Newspaper Page Text
OLD SERIES—TOL. LXXVJII.
iJUjnnuclc & Sentinel.
TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION.
DAILY.
One month t 1 00
Three months 2 50
One year 10 0(1
TIU-WEEKLY.
One year $ C 00
Six months 3 50
Three mouth _ 2 00
WEEKLY.
Three months «..$ 1 00
81 x months 1 SO
One year 3 00
WKD.NE&UAY UORMSG, AlfclfeT 16.
[From Forney's Press .]
A VIEW OF THE SOITH.
Tho groat cause of all the troubles with
the South, alter all, is the want of educa
tion. If the masses there were educated
as they are in the Northern States affairs
would have assumed a settled and satis
factory condition long before this, instead
of being, as they are, in nearly as unset
tled and unsatisfactory condition as at the
close of the war, with the rebel spirit in
tensified rather than subdued, or submit
ted to circumstances which, as a little in
telligence would show, it is folly to resist.
An ignorant community is the most diffi
cult of all to govern, and is totally until
for self-government, Previous to the war
the government of the Southern States
was in the hands ot a lew persons who ex
ercised unlimited sway. The poor whites
really counted for nothing, although con
stituting, probably, a majority of the
white population. Their ignorance and
degradation ostracised them, and made
them the supple tools of the few. Hut
ignorance was not and is not confined to
this class; it extends up through the mid
dle class of sociely, and, if the truth could
told, comes tolerably near very many of
those who regarded themselves as the
“gentlemen” and “chivalry” of South
ern society in its palmy days, when every
high-born Southerner could attest his high
birth by “larruping his own nigger.”
The reason of the ignorance is plain
enough. No provision was ever made for
general education. The wealthy class de
pended upon private tutors or upon send
ing their children North. It is evident
that in this way only a small portion of
the population would be reached, and that
the education of those supporting this
system would bo imperfect and limited. It
was a most lamentable condition of affairs
for the people of a republic, and one that
would not hayo been tolerated a year in
any free State. But it was such as the
“ domestic institutions” of the South re
quired, and so it continued while genera
tion after generation grew up and passed
away in an ignorance that was a serious
reflection on the professed civilization of
any nation in the ninetecnthcentuiy. And
with the lack of education is necessarily
the lack of general intelligence. News
papers cannot he circulated, because they
cannot be read, and they are the great
educators of the public mind. They diffuse
constant information, and givo those who
will read an opportunity to bo thoroughly
conversant with all the topics of the day.
The ignorance among the mass of the
Southerners on subjects that aro familiar
to every school-boy at the North is pro
found, just for tho lack of that intelligence
which is carried by the press and obtained
from association with oducatcd people. As
a consequence, they ore under the control
of tho most bitter prejudices, which dema
gogues can cultivate at will, and appeals to
reason a r e as useless as lectures to the
wind.
Such is tho state of affairs that is to be
met. And the question that has puzzled
statesmen for some years, and still puzzles
them, is : “How shall it le met ? Is
there any system but a system of force
that will maintain law and order, and in
sure the security of life and property, and
sos fiord a chance for the development of
thJ country ?” It is a lamentable fact
that in so many instances whore the strong
arm of military power has beep with
drawn a very unsatisfactory stato of society
has ariseD, and tho lives and property of
those not in rebel sympathy aro put in
jeopardy every hour. Under such circum
stances no settled condition of society is
possiblo, hut anarchy and confusion must
eontinuo till some superior force shall re
store peace and order. It is a desperate
state of affairs, and the direct outgrowth
of the want of education. No intelligent
community would ever support a Ku-Klux
nr auy kindred organization. The Ku-
Klux of Now York is composed of an
ignorant rabble from over tho water, but
they havo lound the atmosphere of the
oitv altogether uncongenial to their tastes
and purposes.
There aro men at the South of sufficient
influence, no doubt, to control this dis
turbing element, if they would. They may
not have the same influence ns in former
times, yet they might have done much to
restore society to a peaceful condition in
the months following the war, and might
do much yet. But tho most of them have
preferred to sulk, forgetting the deep in
terest they and their families must havo
in all these matters, and clinging to the
“ Lost, Cause” with insane pertinacity. A
broad and intelligent view of the subject
would havo indicated a different course.
Unfortunately, for reasons indicated, these
men wero not prepared to take such a
view. But their opportunity has not en
tirely passed. If they would let slip their
bigotry and prejudice, ami undertake the
restoration of order in the outlawed sec
tions, in accordance with the principles
that, triumphed in the war, have been in
corporated into the Constitution, and en
dorsed by the Democratic party, they
might soon secure such an influence over
voters—colored voters especially—as to be
able to maintain strong governments of
law and order over every Southern State
without the necessity of interference on
the part of the General Government. But
if, on the other hand, they preter to nurse
their ignorant malice aud the “Lost
Cause,” there seems to he no alternative bu t
military rule till other generations shall
arise educated out of the prejudices and
follies of the present, and prepared for self
government.
The above is from the columns of the j
Philadelphia /Vess—Forney’s paper—and
is eminently characteristic of the editor of
that journal. An avowed enemy of the J
South—as unscrupulous as he is vindic- j
live —ho never allows an opportunity
for vilifying the people of this section j
to escape. His malignity is so thinly i
concealed, his malicious falsehoods so ;
easily exposed, his character so well knowD,
that it is hardly worth while noticing j
the insolence of a venal pap-sucker who j
retails calumny at so much per line, llis j
slanders arc easily disposed of and furnish
their own refutation. It is a fact well
known in this country andEEuropae —a fact |
which few travelers have failed to notice
and record—that the highest type of
American civilization is to be found in the
oountry extending from Baltimore to New
Orleans. The refinement and cultivation,
the generous hospitality, the “ chivalry ” j
of our Southern people were proverbial j
everywhere in the deys before the war.
No one knows this better, perhaps, than
the editor of the Pita; for while in
Washington City ho had an opportunity
to see some of our best gentlemen, and
though he could not imitate, he certainly
must have admired. .History, itself, gives
Forney the lie. From among the tribes
of ignorant barbarians he would lain have
people believe inhabit the Southern States,
came the best men in the nation, from
the time of Washington to the time of
Lee the South presents a record o!
which any nation in the world would
be proud. Nor can it be said tbit
many of these illustrious men sprang
from that wealthy class which Forney says
can alone afford the luxury of education.
