in Pennsylvania.
A special dispatch to the Philadelphia
Press gives us the following information as
to the situation on 20th instant :
‘•Although eveiyihiug j resented a quiet
appearance yesterday, it was evident that
the Lackawanna Coal and Iron Company
were preparing for some important move- i
ment. To provide for any emergency the I
military were posted at convenient dis
tances, but no demonstratirns were made
to-day.
“This morning a large crowd gathered
near the mouth of No. 4 slope, belonging
to the before-mentioned company, with
the avowed intention, it was said, to deter
those so disposed from working in the
mine, but the President of the company,
J. H. Scranton, Esq., was upon the
ground, and told the men that those who
wanted to work could do so. and have the
choice of chambers. He would wait until
twelve o’clock for them to make up their
minds. If they did not go in by that time
the tools of those who remained would be
brought to the mouih of the slope. He
wished them all to understood that though
the company had nothing against any in
dividual, they were, nevertheless, deter
mined to control their own mines, and
would be protected in so doing.
“The men are still defiant. Iho miners
of the Delaware and Hudson voted to-day
to adhere to the first proposition of $1.20,
and there is a general feeling ot resistance
among the men of the three companies.
Unless the companies act cautiously they
may incite the urea to lawlessness It is
j to be hoped that moderation will prevail,
and that an amicable settlement will be
secured. The hour of five o'clock to-day
being the time at which the oommittee on
behalf of the miners were to receive an
answer to their last proposition, and no
answer having been received, the delegates
of the miners belonging to the Delaware,
Lacxawacua and Western are now in
session debating the question whether they
shall keep the matter in tbeir own hands
as delegates or rerign and throw it again
into the hands of the miner*. Their de
cision, as their report, will be made known
to-morrow at a grand mass meeting of the
miner*, to beheld in the weeds. Import
ant developments arc anticipated.”
It is not at all improbable that General
Grant will have to declare martial law,
supersede Governor Geary, and proceed
to the military reconstruction of Penn
sylvania.
THE ADDRESS OF DEMOCRATIC CON
GRESSMEN.
In this issue, we give our readers the
text of the recent address of 'be Demo
cratic members of Congress to the people
of the United States.
This address is brief, plain, and perti
nent. It 6 declared object is to direct the
attention of all who feel an interest in
preserving Constitutional !iberty,and would
avert imperialism, or centralised govern
ment, to the designs and efforts of Radical
leader*. It indicts at the bar of public
opinion the Republican or Radical parly
for its misrule and corruption, and op
pressive exactions. It appeals to all who
desire honesty, economy, and retrenchment
in the Administration, peace and harmony
under the wise restraints of Constitutional
law, aod the preservation of true republi
can liberty, to insist upon a decentraliza
tion of power, and the restitution of Fed
eral authority within its just and proper
limit*.
This address does not assume to forestall
the political platform for the impending
Presidential campaign. This has been
wisely left for future actior. More than a
year will elapse before the Democratic
Convention can assemble. This will afford
ample time to ascertain and meet the tact
ics ol the Imperialists, and to digest and
arrange a platform which, eschewing all
sectionalism, will preserve intact the prin
ciples of Constitutional freedom, and com
bine rn hearty co-operation all who desire
to perpetuate the blessings of civil lib
erty.
This address has been called forth by the
actions and designs of the Radical leaders
at Washington—by tho alarmiog strides
towards Imperialism which have been re
oently made. The President General of
the United States has been formally an
nounced as the candidate for re-election,
and clothed with greater authority than
that possessed by the Crown of Great Bri
tain, and powers not inferior to those pos
sessed by the Czar of all the Russias ; and
a so-called Republican Congress, reckless
of Constitutional obligations, arrogate al*
the position of an Imperial Parliament, to
perpetuate their succession in supremacy.
The “ Ku-Klux” measures recently
passed by Congress, at the special instance
and the repeated request of General
Grant, have been designed, with elaborate
skill and care, for continuing tho persecu
tion of the South with the full hope and
expectation that this policy will prove
successful in restoring Radical suptemaoy,
and secure the re-election of the President-
General. We have not the least sus
picion that such hopes and expectations
can be realized. The situation of the
South is not what it was in the days of
Radical reconstruction. Radical persecu
tion, through their Winchester rifle laws,
and disfranohisements, through fraud and
corruption, and by taxation and oppressive
plundering exactions, has annealed, and is
daily annealing more perfectly the whole
voting population of the South into one
solid mass of opposition—into a union,
and to a concert of action stronger than
any address could induce, or any
express declaration of principles in
a platform, at this time, could ef
fect. This “Ku-Klux” policy is no new
thing to us. We have the experience of
nearly eight; years under such a grinding
policy to bring to our aid in meeting its
demands. But now the power is no long
er confined to the so-called rebellious
States. It is universal as to its applica
tion, involving the loyal and the disloyal
States. It applies equally to the Noitli as
to the South, and is lodged in the hands
of him whose pertinacity is the signal of
long continuance, who can fight on a given
line all the summer. The battle is to be
fought at the North and by the North.
Radical measures utterly destroys all State
authority and entrusted to the discretion of
the commander-in-chief of the army and
navy of the United States, and the military
thereof, the surveillance of the domestic
affairs of each and every State. The ad
ministration of State affairs in New
York, or Pennsylvania, or Ohio, is at the
will and mercy of our President-General,
and his advisers, who shape and direct his
policy. But interest, as well as policy,
demands that we should shape our conduct
so as to strengthen, not to weaken, in this
the hour of reed, the hands of oar allies—
the only party who has exhibited magna
nimity towards the South- -the Democracy
of the North.
The address, on this point, speaks with
foree and decision.
AVAR ISYITRD.
The Radicals are anxious for war—for
‘Uniysksal War'’ —for it is by war they
wax fat and prosper. Senator Sherman,
during the discussion of the Ku-Kl >x bill
in the Senate, said :
lie would not have Senators feel too
gingerly because the condition of things
with which they had to deal teas that of
ciril tear ! He teas trilling to create a state
of universal tear, if such was necessary, to
put down these outrages, and went on to
argue that not one offender would be con
victed or one dollar of damages be paid
under it.
A prompt rebuke came for these utter
ances from Senator Thurman, Sherman’s
colleague, who said of the second report
of the ku-Klax Conference, that—
He agreed with his colleague (Mr. Sher
man) that no man would be convicted,
and not a dollar of damages paid under it.