In nine instances out of ten the great
men of the South have been the architects
of their own fortune.
Forney says that in the South “ news-
papers cannot be circulated because they
cannot be read, and they are the great
educators of the pubic mind.” They
are “the great educators of .the public
mind, and the highest degree of civiliza
tion will be found where there is the great
est number of printing presses. Let us
see, then, how the number of newspapers
in some Southern State—Georgia, for in
stance-will compare with the number in
a Northern State, Pennsylvania. In this
city, which claims a population of twenty
thousand, there are two morning papers,
or one to every ten thousand inhabitants.
In Philadelphia, whioh claims a popula-
tion of seven hundred thousand, there are
fifteen dailies, or one to every forty-six
' thousand inhabitants. Georgia has, in
i round numbers, one million inhabitants,
and fourteen daily papers, or oDe to every
seventy thousand. Pennsylvania claims
four million, and has thirty-four dailies,
| or one to every one hundred and seventeen
thousand. Tested in this way, bow does
i the education of the people of the two
■ States compare ?
I So much for the sneers and slanders of
the duress about education in the South-
The latter portion of his article we com
mend to thoso misguided persons who
have been led to imagine, from the re
ports of the utterances of Morton and
others at the receDt Radical caucus, that
the dominant party will adopt a more
liberal policy to the South. It exposes
very effectually the fallaciousness of the
hopes that, with the Radical party, the
spirit of vengeance has passed away. It
shows the only way in which they will at
tempt to perpetuate their power. With
them the vexed problem of reconstruction
has not yet been solved. In spite of all
the measures enacted to crush Democracy
at the South and secure the triumph of
Radicalism they have failed, and three
fourths of the Southern States would to
give an overwhelming majority to
the Democratic candidate for the Presi
dency. Some other plan must be devised.
Generous and conciliatory measures are to
bo rijected. Force must be employed
The leading organ of the party bold
ly announces the future programme.
Reason is to be discarded and the aid
of the bayonot invoked. The little rem
nant of civil liberty left us is to be stricken
down and martial law proclaimed. “There
seems to be no alternative but military
rule till other generations arise”—unless.
Unless what? Unless the Southern peo
ple cease their constitutional mode of re
sistance to the encroachments of Radical
ism. Uoless they submit without a mur
mur to be pillaged by the thieving carpet
baggers and scalawags who have usurped
tho oootrol of their affairs. Unless they
forget tho patriotism and the patriots of
the past. Unless, in short, they will con
sent to endure every species of insult and
injury which may be heaped upon them ;
will not try to effect, legally, a change of
rules ; will embrace tho doctrines and ex
ponents of the party of hate, they are
to bo considered rebellious and treated as
rebels. The announcement is made plain
ly and dcstinctly. We are ignorant, and we
must bo educated by the bayonet. We
are explicitly told what we may expect in
the event that Grant is re-elected, We
must see to it that he be not again
elected.
TUE ATGUSTA AND HARTWELL RAIL
-110 41).
Inferentially the impression is deducible
from 1 the communication signed “D."
that the CnaoNicLE & Sentinel is or has
been opposed to tho building of the
Augusta and Hartwell Railroad. This,
even by implication, wo are unwilling to
admit, because such an admission on our
part would do us injustice and falsify tho
reoord ot our paper in reference to an
enterprise which has evoked our warmest
sympathies, and received our heartiest
support. Tho Chronicle & Sentinel
has always earnestly and even persistently
advocated the building of this road, and
no one will rejoice more than the writer
when tho good work is commenced and
completed.
We wish it to bo distinctly understood,
however, that wc have no confidence in
George D. Chapman, because we believe
him to be an impecunious adventurer, with
out money or character. When, there
fore, this man, a bankrupt in capital and
reputation, spoke about building such a
railroad as the Augusta and Hartwell, the
idea was supremely absurd, and his specu
lative undertaking was looked upon as a
stupendous farce—nay, worse, as a huge
fraud.
“Rings” and “corners” for specula
tive and swindling purposes are so fre
quent in these degenerate days that it is
tho duty of the rross to warn the too con
fiding public against entrusting their money
to “developers” who como among them
to enrich themselves at the expense of the
people, without conferring any correspond
ing benefits.
Having disposed of ChapmaD, and given
briefly the reason of our opposition to him,
wc wish no reader of the Chronicle to do
us the injustice of thinking that we are in
different to the building of a road in which
the city of Augusta is deeply interested.
Wo want the Augusta and Hartwell
Railroad built, and that speedily. If Mr.
Underwood is the man for the under
taking, lot him begin the good work at
oneo, and he shall meet with no captious
opposition from this paper, but with an
honest and vigorous support.
Ausiista and Hart well Railroad.
Augusta, Ga., August 7, 1871.
Editors Chronicle <& Sentinel ■
I enclose you an extract from a letter
dated at New York, August 3d:
“ It is my pleasure to inform you that
“ the contract is signed. The parties
“ are strong and experienced. If the peo
“ pie along the line will 00-operato in sub
“ scriptions, right of tcaw, dec., the work
“ will be vigorously pushed to completion.
“ H. A. Underwood, Pres’t.”
Is it not timo now for us to stop throw
ing impediments in the way. and all hands
put our shoulders to the wheel and help
to build the road.
I hear that in a few days the Carolina
Railroad will get possession of the Augusta
& Macon Railroad, which will probably
have the effect of enhancing the value of
the stock. If such an effect is produced,
would it not be the part of wisdom on the
part of the City Council of Augusta to
dispose of the stock, and also that which
they own in the Charlotte, Columbia &
Augusta Railroad, and to invest the pro
ceeds in the stock of the Augusta & Hart
well —a road which will do more for the
advancement of the real interest of our
citv than both of said roads have done?
Let me express the hope that our friends
along the line will come forward with their
subscriptions. Under the resolution adopt
ed by the Company, they will not bo re
quired to pay their notes until the road
shall have been finished throrgh the re
spective counties in which they reside.
Let nothing prevent the right of way
i being freely given, for upon the generous
j offering of this will depend very much the
vigor wbich will animate the contractors
and the Board of Directors.
I trust we may depend upon your co
operation. The press is all powerful for
success or non-success.