This miserable abortion had very natural-
his eolleagee’s wrath, but it
As not a sufficient pretext for another
cml war. as that Senator had declared. Had
we not had enough of agony, desolation
and suffering to make any man shudder at
the idea of "another civil war ? Yet his
colleague had flippantly and ooldly de
dared for it, and there were men in the
country who believed that the whole hope
of the proposed legislation was to provoke
another civil war, so that the Radical
party might continue in power without
limit. Let no man hereafter charge the
Democratic party with attempting to in
cite civil war in view of his colleague’s
utterances. In regard to the substitute he
(Hr. Thurman) did not think it worth the
papet on which it was written. He had
noticed iu the conference committees with
what ingenuity that most skillful of ail
the members of the body, the Senator
froqi Vermont (Mr. Edmunds) had sought
to magnify its effect, but it bad been to no
effect. The test-oath provision would
make the selection of juries all over the
J country » all cases dependent not upon
i the choice of parties to a suit, but upon
1 the arbitrary will of a judge and district
: attorney. It prevented a man for merely
putting a cup of cold water to the lips of
, a dyiEg Confederate soldier from sitting
lon a jury. It excluded from jury service
' the Attorney General ol the United States,
! Senators on the floor, and many others
j now ir high public positions.
I Senator Sherman is a moderate man,
j compared with some of his Radical asso-
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDiY MORNING, MAY 3, 1871.
. dates; but out ot the abundance of the
heart the mouth spe&keth, and hence his
unguarded speech about “ Senators not
feeling too gingerly about dealing with
: another civil wak!” and his willingness
1 to “create a state of universal war!"
The leaders of the Radical party would at
j any time sacrifice the country to promote
I their own gain. The war, with its shoddy
contracts, inflated currency, and enormous
> Federal debt, made them rich. They
cared, however, hut little for this debt,
and but little for the half million of lives
or the widows and orphans made by the
war, and still less for the guarantees of a
constitutional Government! Everything
for the six years since the war has had to
give way to their miserable ambition and
selfishness, their vices and their sectional
ism, their injustice and cruelty. And
now, if they cannot punish Democratic
States and citizens ad libitim , merely be
cause they are Democratic, they are ripe
for civil war, or universal war ! This is
the old Ilartlord Convention rulc-or
ruiu spirit over again. The war which
Sherman invites, cannot be in the South.
Sherman fires and plunder cannot recur
twice in the same place in so short a time.
The North presents the rich fields which
tempts Radical desire, eagerly. Nowhere
else can support war profitably. The Sen
ator’s eyes were not, therefore, turned
Southward, but Northward for the harvest
for the Bummers’ party.
“ Southern Loyalist Claims Commis
sion.”
Editors Chronicle and Sentinel:
In your issue of the 18th instant, under
the above caption, you alluded briefly to
the claim of Hon. J. J. Martin, of Ala
bama, Sixth Auditor of the United States
Treasury Department, now before the
Board of Commissioners of Claims, under
the act of Congress of March 3, 1871, and
whilst I do not affiliate with that gentle
man politically, you will allow me to cor
rect an error into which you have fallen,
and which, if left uncorrected, may lead
some meritorious claimants to suppose
themselves debarred from presenting their
claims, because they were in some way
connected with the Confederate Govern
ment. But permit me to say—
First. That Judge Martin informed me
that he never held any official position un
der the late Confederacy, either in the
civil or military departments, but that he
was a conscript in the Confederate army,
but at no time gave voluntary aid to the
cause.
Second. Shortly after the close of the
war, Mr. Martin was appointed by the
military authorities Judge on the bench
of one of the courts of the State of Ala
bama. Never having voluntarily yielded
acquiescence io the Confederate Govern
ment, he did not conceive that he labored
under any disabilities, and therefore had
none to remove. Consequently, he could
take their test-oath, or “iron-clad,” as it
is termed.
But had his conduct been such as to
prevent him taking the “iron-clad,” it
would not new prevent him, as a claimant
for “ stores and supplies furnished the U.
S. troops,” from taking the oath required
by the Board of Commissioners of South
ern Claims. The mere faot of being io the
Confederate army, and fighting valiantly
all the way through, from the day of his
conscription to the surrender of the last
“ armed foe ” to the United States author
ities, does not deprive him or his heirs
from preferring his claims before this
Commission for stores or supplies fui
uished or taken for the use of the Federal
troops during, or since the olose of, the
late war between the States, provided
they did not render their service volunta
rily.
One other point, and I will close. That
there may be no misunderstanding as to
the manner of presenting these olaims, I
herewith enclose you a lorm of petition,
whioh should in all cases, lo insure prompt
examination and attention, be filed in the
office ol the Commissioners by an attorney
here in Washington, who will attend to
getting up the evidence, cross-examining
witnesses for the Government, and attend
ing to the case in its progress through the
Board of Commissioners and Congress. To
send these petitions direct to the Board,
there is no one to answer for them on the
call of tho docket, and they are conse
quently passed over, and others take their
place, and a day fixed for their examina
tion, and all beeause no attorneys for the
claimants are here to attend to thorn. Not
but that the Board of Commissioners may
attend to them in time, but certainly not
in their turn.
Respectfully, your oh’t servant,
C. P. Culvers.
Washington, D. C., 20th April, 1871.
Rules and Regulations oj the Commission
ers of Claims, Appointed under the Act
of Congress of March'6 , 1871.
1. Every claim shall be stated in a peti
tion addressed to the Commissioners of
Claims, under the Act of Congress of
March 3, 1871, Washington, D. C.
2. The petition must state the full
names of all the claimants, their present
residence, and their residence when their
claims accrued.
3. The petition must state w#o was the
original owner of the claim, who now are
owners thereof or interested therein, and
when and upon what consideration such
persons became so interested.
4. The facts required hereby to be set
forth in the petition must be stated, with
time and place, clearly, concisely, fully as
to all material circumstances, and not
argumentatively.
5. In setting forth the facts which must
be stated iu the petition, the claimant must
distinguish between the facts which he
states ot his own knowledge and those
which he states upon information and be
lief. He must say as to the first that he
avers them of his own knowledge ; and as
to the last, that he states them upon in
formation and belief.
6. The petition must state that the
claimants are citizens who remained loyal
adherents to the cause and the Govern
ment of the United States during the war,
and were so loyal before and at the time
of the taking or furnishing of the proper
ty for which claim is made.
7. The petition must state, with as much
particularity and exactness as the claim
ant’s knowledge or means of information
will enable him to do, the kind, quantity,
quality, and value of the stores or supplies
taken or furnished, during the rebellion,
for the use of the army of the United
States for which payment is claimed, and
if
TAKEN,
the name or names of the person or per
sons taking the property, and whether
they were officers or soldiers of the United
States, and to what company or regiment
they belonged, and, if officers. their rank,
and where they were then stationed, and
the name of the officer in command of the
United States forces in the district in
which the property was taken, to what
place or si ation the property was removed,
and for the use of what persons, company,
regiment, or military organization in the
service of the United States it was taken,
and whether any voucher, receipt, or
other writing was given therefor by the
persons taking the property. If a voucher
or other writing was given, the original,
or a copy of it, mast be annexed to the
petition, bnt if not within the control of
the claimants it must be averred where
the original paper is, or is believed to be,
and the substance of it must be set lorth.