Your obedient servant, D.
Good fob Geakt.— Gov. Geary stands
to his ground as to the bayonet election
law. “If Grant don't like my position,"
he remarked the other day to an inter
viewer, “ I can’t help it. As the Gov- j
ernor of this Commonwealth, I was bound
in my message to allude to that, and to
condemn the action of the general Govern
ment in using the marines at Philadelphia
daring the election of last year. I don’t
believe in that policy, and I never can be
made to believe in it. Had I the power,
I would give the South universal amnesty.
Then I would say, ‘You are pat upon
your good behavior. Hold your elections
in your owu way. Elect your own candi
dates. Let the elections be conducted
fairly. If you are not able to maintain
order, let yonr Governors or legislators
call upon me, and I will back them with
the whole strength of the Government.’ I
believe that would have done more to se
cure peace than anything else. Yon can’t
govern this people with the bayonet.
Whenever it comes to that, tbe Republic is
a failure, and we had better confess it.
The Methodist church of Sandersville
will have anew organ.
[for the chronicle a srntinel.l
Hon. B. H. Hill:
Sir— At the risk of exposure to public
criticism, I will elevate you to the simili
tude of a character whose detestation the
world s o r ator has clothed with immortali-
ty, and in his language ask, “ How long,
oh, Catiline, will you abuse our patience?”
lour winding way since and even before
the war has gratified your enemies aDd
moitified your friends, but your last impo
sition upon Southern forbearance, in your
late speech at Athens, robs silence of its
virtue, and makes comment a necessity.
Treachery, in all its forms, its combinations
and its motives, from the creation of Adam
to the momert in whi.-h I make the decla
ration, never not only had an advocate,
but never found a defender. Even the
beneficiaries under the treason always de- i
spised the traitor. On the other hand,
Truth —and I mean by it that comprehen
sive significance which includes integrity
of character in all the social and political
relations of life, whether in business, in
pleasure, in the private citizen or the pub
lic official, in those holding power and those
desiring its possession, at home or abroad,
in society or out of society—never had an
enemy. Jlany characters arc without it
as a foundation, but i>m>n L
mage at its shrine. It is not always the
road to success in temporal matters, but
even falsehood would barter all its earn
ings to have a place in her holy temple.
These general observations are made pre
liminary to the comments I propose upon
the infamous doctrine of your late speech,
and the vile slanders you have heaped
upon a people noted in the past for the
nobility of their practical effic’ency in
the social and political relations of life.
The Southern people, certainly, never had
a superior, if they ever had a rival, in all
that constitutes greatness. The elevated
feelißgs of the statesman, the high-minded
principles of the patriot, and an ardent de
votion to the cause of liberty and the
rights of man, have ever been the marked
and distinguishing difference between
them and the nation of speculators who
have lately proved, with the help of for
eign aid, their superiors in the field.
You have been pleased, in a public ad
dress, to announce to the too anxious lis
teners that "the South has been driven back
from the marching column of social and
national progress,” and you have discovered
the cause in the institution of slavery. I
agree neither with your facts or your phil
osophy—and I appeal to tho history of the
Government to show how little credit can
be given to one who thinks ho has, discov
ered the future greatness of Georgia in an
utter ignoring of the past, and educating
the youth to emulate the nation whose
greatness in engines and furnaces may be
traced in broken obligations and the plun
der of the publio treasury. Another item
in your bill of indictment against tho land
of your nativity is that “we ignored the
claims of tho mechanical classes.” Here
again you are at fault, and I cannot ac
count tor it upon any other ground than
that to vindidate your defamation it was
necessary to pervert your facts. First,
then, in the social relations of life, do you
really think the South inferior to the
North? In manners—how stands it?
Tako the female character of the two sec
tions. If I could blind your vision to the
fascination of place which you have never
occupied, but which by no means has
cooled the ardor of your desire, I would
even make you a witness upon the respec
tive merits of the social progress of the
manners of the two sections. My habit of
thought, as well as the walk of my life,
causes me to curb any vindictive feelmg I
may entertain towards a peoplo who have
done injustice to their own kind and kin
dred, and who continue to heap upon us
wrongs innumerable, but even the “charity
that suffercth loug aud is kind" makes mo
demand upon me to elevate them above
their deserts or sink my own people below
their merit. I can readily understand the
l’ormation of opinion, if I could as easily
discover the motive —even the distortion of
facts can be made to harmonize with the
propelling power of self-love and self-in
terest, and while truth itself is unyielding
and unbending, individual opinions may
accord with theories, based as they sup
pose upon facts, which they see through
other mediums than those who investigate
for the truth’s sake. We are, even in this
corrupt age, still under the injunction
'fudge not," though we are not without
the privilege of examining tho fruits to
discover the nature.of the tree. In your
oase the publio have no fruits in the char
acter of your past life to discover or
determine the integrity of your intention
or the purity of your motive. One day ele
vated to the standard of true etateman
ship—the next herding with those whose
highest idea is self-aggrandisement at the
public expense ; one hour eloquently dis
coursing upon our rights—advising non
intercourse with the reptiles who fatten
upon our misfortunes; tho next ban
queting with these miserable vampires,
who hold hellish orgies around the bat
tlements of tho Constitution —with
a corrupt judiciary as their associ
ates to sanction aDy plunder they may
commit upon the publio treasury, or
any infringement they may make to shock
public propriety—you have no right to
seek shelter under, or ask protection of,
that charity whose ample folds might have
hidden your transgressions, if it claimed
not to hold no joy in iniquity but to re
joice in the truth. The South, inferior to
the North in the social relations of life—
such a sediment, at such a time, and from
such an oracle—its enunciation is ridiculous,
its publication criminal. The free-love and
the woman’s right section to be given the
priority over the Southern character (1
speak not of individuals), whose corner
stone is purity and whose strengthening
brace is a modest propriety of what is
recognized as woman’s true position. The
opportunities made public and from which
alone the public can judge from, not even
a data to suggest a comparison between
the two sections and individual inter
course furnish us little, much less to justify
a Southern man to hold up his section as
inferior, and “driven back from the march
ing column of social progress.” But man
ners alone do not constitute the only ele
ment in social progress. Morals lam
aware is or ought to be the foundation
upon which to build society. The com
parison even here, with all due difference
to your publicly expressed opinion, can
never make the true friends of the South
to blush or be ashamed. Individual cases
ot crime will oecui in all communities, but
they are uot the true indices of tbe public
morality. But the general standard in
which virtue is held points unerringly to
the character ot a people, and proc'airas
their purity or the want of it. No intelli
gent man, who has any respect- for his
reputation, will hesitate to give to the
South a higher rank in the scale of
purity, whether in their teachings or their
practice, than belongs to the North. Take
i the pulpit—in what age was it ever more
i degraded or prostituted than it is at pres
ent at the North ? With some honorable
j exceptions, every denomination of Christ
! ians is as leprous with the sin of malice,
! envy, hatred and uncharitibleness as wag
! the Israelite, with tne loathsome disease,
who thought his case incurable until the
teachings from the Mount discovered to
him a power wherein he might be made
clean; and I fear the same power will be
requisite to cleanse a people whom you
have elevated above your native land in
social progress. The philanthropist and
the Christian finds cause to weep over tbe
decadence of Christian leaching, propriety
and practice that pervades Northern
society, and the friends of true progress
lament over the shadow of protertanism
which their own bad conduct has caused
and which will take half a century of
genuine Godly piety to illume.