The time and place of the taking, and all
the material circumstances thereof must
be particularly stated,
li the property was
FURNISHED
for the use of the army of the United
States, the petition must state the name or
names of the person or persons to whom
furnished, and whether they were officers
or soldiers of the United States, and to
what company or regiment, or other mili
tary organization, they belonged, aod, if
officers, their rank, and where they were
stationed, and the name of the officer in
command of the United States. forces in
the district in which the property was
furnished, and whether any voucher, re
ceipt, or other writing, was given therefor
by the person receiving the property. If a
writing was given, the original, or a copy
of it, must be annexed to the petition, but
if not within the control of the claimant,
it must be averred where the writing is, or
is believed to be, and the substance of it
must be set forth. The time and place ol
the furnishing, and also the material cir
cumstances thereof must bo particularly
stated.
8. If the claim is for the use or loss of
Teasels or boats while employed in the
military service of the Bated States, the
petition must describe tb vessel or boat,
! its place of registry, name size, kied, con
dition. aod value when* Irst taken by the
I Government.
If the claim is for the $e of the boat,
the petition must state, pith as much ex
actness as the knowiedgefer information of
the claimant enables hinto do, by whom
the boat was first taken fr the use of the
Government, and when ed where taken,
and for what particular *e in the first ic
stance, stating the nann of the person
taking, and whether at officer of the
Unfed States, and his unk and place in
the service of the Govenment, and how
long it was used, aitd wb had command,
and what was tho just viae of such use,
and whether there was »y agreement as
to the price or terms of aebuse, and if so,
whether in writing, ad if in writing, a
copy of it, or the substaße of it, must be
furnished.
If the claim i3 for the oss ot the boat,
the petition must furthe state when and
where lost, and the valuiof the boat when
lost
9. The petition must state whether the
claim has been heretofoe presented to any
officer, agent, or Department of the Gov
ernment, or to Congress or to any com
mittee thereof, aud wfceher any decision
or action has been hnl in regard to the
same, aod if any, what.
10. The petition mus; be signed by the
claimant or claimants, tnd duly verified.
The verification must b in writing, signed
by the claimant, or claimants, aod shall be
in the following form A
A B (and C D ,) being
duly sworn (each for lirnself,) deposes and
says, that he is (one oi) the petitioner(s)
named in the foregoing petition, and who
signed the same; that tin matters therein
stated are true of deponeit’s own knowl
edge, except as to those matters which
are stated on information and belief, and,
as to those matters, he believes them to
be true.
And deponent further says, that be did
not voluntarily serve in the Confederate
army or navy, either as an officer or sol
dier, or sailor, or in any other capacity,
at any time during the late rebellion ; that
he never voluntarily furnished any stores,
supplies, or other material aid to said Con
federate army or navy, or the Confederate
Government, or to any officer, department,
or adherent of the same, in support there
of, and that he never voluntarily accepted
or exercised the function of any office
whatsoever under, or yielded voluntary
support to the said Confederate Govern
ment.
11. There must be appended to the pe
tition the names and residence of the
witnesses by whom the claimants expect
to prove the facts alleged, specifying
separately:
Ist. The names and residences of the
witnesses who will be relied upon'to prove
loyalty.
2d. The names and residence of those
to prove the other facts alleged in the pe
tition.
12. The post office address of the claim
ants and of their counsel must be append
ed to the petition.
IS. The clerk of the Commissioners shall
receive all petitions presented to him for
the allowance of claims, and enter upon
the register the date of presentation, num
ber, name, and residence of claimants,
subject matter and amount of claim, and
the amount, if any, allowed.
14. Alter a petition has been entered
upon the register, it shall not be taken
from the custody of the clerk, except by
special order of the Commissioners.
15. The cases entered upon the register
will be called in their order. The Com
missioners will examine and consider the
justice and validity of such claims,, and
will hear the testimony of witnesses un
der oath, or such other sufficient evidence,
which shall accompany each claim, as the
Commissioners may, for good cause, ad
mit, or require to be taken, under such
rules and regulations as they may adopt.
Additional Rules of the Commissioners of
Claims Appointed under the Act of Con
gress of March 3, JB7l.
f. The oath of loyalty required by the
published rules of the Commission need
not be wholly in writing, but may be made
upon printed form, if desired.
2. Questions as to jurisdiction, proof of
loyalty and facts, rules of evidence, and
all other matters relating to the business
of the Commission, will be .decided only
as they arise in cases actually under con
sideration, and not upon hypothetical
cases, or such as are not under hearing.
3. What are known as ex parte affida
vits will not be accepted as evidence be
fore the Commissioners.
4. All papers pertaining to a claim which
have been used before aDy Department or
office of the Government, and returned to
the claimant, shall accompany the peti
tion addressed to the Commissioners of
Claims, or be filed with it before the case
is taken up for consideration.
5. In all possible cases testimony as to
loyalty and facts shall be given orally be
fore the Commission ; but in cases where,
owing to the smallness of the claim, the
poverty of the claimants, the remoteness
of the witnesses, or their inability, for any
reason, to appear before the Commission,
or for any good cause, it is desired that
the testimony of claimants or witnesses be
taken in any other manner, application
must in each case be made to the Com
missioner to that end ; the names of the
witnesses, their places of residence, the
material facts expected to be established
by each witness, and the cause of the in
ability of such witness to come to Wash
ington for examination, being clearly
stated.
LETTER FROM OGLETHORPE.
Lexington, Ga., April 19th, 1871.
Editors Chronicle & Sentinel:
The spring term of the Oglethorpe Su
perior Court convened at this place on the
17th inst., Judge Hankey, of Rome, pre
siding, Judge Andrews, the regular in
cumbent, absent from sickness. Among
the visiting gentlemen of the bar present
are Messts. Toombs andßtcsc, of Wilkes;
Judge Stephens, of Hancock; Messrs.
Hill, Speer and Cobb, of Athens; Colonel
Peonies, of Atlanta, and Colonel Hester,
of Eiberton.
On Tuesday morning four young meD,
Wm. G. Stephens, of Crawfordville; Joel
T. Olive, of Lexington ; JUriah H. Casey,
of Augusta, and Zeno J. Fitzpatrick, of
Madison, who have been students under
the Hon. A. H. Stephens, were examined
by a committee consisting of Messrs.
Toombs, Stephens, Reese and Mathis,
»Bd admitted to the Bar, On the com
mon, statute and peDal laws, the constitu
tion of the State, and United States, these
young men evinced a profundity which
augurs a career of success in the profes
sion, and reflect great credit upon their
assiduity and the care and discipline of
cfaeir able and efficient precentor.
Several cases have been disposed of, but
none of much importance. The Dupree
“will ease” is now on trial, which is the
absorbing theme of conversation with out
siders, and cause of nmeh excitement be
fore the court. The amount involved in
the issue is about three hundred thousand
dollars, which makes it one of such mag
nitude as scarcely to terminate at this
court, let the verdict of the jury be as it
may. Messrs. Reid, Stephens, and Peo
ples are for sustaining the will, and Messrs.
Toombs and Mathews are against it.. The
past day has been occupied in hearing the
testimony, and to-morrow will come the
struggle between the master spirits of the
bar.
Avery respectable attendance on the
court, and the hotel of Mr. Bacon is quite
full ot visitors. The accommodations ot
this house are unsurpassed in Middle Geor
gia. and the traveling public may have no
misgivings on this subject in visiting Lex
ington.
The farmers are quite backward with
thei r crops, owing to the heavy rains that
have fallen of late; but report the small
grain in a favorable condition, and the
prospect, with favorable seasons, of more
than ordinary yield. B.
P- S.—Since writing the above the great
will ease referred so has been decided,
which resulted in its being set aside. This
is said to be the heaviest case—that is, it
involved a larger amount than any ever
before in an Oglethorpe court. Judge
Wm. M. Reese, ol Wilkes, presided, with
that dignity and ability characteristic of
the man. B.
North Georgia Agkicultlrai. Col
lege,—The President has approved and
signed, on the 21st instant, the act of Con
gress authorizing the Secretary of the
Treasury to convey the Branch Mint at
Dablonega, Georgia, to the trustees there
in named of the North Georgia Agricultu
ral College for educational purposes.
H. I. Kimbail, President of the Chero
kee Railroad Company, has appointed D.
W. K. Peacock General Agent of the
company, with headquarters at Carters
ville.
ADDRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC MEM
BERS OF CONGRESS.
The Impending Destruction of the Repub
lic by Radicals —Reckless Legislation yf
Imperialists, Disguised ii»der the name
of Republicans—Tax on Agricultural
Interests— Ku- Klux in the South a pre
text for Imperial Power.
To the People of the United States :
Our presence and official duties at Wash
ington have enabled us to become fully ac
quainted with the actions and designs of
those who control the Radical party, and
we teel called upon to utter a few words
of warning against the alarmirg strides
they have made toward the centralization
of pow er in the hands of Congress and
the Executive. The time and attention of
s he Radical leaders have been almost
wholly directed to devising such legislation
as will, in their view, best preserve their
ascendency, and no regard for the wise re
straints imposed by the Constitution has
checked their reckless and desperate ca
reer. The President of the United States
has been formally announced as a candid
ate for re-election. The declaration of his
selfish supporters have been echoed by a
subsidized pres 9, and the discipline of par
ty has already made adhesion to his per
sonal fortunes the supreme test ot politi
cal fealty. Tho partisan legislation to
which we refer was decreed and shaped in
secret canons, where the extremest coun
sels always dominated, and was adopted
by a subservient majority, if not with the
intent, certainly with the effect to place in
the hands of the President powers to com
mand his own reDomination, and to employ
the army, navy, and militia, at his sole
discretion, as a means of subserving his.
personal ambition. When the sad expe
rience of the last two years, so disappoint
ing to the hopes and generous confidence
of the country, is considered, in connection
with the violent utterances and rash pur
poses of those who control the President’s
policy, it is not surprising that the gravest
apprehensions for the future peace of the
nation should be entertained.
At a time when labor is depressed, and
every material interest is palsied by op
pressive taxation, the public offices have
been multiplied beyond all precedent, to
serve as instruments in the perpetuation
of power. Partisanship is the only test
applied to the distribution of this vast pa
tronage. Honesty, fitness, and moral
worth aro openly discarded in favor of
truckling submission and dishonorable
compliance; hecce, enormous defalcations
aud widespread corruption have followed as
the natural consequences of this permoious
system. Bytheoffioial report of the Secret
ary of the Treasury, it appears that after the
deduction of all proper credits, many mil
lions of dollars remain due from cx-Collect
or* of the Internal Revenue, and that no
proper diligence has ever been used to col
lect them. Reforms in the revenue and
fiscal systems,which all experience demon
strates to be necessary to a frugal admin
istration of the Government, as well as a
measure of relief to an over-burdened
people, have been persistently postponed
or willfully neglected. Congress now ad
journs without having even attempted to
reduce taxation or to repeal the glaring
impositions by which industry is crushed
and impoverisned. The Treasury is over
flowing, and an excess of $80,000,000 of
revenue is admitted, and yet instead of
present relief, a barren and delusive reso
lution iH passed by the Senate to consider
the tariff aod excise systems hereafter, as
if tho history of broken pledges and pre
tended remedies furnished any better as
surance tor future legislation than experi
ence has done in tho past.
Ship-building and the carrying trade,
once sources of national pride and pros
perity, now languish under a crushing
load of taxation, and nearly every other
business interest is struggling, without
profit, tc maintain itself.
Our agriculturists, while paying heavy
taxes on all they consume, either to the
Government or to monopolists, find the
prices tor their own products so reduced
that honest lator is denied its just reward,
and industry is prostrated by invidious dis
crimination. Nearly 200,000,000 acres of
public lands, which should have been re
served for the benefit of the people, have
been voted away to giant corporations,
neglecting our soldiers and enriching a
handful of greedy speculators and lobby
ists, who are thereby enabled to exercise a
most dangerous and corrupting influence
over State and Federal legislation. If the
career of these conspirators be not checked,
the downfall of free Government is inevita
ble, and with it the elevation of a Military
Dictator on the ruins of the Republic.
Under pretense of passing laws to en
force the XlVth Amendment, and for oth
er purposes, Congress has conferred the
most despotic powers upon the Executive,
and provided an official machinery by
which the liberties of the people are men
aced, and the sacred rights of local self
government in the States is ignored, if not
tyrannically overthrown. Modeled up to
the Sedition laws, so odious in history,
they are in variance with all the sanctified
theories of our institutions; and the con
struction given by these Radical interpre
ters to the XlVth Amendment is, to use
the language of an eminent Senator, Mr.
Trumbull, of Illinois, an “annihilator of
States.’’ Under the last Enforcement bill,
“the Executive may, in his discretion,
thrust aside the Government of any State,
suspend the writ of habeas corpus," arrest
its Governor, imprison or disperse the
Legislature, silence its Judges, and tram
ple down its people. Nothtog is lett to
the citizen or the State which can any
longer be called a right; all is changed
into mere sufferance. Our hopes for re
dress are in the calm, good sense, the “so
ber second thought” of the American peo
ple. We call upon them to be true to
themselves and to their past, and disre
garding party measures and minor differ*
ences, to insist upon a decent equalization
of power, the restriction of Federal au
thority within its just and proper limits,
leaving to the States that control over do
mestic affairs which is essential to their
happiness and tranquility and good gov.
eminent. Everything that malicious
ingenuity could suggest has been done to
irritate the people of the Middle and
Southern State.. Gross and exaggerated
charges of disorder and violence owe
thei r origin to the mischievous minds of
political managers in the Senate and Honee
ot Reprentatives.’to which the Executive
has, we regret so say, lent his aid, and thus
helped to inflame the popular feelings. In
all tbis course of hostile legislation and harsh
resentment, no word of conciliation, of kind
encouragement, of Iraternal fellowship, has
ever been spoken by the President, or by
Congress, to the people of the Southern
States. They have been addressed only in
the language of proscription.