In statesmanship the comparison causes
no blight upon Southern pride. The
Washingtons, Henrys, Pinckneys, Jeffer
; sons, Madisons, Calhouns, Clays and
Crawfords will compare with even
the Webster?, Bincrofts, Storeys,
j Chandlers. Yates, Morriseys and Mor*
j tons. Ia warriors, the first revolution
1 produced none superior to Washing
ton and Green. Our last revolution
tion had no character superior to Lee,
among our enemies, and our own army
tolerated none so infamous as Logan, I
might allude to the measures of our
| statesmen in shaping the policy of
our government and its purity as
long as they controlled; bat I fear
I have already tresDassed upon the
patience of the public in holding
up your opinions to their scorn and con
tempt. I must not forget to point yon to
the exports of the country to vindicate the
South from vonr willful, wanton attack
upon their energy and their industry.
Whatever of wealth the North possesses'is
traceable to the exclusive benefits they
have derived in moulding the policy and
managing the finances of the Government.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESHY MORNING, AUGUST 16, 1871.
If you are really ignorant of the statistical
facts connected with the subject (and to
suppose that youare is more compliment
ary to your character than to award you
knowledge), I would advise you to give
seme attention to the workings of the sys
tem. Yon will be astonished to find that
I three-fourths, if not sewen-eighths, of all
the appropriations made by Congress have
been expended in the North, aid the class
legislation has inured to the capital and
industry of the Northern section, and that
often at the expense of Southern produc
tions. Your other proposition that we ig
nored the mechanical classes has neither
the solidity or even the semblance of truth.
Every observing man could but notice the
apparent fact that in the South there was )
less of that distinction ia society than j
there was at the North, or in any country
where the capitalists aud the laborers were
of the same race. That there should be |
distinctions in the one more than where
slavery exists is founded upon principles
apparent to any who reflects, and to all
who think. When was it ever known
that a Northern capitalist ever gave to a
laborer the hospitalities of his house?
When in the South was it ever conceived
to refuse it to the mechanic or to the
day laborer? Individual instances may
have occurred where labor was look
ed upon as degrading, but the many
at the South have always held it in
honorable appreciation. I regret that the
subject is so prolific as to prevent full jus
tice in so limited a
be enabled to judge of the incorrectness
of the defamation you have heaped upon
your own, your native land, and if you are
not led to detract, I envy not the reflec
tions which disappointed ambition may
yet have to indulge. I have been so out
raged at the injustice you have inflicted
upon a people with more marked and dis
tinguishing virtues in their character than
any the sun ever shown upon, that I have
found my pen verging to invective, with
every desire to be moderate and every de
termination to be just. You must not
expect to escape criticism ; your changes
have been so sudden ; your opinions have
so fluctuated as to bewilder some; to as
tonish others, and to wound all without
any other interpretation than their sud
denness, and totality have, at least, the
appearance of a charm if not the merit of a
miracle.
When I read your speech I turned to
the first speech tfiat was delivered before
the societies forty-three years ago, the
Bth day of this month (August), and I was
struck with the almosu prophecy of this
sentence ;
“ What country was ever more respect
ed for its wisdom? When was the science
of Government better understood ? When
were institutions more flourisliing or laid
in a deeper sense of equal rights? When
were a people more united and affection
ately devoted to the common interest?
When were intelligence, wealth and re
finement more rapidly increasing, until
the visionary project of making a nation
of weavers maddened the statesmen of
America, and vvliat lias boon the conse
quence of this wayward infatuation ?
Ail that was proud in sentiment, lofty
in character, and dignified in council have
been given up to drapers and woolstaplers,
and we are now drifting to some unknown
catastrophe, pregnant with every thing
but safety.”
In contrasting the sentiments of this
first orator with yours, I must not forget
to remind you that the South, with all its
want of energy, fought successfully against
the North, with the advantages ot Ger
many and other portions of continental
Europe, not only by men and munitions
furnished, but the advantages of every
new improvement in all the appliances of
successful warfare, while we were block
aded and dependent upon our own energies,
and our own inventive genius, and when
overpowered with numbers and compelled
to surrender, we returned to the avoca
tions with our capital as it were taken
away; in many places onr houses burnt;
our farms laid waste; our cattle and hogs
destroyed, and our people disheartened,
and yet in less than four years our cotton
crop sustains the credit of the Government
that has robbed us. This is not all; one
of Southern birth holds her up to the
scorn and contempt of her worst enemy
on an occasion too sacred for the utterance
of the slander if it had been true. Could
sliame demand a deeper blush or infamy a
deeper brand ? I must not let the occasion
pass to warn my fellow-citizens against
your teachings. In reviewing their past
history they need no commentation to
point them to an institution, sanctioned
in every age, by every religion, almost co
equal with creation, and authorized by
the Diety Himself, as the cause of their
misfortunes. The only duty of the South
is to be true to themselves; forego the
luxuries of wealth for a season ; maintain
your own high integrity of character; re
member the hallowed associations of the
past; be vigilant; be moderate; be vir
tuous, and truthful, not carried away by
every wind or doctrine or deceived by
every unprincipled seducer of your confi
dence or betrayer of your trust, and yon
will yet have the proud satisfaction of in
scribing upon your successful banner “per
angusta ad augusta," “ through troubles
to grandeur.” “ Georgia.”