We earnestly entreat our fellow-ci.izens
in all parts of the Union to spare no effort
to maintain peace and order, to carefully
proteot the rights of pvery citizen, to pre
serve kindly relations among all men, and
to discountenance and discourage any vio
lations of the rights of any portion of the
people secured under tbe'Constitution or
any of its amendment.
Let us, in conclusion, earnestly beg of
you not to aid the present attempts of
Radical partisans to stir up strife in the
land, to renew the issues of the war, or to
obstruct the return of peace and pros
perity to the Southern States, because it is
thus that they seek to divert she attention
of the-country from the corruption and
extravagance of their administration of
public affairs, and the dangerous and pro
fligate attempts they are making toward
the creation of centralized military gov
ernment. In the five years of peace fol
lowing the war, the Radical administra
tions have expended $1,5100,000,000 for
ordinary purposes alone, being within
$200,000,000 of the aggregate amount
spent for the same purposes in war and in
peace during the seventy-one years pre
ceding Jane 30, 1801, not including in
either case the sum paid upon principal
and interest of the public debt. It is
trifling with the intelligence of tee peoplo
for the Radical leaders to pretend that this
vast sum has been honestly expended.
Hundreds of millions of it have been wan
tonly squandered. The expenditures of
the Government for the fiscal year ending
June 30, 1861, were only $62,000,000,
while precisely for the came purposes,
civil list, army, navy, pensions, and
Indians, $164,000,000 were expended
during the fiscal year ending Jane 30,
1870. No indignation can be more stern,
and no scorn too severe, for the assertions
by unscrupulous Radical leaders that the ]
great Democratic and Conservative party
of the Union has or caD have sympathy
with disorders or violence in any part of j
the country, or in the deprivation of any
man of his rights under the Constitution.
It is to protect and perpetuate the fights
which every freeman cherishes to revive
in all hearts the feeling of friendship,
affection and harmoDy which are the best
guarantees of law and order, and to throw
around the humblest citizen, wherever he
may be, the protecting aegis of these safe
guards of personal liberty which the fun
damental laws of the land assure ; that we
invoke the aid of all good men in the work
of peaos and reconciliation; we invite their
generous co-operation, irrespective of all
i former differences of opinion, so that the
harsh voice of discord may be relieved ;
that anew aod dangerous sectional agita
tion may be checked ; that the burdens of
taxation, direct or indirect, mav be reduced
to the lowest point consistent with good
faith to every just national obligation, and
with a strictly eeonomicrl administration
of the Government, and that the States
may be restored in their integrity and true
relations to our Federal Union.
SENATORS.
Eugene Cesserly, Oak ; Garrett Davis,
Kentucky ; John W. Johnston, Virginia;
T. F. Biyard, Delaware ; John P. Stock
ton, New Jersey ; Frank P. Blair, Mis
souri ; Eli Saulsbury, Delaware; A. G.
Thurman. Ohio ; George Vickers, Mary
land; J. W. Stevenson. Kentucky; James
F. Kelly, Oregon; Wa T. Hamilton,
Maryland ; H. G- Davis, “West Virginia;
Henry Cooper, Tennessee.
REPRESENTATIVES.
Fernando Wood, N. Y., S. S. Cox. N.
Y., A. M. Waddell, N. C., J. M. Leach.N.
C. E. A. Hibbard, N. 11., F. E. Shober,
N. C.. 11. W. Slocum, N. Y„ Thomas Kiu
sella, N. Y., Dwight Townsend, N. Y„ S.
N. Bell, N. 11.. n. W. Parker. N. H„ Jas.
B Beck, Ky., Lewis D. Campbell, Ohio
Wm. A. Handley, Ala., J. O. Harper, N.
O. R. M. T. Duke, Va., John T. Harris,
Va., Peter Mattox. Ala., Robt. B. Roose
velt, N. Y., Wm. R. Roberts, N, Y., Smith
Ely, jr., N. Y., Joseph H. Lewis, Ky., Jno.
T. Bird, N. J., Samuel C. Forker, N. J.,
Erastus Wells, Mo., A. P. Mclntyre, Ga.,
0. W. Kendall, Nev , Joseph H. Tuthil),
N. Y , Clarkson N. Potter, N. Y., Eli Per ■
ry, N. Y., John Rqgers, N. Y., John B.
Storm, Pa., Samuel J. Randall, Pa., P.
Van Trump, Ohio, Janies li. McCormick,
Mo., George W. Morgan, Ohio, Andrew
King, Mo., John M. Bright, Terra., Henry
D. McHenry, Ky., R. D. Caldwell. Tenn.',
John M. Carroll, N. Y., Win. Williams,
N. Y„ C. N. Lauieson, Ohio, Edward 1.
Golladay, Tenn., A. E. Garrett, Tenu., S.
S. Marshall. Til., E. Y. Rice, 111., T. W.
McNeely, 111., James 11. Slater, Oregon, J.
F. McKinney, Ohio, J. C, Robinson, 111.,
John M. Crebs, 11!., Henry D. Foster, Pa.,
Richard J. Haldeman, Pa., Edward Cross
land, Ky., S. Griffith, Pa., Henry Sher
wood, Pa., W. McClelland, Pa, Stevenson
Archer, Md , Thomas Swann, Md., B. F.
Meyers, Pa., E. L. Acker, Pa., Charles A.
Eldridge, Wis., Alex. Mitchell, Wis., J.
Lawrence Getz, Pa., R. Milton Speer, Pa.,
Wm. 11. Barnutn, Ct., M. D. Manson, Ind.,
W. S. Holman, Ind., J. G. Sutherland,
Mich., M. 0. Kerr, Ind., James M. Hanks,
Ark., Win. B. Read, Ky.,Geo. M. Adams,
Ky., W. E. Arthur, Ky., Samuel A. Mer
ritt, Idaho, Boyd Winchester, Ky., A. Co
mingo, Mo., D. W. Voorhees, Ind., W. E.
Niblack, Ind., Wm. Terry, Va., D. M.
Du Bose, Ga., Elliott M. Braxton, Va.,
John M. Rice, Ky*. Wm. M. Merrick, Mo.,
Frank Hereford, W Va., James Brooks,
N. Y., Benj. T. Biggs, Del., P. M. B.
Young, Ga., W. P. Price, Ga., M. K. Arm
strong, Dakota, W. W. Vaughan, Tenn.
The Kii-Ktux Bill.
PRESIDENT GRANT MADE DICTATOR.