Crops in Morgan.
Editors Chronicle & Sentinel:
You and your readers are, I presume,
enough like the great philosoper (?) and
agriculturist of New York to take some in
terest in the crops throughout the country
and to know something of their condition.
I write this to inform you how they are
and what will be their probable yield in
this portion of the State.
My estimate will be based partly on per
sonal observation and partly on opinions
and reports made to me by prominent
planters. The wheat crop in this section
was, as you doubtless have already heard,
almost a total failure. The eottOD crop,
as a general thing, is not good. It will
compare with that of last year in the ratio
of two to three —that is, about two-thirds
as much will be made,provided the seasons
hereafter are favorable. The corn, where
it has been well cultivated, promises an
average orop. In most places, however,
it was not worked as it should have beeD.
The attention that it ought to have re
ceived was given to cotton. The result is
that the corn crop will, be diminished at
least one-fourth, if not more. Many are
oomplaining of a propensity to idleness on
tbe part of the negro laborers. They pre
fer to fish, hunt and frolic rather than at
tend to their business. And it is a fact
that their labor, instead of becoming more
reliable and satisfactory, is annually grow
ing more and more precarious and pro
voking.
A lively interest in politics is manifested
by all. The people, who at first were
somewhat deluded by the “ New Depart
ure ” theory, are fast becoming acquainted
with the real designs of its originators, and
now nearly every one denounces in un
measured terms this ignominious deser
tion of the grand old principles of our
Government, as expounded by the Jeffer
sonian school. They are indebted in no
small degree (and they frankly admit it)
for their light on this subject to the bold
and decided opposition ot your paper, and
the deep, statesmanlike and convincing
articles from the pen of the illustrious po
litical head of the Atlanta Sun,
Yours, etc., F.
Healthful Drinks.—For the benefit
of our readers who are compelled to labor
out doors in the scorching rays of the sud,
we append below a few of tbe drinks said
to be least harmful. The practice of in
discriminate di inking is most injurious,
and should be avoided. The safest of all
drinks is cold water, a little at a time,
taken at short intervals. lee water is
dangerous when taken by those who are
not accustomed to it. B jttermilk is a safe
and wholesome drink. A pint of molasses
to a gallon of cold water makes a good
drink, as also does a lemon to a half gallon
of water, with a capful of sugar added. A
thin gruel made of corn or oats also slakes
the thirst and strengthens the body. A
pint of garden grapes, berries or currants,
to a gallon of cold water, makes a healthful
and agreeable drink. The best of all
drinks for the healthy or the invalid is
pure cold water. Gold water tfpplied to
the head abates thirst and refreshes. A
piece of silk placed between the head and
top of the hat is a protection against the
sun.
Mr. Gregory, M. P., for the Irish
county of Galway, who may be remem
bered as tbe advocate of the interests of
the Confederate States in IS6I-65, has
been appointed Governor of the Island of
Ceylon- This is one of the most valuable
colonial appointments within the gift of
the British Government. The net salary
- is $35,000 a year, with fees that swell the
{income to something princely.
Mountain Bceuy ot Nortbeast
Ueqia.
Letter’o. 3.
[FOR the CHRONIC & SENTINEL 1
CLARKSVILLE, G, July 27, 1871.
Editors Chronicle & tilind :
Among the variou influences which
tend to heighten the trinsic attractions
of visual objects not je least potent is
the principle of contn —or farther elabo
rating the term in reion to the present
case—dissimilitude itie appearance, na
ture, effects cf two olets combined with
proximity in tho fieltpither of the men
tal or of the phyal eye—overlaying
their original with a browed and mutual
charm, allowing no buties to escape the
observer’s sight, but towing back, stereo
typing upon his minrtheir every linea-
ment, from which— from the sun-lit
border ot some cumulai.cloud —scintillate
the roseate rays of33tbetic splendor.
And where can the pciple have greater
sway than in the conist between moun
tain and valley ; heit and extension :
hoary cliff towering oft, and peaceful
plain nestling benea its rugged foot!
Let him who woulenjoy a fino view,
that is, a view, pass Nar— — v
and toil up to the topc' Yonan ; which
I had the pleasure of 'obg again last
Monday.
Passing out of Clarksve on the west
ern side across the Soqt on our way
ferfling also the Chattahcbee River and
Duke’s Creek —on the latr of which gold
mining is being carried oi-after a ride of
three hours, at a moderatpace, wo arrive
at Yonah Mountain; situed formerly in
Habersham, but now in tl comparatively
new county of White, at he distance of
fourteen miles by road fan the town ;
though in a direct line it fluid be perhaps
two miles less, as we haveo skirt around
from the eastern to the irthern side of
the mountain, in order toeach the usual
ascending path, riding thrtgh the valiey
on nur way.
Nacoochee Valley is sai to have de
rived its name from an Jdian Princess
who here, in her mountD home, met
with a sad and untimely en. The legend
has been written about andianded around
so much already that I wi only give the
merest thread ot an outlincgathered from
the writings and the lips ohtbers. There
are two conflicting stories, he one claimed
to be authentic runs in tSs wise : The
young affections of Naciotaee were won
by a youthful Romeo of snoher tribe, but
the stem papa frowned ipm the match ;
whereupon the faithful mailen and her
adventurous lover betotk tiemselves to
flight, yet with even lea sujeess than at
tended the Chief of Ulca’s file and fair
Lord Ullin’s daughter ; for being pursued
by the implaoable parsnt, and soon over
taken, the young alien, with his hands
tied behind his back, was crudly hurled
from the precipice «f Yonah, and his
would-be-wife—tiuo oven in th» hour ol
death—threw herselfover the clifito share
the same fate with him. According to
the other version, dhrrng a plaguo which
was raging in all its fury and making
havoc among the inhabitants of the vale,
the soothsayers and magicians announced
that nothing would stay its ravages but
the sacrifice of a mailen of the tribe, when
forthwith Nacoochee, with all the devo
tion of a Curtins offered herself and was
immolated on tho altar of patriotism.
There are three hemispheroidal mounds
of earth to be seen in the valley, and it is
supposed, aiod with good evidence, that
the aborigines mado one or two of these
hillocks, and one is supposed to be the
bona fide burial-place of Nacoochee. In
them Indian relics have boen found, such
as pottery, bones and pieces of gold.
As we reach the entrance of the valley,
it is seen as an extended plain, varying
(in rough numbers) from a half to three
quarters of a mile in breadth, and perhaps
three or four miles long. Imagine the
level surface covered with a carpet of green
in ono direction; while in another vou
may picture the newly out grass standing
iu Leaps ; hay and fodder stacked in the
fields; the laborers at work, some mow
ing the grain or threshing that already cut,
others plowing the still growing crop of
coin. Advancing farther into the valley
wo seem now to be surrounded by the
high hills and mountains on every side.
The valley has a number of inhabitants,
and one or two ornamental residences are
in pioeess of construction. Riding through
this lovely vale, which I will not now at
tempt farther to describe, we at last arrive
at the foot of the mountain—Yonah,
which being interpreted signifies “ the
Bear.”
It is practicable to ride up tie foot for
a short distance ; accordingly we drive on
up the road until we reach its intersection
with the path which will emy us up to
the top of the mountain. We stick to the
path, for you may be lost on a mountain
as well as anywhere else, wbet it is as this
one, thickly wooded. One zould follow
his nose with the determination to keep
ascending, and arrive at the top eventu
ally ; but we want to take the easiest
route, and on the downward narcb arrive
at the point we came from. On Yonah
the path is one continual asemt, though
it forms at certain places tie arc of a
spiral around tho huge cone. So “here
we go up, up, up I" but not at one rush ;
it is a two hours walk, the path is steep,
the rocks be thick around; ard higher up
are some small pebbles about the dimen
sions of young houses. Nowand then we
stop to rest, throwing ourielves down
upon the natural seats of grarite. or upon
the softer lap of mother earth Part the
way up, perhaps a third, s a spring,
which does not, however, give as plentiful
a supply of water as one wouli like. Here
we cut staves, with these in oir hands we
feel like real mountaineers, tnd push on
up the height; finally, “wi ll many a
weary step and many a groai,” we near
the top, and hear our friends welcoming
U3 above—for several parties vere od the
mountain that day, and had preceded us
in tho ascent. Now we are with them,
not at the summit proper, but it the point
where the best view is obtained of the
surrounding country. Some <f us after
wards ascended to the very tap, for there
is no motto like “Excelsior,” yet there is
little to hi seen on the apex of the conical
heap. To apply the term apex, it is
rather blunt —enough so to buid a house
upon it. The trees are small lere, while
below on the slopes I saw tome of the
largest specimens—one poplar, I remem
ber, was four feet in diameter. I presume
that the trees in this exposed position on
top are stunted by the raging ot the ele
ments, which must here have full play.
We return to the observatory, where we
are on the northern side of the mountain ;
this side presents a perpendicular descent;
the mountain here consists of solid granite
of a good quality ; and 1 thought how
valuable this seemingly inexhaustible
quarry would be if it were near Augusta
to beautify its streets and buildings.
It has been stated that Ycnah is two
thousand eight hundred and ninety-four
(2,894) feet above ocean level. The view
from it is certainly grand. The greatly
increased horizon gives a widely extended !
view ; valley joins valley, and mountains
above mountains rise ; as if an ocean,
lashed into fury by the goading cf the
wmds, had risen in its might ; and when
at the acme ol its power had been stricken
j in an instant—petrified, rendered solid
and motionless, leaving the green waves
still standing as they stood.
North and somewhat east is that part
of the lowlacds through which we passed
—Nacoochee, We see the houses scatter
ed here and there, as large as so many
pigeon boxes ; the fields of different kinds
of crops, which, being of dinereot shades
and arrangements, look like garden beds;
roads wind about like narrow paths ; a
man below would appear no more than an
inch or two high. Opposite is a cunning
little valley almost encircled by a moun
tain which bends its arm around it. Other
peaks and knobs continue to arise one be
hind the other, as we gaze farther and
farther out. What a terrific scene it must
have been, when the earth, as if some
gigantic monster in the agonies of death —
with groans and wailings—had her hard
ened crust heaved and crumpled, like so
much paper in an infant s hand—moved by
tbe irresistible forces, which were warring
within.
Over sixty miles southwest is the
rounded form of Stone Mountain, looking
through the mists like a spectre ia the
distance. Tnirty miles nearly west is
Currahee ; while Tray, the kiog and giant
of the range, stands nobly and plainly be
fore us. The village of Cleaveland, seven
miles away, is seen to the left. Smoke
rises far away behind the hills.
We were highly favored by the weather
until two o’clock, or thereabout, when we
saw the rain passing down in torrents
among the monntains far away; the white
sheet continued to approach until Yonah
itself became enveloped in its folds. We
hurried down to the spring, and making a
virtue of a necessity, took our lunch-basket
from a limb where it bad been left hang
ing among the bushes to protect it from
the attacks of pigs ; and then proceeded
to do—what I had never attempted before
to eat our dinner in a heavy rain, being
partially protected by a fine eld tree, of
whose shelter we made the best we could.
The rain finally ceases, aDd in quick
time—often in double quick—“ now we go
down, down, downy!” The foot is reached,
whence homeward we wend our way.
Rusticus.
GEORGIA TOLITICS.
INAUGURATION OF A Till HD
PARTY MOVEMENT IN THE
SOUTH.
HOW BEN HILL WAS CONVERTED.
The Southern Republicans to be Handed
Over to a New Party— Threatened Be
trayal of Grant —The Election for
President to be Thrown Into Congress.
{Correspondence of the New York Herald.]
Atlanta, Ga,, August 1, 1871.—Con
siderable interest must before many months
attach to this State by reason of a political
movement now in process of inauguration
which threatens the existence of both
political parties, and the success of which
depends upon the adroitness of the chief
wire pullers.