The following is the Ku-Klux bill as
finally passed :
An Act to onforcc the provisions of the
fourteenth amendment to the Consti
tution of the United States, and for
other purpose*.
Be it enacted by the. Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled , That any
person who, under color of any law,
statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or
usage of any State, shall subject, or cause
to be subjected, any person within the
jurisdiction of the- United States to the
deprivation of any rights, privilege.s, or
immunities secured by the Constitution of
the United States, shall, any such law,
statute, ordinance, regulation, custom, or
usage of the State to the contrary not
withstanding, be liable to the party in
jured in any action at law, suit in equity,
or other proper proceeding for redress ;
such proceeding to be prosecuted in tho
several district or cirouit courts ot the
United States, with aod subject to the
same rights of appeal, review upon error,
and other remedies provided in like cases
in such courts, under the provisions of
the act of the ninth of April, eighteen hun
dred and sixty-six, entitled “An act to
protect all persons 19 the United State.: in
their civil rights, and to turnish the means
of their vindication,” and the other reme
dial laws of the United States which are
in their nature applicable in such case*.
Sec. 2. That if two or more persons
within any State or Territory of the United
States shall conspire together to overt brow,
or to put down, or to destroy by force the
Government of the United States, or to
levy war against the United States, or to
oppose by force the authority of the Gov
ernment of the United States, or by force,
intimidation, or threat, to prevent, hinder
or delay the execution of any law of the
United States, or by force to seize take,
or possess any property of the United
States contrary to the authority thereof,
or by force, intimidation, or threat to pre
vent any person from accepting or holding
any office of trust or place of confidence
under the United States, or from dis
charging the duties thereof, or by force,
intimidation or threat to induce any offi
cer of the United States to leave any
State, district, or place where his duties
as such officer might be lawfully per
formed, or to injure him in bis person
or property ou account of his lawful dis
charge of the duties of his office, or to
injure his person while engaged in tne
lawful discharge ot the duties of his pf
flee, or to injure his property ea as tc mo
lest, hinder, interfere with, or impede him
in the discharge of his official duty ; or by
force, intimidation, or threat to deter any
party or witnfassin any oourt of the United
States from attending such court, «r from
testifying in any matter pending in such
court fully, freely, and truthfully, or to
injure any such parly or witness in his
person or proporty on account of his hav
ing so attended or testified; or by force,
intimidation, or threat to influence the
verdict, presentment, or indictment of any
juror or grand juror iD any court of the
United States; or tp injure suoh juror in
•his person or property on accouut of any
verdict, presentment, or indictment lawful
ly assented to by him, or aD account of his
being or having been such juror ; or shall
conspire together,or go in disguise upon the
public highway ay upon the premises of
another ft® th o , purpose, cither directly
or indirectly, of depriving any person or
any class of persons of the equal protec
tion of the law;, or of equal privileges or
i annuo Lies uuder the laws, oy ft* the i
purpose of prevo.ungj up hindering the i
cot.aU jted avjit, >!;&•* o< any State from ,
m securing to all persons within 1
such State tho equal protection of the j
laws ; or shall eonspire together for the
purpose of, in any manner, impeding,
hindering, obstructing, or defeating the
due course of justice, in any State or Ter
ritory, with meant to deny to any citizen
of the' United States the due and equal
protection of the laws, or to injure any
person in his person or his property toy
lawfully enforcing the right of any person ,
or class of persous to the equal protection i
of the laws, or forte, intimidation or 1
threat to pcevent any citizen of the United \
States lawfully entitled to vote from giving |
his support or advocacy in a lawful man
ner toward or in favor of the eliytiou of ;
any lawfully qualified person as. an elector j
of President or yiee-kVesiqeot of the j
United States, or as a member of the j
Oongrese'of the United States, or to in- j
jure any such citizen in his person or
property on account of such support or ad- \
vocacy, each and every person so offending
shall be deemed guilty of a high crime,and,
upon conviction thereof in any district or
circuit court of the Unite;] States or district
or supreme court of any Territory of the
United States having jurisdioticn of sim
ilar offenses, shall be punished by a fine
not legs than five hundred nor more j
than five thousand dollars, or ty itiiprpior- !
ment, with or without hard la,Ley, as the j
oourt may determine, for a period not
less than sis mouths, nor more than six
years, as the court may determine , or by
both such fine and imprisonment, as the
court shall determine. And if any one or
more persons engaged ip any such con
spiracy shall do, or cause to be done, any
act in furtherance of the object of sueb
conspiracy, whereby any persoa shall be
injured in his person or property, or de
prived of haying and exercising any right
or privilege of a citizen of the United
States, the person so injured or deprived
of rights and privileges may have and
maintain an action for the recovery of
damages occasioned by such injury or de
privation of rights and privileges against
any one or more ot such persons engaged
in such conspiracy, such action to be prose
cuted in the proper district or circuit court
of the United States, with and subject to
the same rights of appeal, review upon
error, and other remedies provided in like
cases in such coart under the provisions of
the act of April ninth, eighteen hundred
and sixty-six, entitled “An act to protect
all persons in the United States in their
civil rights, and to furnish the means of
their vindication.”
That in all oases where insur
NEW SERIES,! VOL. XXIT. NO. 18.
rcction, domestic violence, unlawful combi
nations, or conspiracies in any State shall
so obstruct or hinder the execution of the
laws thereof, and of the United Slates, as
to deprive any portion or class of the peo
ple of such State of any of the rights,
privilege*, or immunities, or protection,
named in the Constitution, and secured by
this art, and the constituted authorities of
such State shall either be unable to pro
tect, or shall, from any cause, fail in or
refuse protection of the people in such
rights, such facts shall be deemed a denial
by such State of the equal protection of
the laws to which they are entitled under
the Constitution of the United States;
and in all such cases, or whenever ary :
such insurrection, violence, unlawful
combination, or eonspiraov shall oppose or
obstruct the laws of the United States, or
the due execution thereof, or impede or
obstruct the due course of justice under
the same, it shall bo lawful tor tho Presi
dent, aud it shall be his duty, to take
such measures, by the employment of the
militia or the land and naval foroe of the
United States, or of either, or by other
means, as he may deem necessary lor the
suppri srioo of such insurrection, domestic
violence, or combinations ; and any person
who shall bo arrested uader the provisions
ol this and tho preceding scctioti shall be
delivered to the marshal of the proper
district, to be dealt with according to law.