Bat before entering into the details of
this movement it is best to tell the story
of its inception. You may remember
that not many weeks ago Simon Cameron
and some other Radical politicians were
here and that a banquet was tendered them
by their political brethren. At this ban
quet appeared Ben Hill—the redoubtable
Ben —to the ''ery great surprise of every
body. Ben also mado a speech, in which
he declared that he had never been a
Democrat, and added that it he had ever
said anything to indicate sympathy with
the “ unterrified ” it was purely a slip of
the tongue. But Ben could not deny that
he had abused ex-Governor Joe Brown,
excoriated Bullock and flayed the Radi
cals generally during that memorable cam
paign, beginning with the passage of the
reconstruction laws and ending with the
election of Grant. At the aforementioned
dinner Ben had hobnobbed with Joe
Brown, iraternized with Bullock and
drank wine with Cameron- Yc shades of
departed reconstruction, why was this
thus? Herein hangs a tale.
akerman’s “opinion.”
Now, what I shall write is merely what
is said here, and pretty generally said, in
political circles- Asa consequence, if the
statements be incorrect, you must blame
the on dit, not me. But to the story. It
was alter the passage of tho election law
of last year that the State election was
held in Georgia. Attorney General Aker
man gave an opinion concerning the mean
ing and intent ot the law for the special
benefit of his friends in this (his) State.
It was a clear case of heads Radicals win
and tails Democrats lose. No matter how
you read the opinion it operated against
the Democracy. Bayonets wero to bo om
nipotent, no person was to be allowed
within ever so many feet, or yards, or
miles (I forgpt which), of the polls after
voting, and no person was to be chal
lenged under any circumstances whatever.
Thus, when the Radicals imported num
erous negroes from Tennessee, bringing
them free of charge over the State Rail
road from Chattanooga, they were allowed
to vote unmolested, and the beauties of
the election law wero exhibited to their
delight.
FOSTER BLODGETT SPREADS HIS NET.
Well, the campaign opened. Mr. Fos
ter Blodgett, who claims to be a United
States Senator from Georgia, made a sig
nificant speech in Augusta. He referred
to the fact that he had been an old line
Whig, an opposer of secession and a
stanch Unionist, and he called upon the
former Whigs to join him in a “new de
parture,” intimating strongly that the
time had arrived tor a reorganization of
parties. To make tho matter short,
Blodgett’s speech was the inauguration of
a luovoment which was to the
old line Whigs into a net of Radical manu
facture and hand them over to Cameron
& Cos.
BEN. HILL GETS CAUGHT.
After delivering his speech Blodgett
came to Atlanta, and a few days later Ben
Hill followed him. Up to this time Hill
had been Blodgett’s especial aversion,
and Blodgett had been like unto a polecat
or a skunk in the nostrils of Hill. It would
make your blood run cold if I were to re
peat all the amiable things which these
gentlemen had publicly said of each other.
Had the days of chivalry not departed
when Lee surrendered under the ever me
morable and historical apple tree there
would have been pistols without coffee,
and villianous saltpetre would most as
suredly have been burned between these
gentlemen. The one, however, wouldn’t
fight, and the other didn’t want to, so each
contented himself with wordy abuse of
the other. Considering what bitter per
sonal enemies they were, it was more
than passing strange that when Hill ar
rived in Atlanta he should send a verbal
message to Blodgett requesting an inter
view. Foster, the story runs, replied, de
clining to see Ben, unless that individual
addressed him a note, written in his own
chirograpliy, asking for an interview.
This precaution, Blodgett averred, was ne
cessary, because unless he had the request
in black and white Hill would not hesi
tate, at some future time, to swear upon
the biggest stack of Bibles that could be
got together that he had never, even in
dreams, held communication or sought an
interview with the Augnsta sage. This
was rather rough on Ben, but lie seems to
have swallowed the affront, because, as is
stated, on the following Sundav, while
Blodgett was engaged in prayer at the
Baptist church, a letter was handed him
in his pew, which letter came from Ben.
With the coveted “ black and white ” in
his possession Blodgett had his old adver
sary in his power, beyond the chance of
his wriggling out. What transpired at
the interview will appear hereafter, but a
few days later Ben came out in a letter,
declaring that the political situation had
changed, and advising the whites not to
be restricted to party candidates, but to
vote for negroes or whites as they deemed
the most honest—rather hinting in favor
of the colored man. This was a bomb
shell in the Democratic ranks. Had Bob
Toombs declared himself in favor of Fred
Douglass for the next President, it could
scarcely Lave excited more surprise.
UNSAVORY ANTECEDENTS.
That there was a little game at the bot
tom of this sudden conversion was evi
dent, and it was not long before the whole
thing became known. Although Ben
Hill had taken a prominent part in the
reconstruction excitement he had never
been trusted by the mass of the Democ
racy. After the secession of Georgia he
was elected a Confederate States Senator
to gratify the old Whig element, and his
career in the Senate was not altogether
satisfactory. For instance, in secret ses
sion he denounced the Conscript law as
unconstitutional, and immediately after,
hearitg that Joe Brown,_ the then Gov
ernor, held the same opinion, he hurried
to Milledgeville, the capital, and made a
speech to the Legislature, pitching into
Joe right and left for asserting that the
law was not constitutional. Then again
he tried to revive the old sedition bill ot
John Q tincy Adams, which, by the way,
was the origin of his row with W. L.
Yancey, of Alabama, On the whole, the
Democracy didn’t believe in Ben ; hence,
no matter how much talking he might do
for them, they would not confer office up
on him. As an old line Whig he had con
sequently seized the opportunity for a
new departure.
PROGRAMME OF THE BUSY B’s.
The programme was simply this : Ben,
Bullock, Blodgett, Brown & Cos. entered
into a political copartnership. Under the
wording of Akerman’s opinion they felt
every confidence in their ability to carry
'Georgia, but they perceived that their
triumph would be transient unless they
could seduce the old Whig element into
their ranks. Bullock did not, and never
| did, possess any influence whatever.
Brown’s double game during the recon
struction period had loEt him all the in
fluence he ever possessed. Ben Hill,
I however, had made many friends by op
| posing negro suffrage and was believed to
be very strong among the whites- The
! plan, therefore, was thatpfter the election
! there should be anew deal. A sort of
i Conservative Republican party was to be
formed and Ben was to be its candidate
for Governor, the understanding being
that he was to take care of Brown, Bul
lock, Blodgett and the rest.
A SUDDEN COLLAPSE.