Sec. 4. That whenever in any State or
part ot a State the unlawful combinations
named in the preceding section of this act
shall be organized aud armed, and so
numerous and powerful as to be able,
by violeece, to either overthrow or sot at
dfianee the constituted authoririos of Such
State, and of the United States within
suoh State, or when tho constituted au
thorities arc ii complicity with, or shall
connive at the unlawful purposes of, suoh
powerful and armed combinations; and
whenever, by reason of either or all the
causes aforesaid, the conviction of suoh 01-'
leaders and the preservation of the pubiiu
safety shall become in such district imprac
ticable, in every such Case such combina
tions shall bo deemed a rebellion against
the Government of the United States, and
during tho continuance of such rebellion,
and within the limits of tho district which
shall be so under the sway thereof, suoh
limits to be prescribed by proclamation, it
shall be lawful for the President of the
United States, when in his judgment the
public safety shall require it, to suspend
the privileges of the writ of habeas cor-
pus to the end that suoh rebellion may be
overthrown: Provided , That all tho pro
visions of the seoond section of an act en
titled “An act relating to habeas corpus ,
and regulating judicial proceedings in cer
tain cases,” approved March third, eigh
teen hundred and sixty-three, whioh relate
to the discharge of prisoners other than
prisoners of war, and to the penalty for re
fusing to obey the order of the oourt, shall
bo in full force so far as the same are ap
plicable so the provisions of this seotion :
Provululfurther, That tho Prosidont shall
first have made proclamation, as now pro
vided by law, commanding such insur
gents to disperse: And provided also,
That tho provisions of this seotion shall
not be in l'nroo alter the end of the next
regular session of Congres*.
Sec. 5. That no person shall boa grand
or petit juror in apy oourt of tho United
States upon any inquiry, hearing or trial
of any suit, proceeding, or prosecution
based upon or arising under tho provisions
of this act, who shall, in the judgment of
the court, be in complicity with any snoh
combination or oonspiracy; and every,
such juror shall, before entering upon any
such inquiry, hearing, or trial, tako and
subscribe an oath in open oourt that ho
ha* never, directly or indirectly, counseled,
advised, or voluntarily aided any such
combination or conspiracy ; and each aud
every person who shall take this oath, and
shall therein swear falsely, shall be guilty
of perjury, and shall bo subjeot tp tho
pains and penalties declared against tho
crime, and tho first seotion oi the aot en>
titled “An set defining additional causes
of challenge and prescribing an additional
oath for grand tnd petit jurors in tho
United States courts,” approved Juno
seventeenth, eighteen hundred and sixty
two, bo, and the same is hereby repealed.
Sec. 6. That any person or persons,
having knowledge that any ot the wrongs
conspired to be done and mentioned in
the second seotion of this act are about
to be committed, aud having power to
prevent or aid in preventing the same
shall neglect or refuse so to uo, and such’
wrongful act shall bo committed, such
person or persons shall be liable to the
person injured, or his legal representa
tives, for all damages caused by any such
wrongful act, whioh such first named per
son or persons by reasonable diligence
could have prevented; and such damages
may bereoovered in an aotion on the caso
in the proper circuit court of the United
States, and any number of persons guilty
of such wrongful neglect or refusal may be
joined as defendants in such action : Pro
vided, That such action shall bo commenced
within one year alter suoh cause of aotion
shall have accrued; and ■if the death of
any person shall be caused by any such
wrongful act and negleot, the legal repre
sentatives of snob deceasnd person shall
have suoh action therefor, and may rocover
not exceeding five thousand dollars dam
ages therein, for tho benefit of the widow
of such deceased person, if any there be,
or, if there be no widow, for the benefit
of the next of kin of suoh deceased per
son.
7. Uiat nothing herein contained
shall fce construed to supersede or repeal
any former act or law 'except so far as the
sama may be repugnant thereto; and any
ofleases heretofore committed against tho
tenor ol aDy former act shall be prosecu
ted, and any proceeding already com
menced for tho proscoution thereof shall
be continued and completed, the same as
it this act had not been passed, except so
far as the V>rovisious of this act.may go to
sustain and validate suoh proceedings.
Andkew Jackson Davis, the “Seer'
of the Spiritualists, who was lately report
ed to havereoouriecd the faith, thus states
his convictions in a letter to a friend : “I.
lam a Spiritualist. 2. I have seen and
held conversations with persons who once
lived o.a earth. 3, i have at intervals in
my life exercised the functions proper to
several phases ot mediurnsbip, and still
cont.uuc tu oxr roise these lunctiont when
oopasioa requires. 4, and lastly, I know
that death is not the end of my per sous!
existence, and 1 believe intuitively that 1
am immortal. In ju.,tioo to me, Brother
Wilsor, I r.sk that you will state that tho
foundation of u.y- own experience is clair
voyance j bet that the idea lately circu
lated that l have ‘recanted,’ 05 wish to
exalt clairvoyance at tho expense of uic
diumship, is wholly erruwous. My recent
effort was directed towards the abuses and
misapplication, ■» and absurd doctrines
which PAsivaif among people who have
afcsoxhea the wonders and delights ot
Spiritualism, and omitted the groat ideas
and rational principles upon which alone
the world can ever acooxapltah much re
ligious progress.” Reading this, one can
not help a li’tlo Gory : Two
friends moeimg, one asked tho other, “Are
you a Spiritualist ?” “Why, yes," said
the other, with some hesitation 1 “I am a
Spiritualist, but lam not a. d— 4 tool.”
Ex-Governor Drown is bending free pas
ses for the.year iWI over the State Rail
road to each member elect of the next
Legislature, hoping thereby to ir.ffuence
the members in his favor when the legali
ty of Lis lease of said road G tested. Os
course no man worthy to represent the
people will accept the bribe! It. is a thing
beneath the dignity of a public Represen
tative, and reflects severely ou tho already
known corrupt source from which it ema
nates.
The action taken by Hancock’S Repre
sentatives in tbis matter is most commen
dable. Mr. Fierce returned his pass im
mediately utter its reception, declining to
accept a donation or a bribe. Mr. Butts,
we are informed, has written to the ex-
Goveruor to the same effect. We hope
every member elect in the .State will do
likewise. — tipa/rta Times and Planter.
We have heard of other memi/ers of the
Legislature, besides those from Hancock,
receiving these presents, and wo have
heard ol their immediate return, accom
panied by letters equally as sharp or sharp
er than those written by Messrs. Fierce
and Butts.
A Slight Mistake. — A writer ia the
Richmond Enquirer the other day tried to
quote “j LaMturst labetur in omne vnlubi/is
ovum. The compositor made it, "Lair
iter et lobsters in omne robillious do/un."
The editor just went home and got his
shot-gun, but when he returned the prin
ter had fled.
Everything was not altogether lovely
last Saturday at the Marietta papor mid.
On that day Mr. Elisha Cochran attempt
ed to make hash of Mr. Jeff. Land with a
knife, aod somebody percussed Mr. Raw’s
cranium with a gun.
foOJTM irSTCATFT) ]
Retrospection.
TO JOHN __.
BY RAMI HARLEY.
My thoughts are far away, John—yes, fa:
away to-day,
I’m thinking of our boyhood, when our
hearts wore light and gay;
Yes, when wo built our castles high, and
all our hopes were true ;
At least we thought they were, John, ’( was
thus with me and you.
My thoughts are with my boyhood, John,
and all that made us glad,
But now and then my thoughts will stray,
and then I’m very sad
Aud you, too, John, 1 grieve to sAy, aeutu
much changed to me,
For then we were aa brothers, John, and
happy both wore wo.
The war played havoc with us—but von
and 1 ajo lett.
Rut whore are aU our near old irieuds—
ah! many are at rest.
Some are scattered far and wide—we’ll
never meet again,
And thif>j dear aohn, does make mo ween
and till the heart with pain.
Sweet music from your flute, Johu, I have
not heard for years,
Nor strains from ‘Bessy's violin -oil, why
dear friend, Uiose*toars !
We mus! remember Wilde—the Ediths,
and I’akkyn, too,
Eor they were happy with us, John—yes,
with me aud you.
McGregor, too, was there-and Ais-
WURWa sweet guitar,
Ah! let the nanus of others rest —they ’vo
gone since the war—
J little thought,a lew abort years would
break its all up so,
Experience sad has taught me this-“our
selves we uever know.”
I’m thinking of onr rendezvous, where wo
wore most to meet,
Aud how the girU would come around to
hear our music sweet.
”Hs true we ware hut amateurs—but I’m
sure we wore gay t oys,
And always hud a welcome, John—how
ever harsh our noise.
How like a brother, John, did you al
ways seem to be,
But since the war, my dear old friend,
how changed you seem to me,
r’vo met you since, in colder cllmos-yes,
in cold December ;
’Twas then 1 saw how unlike John and
how you could remember.
Ah I Johu, ’tip true I looked unlike my
self of happier days,
Yes—l was olad in garments old, and sad
were my ways,
I wore an old slouch hat, and an old rusl v
coat;
And wtien you looked so cold, Johu, my
tears 1 strove to choke.
lam just the Hutne, John—the same as in
the past,
Not a jot have I changed, and 1 trust
thro’ life 'twill last—
At least 1 hope ’twill ev’v be so—l uo’er
give up a friend—
And if I ever get so, John, T hope my life
will end.
Oh, when T think of old times, John, mid
all our sports aud joys,
Aud then compare them with to-day—J
wish ourselves were boys,
We’ve grown older it is true—but should
wo o’er forget
Our boyhood days and friendship, loo'f
ali, say, dear Johu—not yet.
1 kuow, old frieqd, we have our cures and
much to make us sad,
Rut wliat can loose our boyhood ties—
must indeed be bad,
Eor if as boys we live aright and form
true friendship’ « lie,
There's naught ou earth can sever It —not
eveu wheu we die.
E’er even then sweet memc.y will olln;
around us always,
As do the thoughts of all \y° love, and
triends of other days,
But limes have altered very much indeed.
I grieye to know j
For many that I thought had hearts haye
them now no more.
The Yankees came amongst us, John—
they played the devil with us,
And turned us topsy-up aide down and
much indeed to grieve us,
But notwithstanding all of thin and all
Our heart aches, too ;.
I love to think of dayH "Tang ague" and
all my friendships true.
Sweet memory of Uie past! I love to dwell
with thee,
You mind me of the days when truth all
seemed to me,
Wheu everything seemed real and tho
hearts of all were kind,
When petty meanness me,.He scorn, and
NORX.U was the mind.
Oh, I’m thinking of the days, John, when
friends we were together,
But how unlike the same dear boy -my
heart could cling to over—
I mean you seem so now, John—how
muoli do I regret it j
And as I loved you years ago—l hope I
shall forget it.
I cannot separate you, John, from happy
boyhood days,
And, oh, it makes mevorysud to think
hu>y changed your ways,
I thought you wore indeed the noblest of
our clan—
You don’t know how you’ve altered,
John, since you’ve been a man.
Oh, may the hreaiJi Hut I now breathe,
breathe out its last
Before i live so long on earth to forget my
boyhood's oast,
For what is life worth living lor when all
sweet dreams are fl«d ?
I’d ask no other blessing here but to sleep
with tho toyed that’s dead.
Horn In the Mitn titan in the hand.
1 knowed a man, which he lived in Jones,
Which Jones la a county of red bills and
stones,
And he lived pretty muoii by gelliu’ of
loans,
And Us mules were nothin’ but akin and
bones,
And his hogs was flat as his (torn bread
pones,
And ho had ’bout a thousand acres o’
land.
This man —which ills nathe It was also
Jones—
He swore he’d leave thorn obi red hills find
stones,
Fur he 00 didn’t make tintin’ but yeUerisb
cotton,
And little o’ that, and his fences-was rotten,
And wliat little ooro tie had, lot was bough
ton,
Aud flanged es a livin’ was in the land.
And the longer he swore tho in udder ho
got,
And he rjz and he walked to the stable
aud lot,
And he hollered to To tu to come there and
hitch,
For to emigrate somewhat- whar laud was
rich,
And to quit raisin’ oook-burs, thistles and
slch,
And wastin’ titer time on tho cussed
laud.
Ho him ami Tom they pitched up the mules
Pertestin’ that folks was mighty big fools
That ’ud stay in Georgv ther lifetime onl,
Jest scratchln’ n livin’ when all o t ’em
mought
Git places in Texas whar cotton would
sprout
liv tho time you could plant in tho
land.
And ho driv by « house whar a man named
Brown
Was a livin’ not far from the hedge o'
town,
And he bantered Brown lor to buy his
place,
And said tnat beitt’ as money was skacs,
And bein’ as sheriffs was hard to face.
Two dollars au acre would git the land.
They closed at a dollar and fifty cents,
And Jone- he bought him a wagon a.no
tents,
Aud loaded his corn, and his wlmmln and
truck,
And moved to Texas, which it tuck
His entire pile, with the best of luck,
To git thar and git liitn a iittie land.
j r.ut Brown moved out on the old Jones
i farm,
I And ho rolled up Ms broaches and bared
his arm,
[ And he picked all the rooks from oil ’ll the
groun’,
I And he rooted it up and plowed It down,
I 'i'lien he plowed his corn and hie wheat
in the land.
j (five years glid by, and Brown, one day,
(Which he’d got so fat that he wouldu’t
l weigh),
! Was a settin down, sorter Lazily,
! To the bolliestdinner you ever see.
! When one o’ the children jumped on his
knee
And »»ys. ‘ yan’s Jones, which you
bought his laud.”
And thar waa Jones, staudin’ out at the
fence,
And he hadn’t no wagin, nor mules, nor
tents,
*’or he had left Texas, afoot, and cum
To tJeorgy to see if he couldn’t git sum
Employment, and he was lookings* toum-
Ble as es ho had never owned any laud.
But Brown he axed him in, and he set
Him down to his rlttles smokin’ hot,
Aud when he had tilled iusaeif and the
floor,
Brown looked at him sharp aud'ri# and
swore
That, ‘‘whether men’s land was rteh or
poor
Thar was more in th»»m than thar wag
in the kitul.”