The idea that Hill’s sadden conversion
would draw many white voters over to the
Republicans was entirely dissipated by the
election. In spite of the election law and
Akerman’s opinion, the Democrats swept
the State by an enormous majority, elect
ing four-fifths of the Lower House of the
Legislature and more than two-thirds of
the Senate. Things now began to look
serious for the ring. The old Legislature,
manufacture! by Congress, had authorized
the Governor to lease the State Road, an
important railway from Atlanta to Chatta
nooga. A ring was formed to get posses
sion of the property. Doe Brown resigned
the position of Chief Justice ot tho State
to enter it, and he, Bullock, Hill, Cam
eron, Delano ryrd others, were granted a
lease for twenty years.
RAILROADS AS POLITICAL WEAPONS.
About the same time as the Western
and Atlantic (the State Road) was turned
over to the ring the Pennsylvania Central
Railroad stepped in and obtained eontroi
of. the “Air Line” and other important
railways in the State. There seems to be
no doubt that this sudden interest of
Pennsylvania capitalists in the railway
interest of Georgia arises from politics.
Senator Cameron is said to be at the bot
tom ol the “little game,” but whether he
is working for Grant or for Cameron, or
for somebody else, has not yet been ascer
tained. It is certain, however, that the
political machinery is at work. The State
Road is in the hands of a clique, so is the
Air Line, and so on to tho end of tho
chapter.
A NEW MOVEMENT.
At the present writing the ring has be
gun anew movement, and one which, if
skilfully manipulated, may strengthen it.
iLhM Jiecpnia dwd°dbt.r n rawiu\lige.-M‘'i
“ new departure.” Ben Hill has been laid
aside for the time berng and Joe Brown
brought to the front. A complete reor
ganization of parties is proposed by the
ring. Bullock is hard at work patronizing
the “new departure” Democrats, not only
with a view to preventing his impeach
ment, but also in accordance with the pre
arranged plan. The design is to carry the
entire Republican party over to the con
servative Democrats, first forcing Alexan
der H. Stephens and Bob Toombs to
assume the leadership of those Democrats
who insist upon opposition to the amend
ments to the Constitution. For this project
to meet with success it will be necessary to
get the recognized Democratic leaders here
to reject thoir party platform—something
exceedingly difficult of accomplishment, in
view of the fact that, although the mass of
the whitep agree with the sentiments ex
pressed by Mr. Stephens, they doubt the
good policy of adhering to them in opposi
tion to the Northern Democracy, and are
not in favor of “ bolting.”
A THIRD PARTY —MEDITATED TREACHERY.
What is more important than anything
else in the ring movement here is the fact
that it was inspired from the North, and
is nothing loss than a meditated treachery
to the Republican party. So far as I can
understand, it is a blow aimed at Grant,
as well as at the Democracy. The fact is
that it is a “ third party” movement, de
signed to throw the election for President
into the hands of the politicians in Con
gress, Thus far the Radical platform, as
adopted by State conventions, is illiberal
toward the South. Universal amnesty
has been refused, and the chances are ten
to one that Grant will be nominated on a
platform which refuses it; On the other
hand, a majority of the Southern Demo
crats do not relish the "new departure.”
You Will thus peroeive how plausible will
be the claim of the ring that it repre
sents the conservative element of the
South. It is an easy matter to carry the
Southern Republicans, horse, foot and
dragoons, over to a third party. Tho ne
groes will follow their leaders without
hesitation, and their leaders will go when
ever there is a chance for official plunder.
To prevent an election by the peoplo the
vote of the South is necessary. A third
party movement in the North would give
the Democrats Pennsylvania, Ohio and
Indiana beyond a doubt; but a similar
movement in the South would be support
ed by tho Republicans en masse, and might
cause a split in the Demooratio ranks, thus
giving every Southern State to the new
party, and consequently preventing any
candidate obtaining a majority of the
electoral vote.
A FEW INDICATIONS.
Such, lam assured, is the meaning of
tho present man«»uvros of Bullock, Brown
and Hill. That it is plausible none will
deny. It was begun in the South, becauso
here it would command but little attention
in the North until after the Republicans
nominated the : r ticket next year. Ob
serve how conservative the Republicans
are in every Southern State—how directly
in opposition they are to the principal
planks of tho platforms adopted by their
party friends in other States. Note, also,
how they aro wooing the old line Whigs of
the South, and you will perceive at onee
thegamc they are playing. Wbat chance of
election to the Presidency would Grant
have from Congress? None whatever.
Who, then, is Cameron in favor it? It is
hard to say. There is a big political con
spiracy at work which aims to smash
both the old parties, and that its focus
should be in Georgia is not more surpris
ing than that it should be headed by men
who are regarded as the warmest sup
porters of Grant, and also by men who
were but yesterday red-hot Democrats. A
scrub race for the Presidency is in prospect
unless this conspiracy breaks down by
reason of its rascally component parts
quarreling among themselves before the
hour for action oomes.
NO REPUBLICAN PARTY IN GEORGIA.
So far as Georgia is concerned there is
no Republican party in this State. Bul
lock has “ gone back on it,” Brown don’t
recognize it, and all the other leaders, big
fish and sardines alike, repudiate it. All
are in favor of the “ new departure,” and
the late Republican party in Georgia is
now known as the “new departurist”—
whatever that may mean. True enough,
the so-called Republican organ here—a
very ably edited paper, by the way—still
keeps the name of Grant at the head of
its editorial page; but its politics are de
cidedly conservative, and are anything else
than in accord with the platform of the
Ohio Radicals, and the sentiments of Sen
ators Sherman and Morton. In fact, the
Republican party here is as dead as a door
nail; and I may say that, excepting South
Carolina and Missississippi, it seems to be
equally as defunct i.i every other South
ern State. A few more months will tell
the story, and I shall be surprised if the
narration is at all satisfactory either
to President Grant or to the Radical party
of the North.
[From the New York World ]
Death of Fhiebe Cary.
The iriends of the Cary sisters will be
pained, though not surprised, to learn
that Phoebe Cary died in Newport, Rhode
Island, on Monday night. From a touch
ing sketch of her elder sister, written by
her but a few weeks ago for a paper called
the Ladies' Repository , we gather some
particulars of her early life. The sisters
were the daughters of Robert and Eliza
beth Cary. The father was a farmer.
His place, which had been reclaimed from
the original wilderness, was about eight
miles north of Cincinnati, and lying in the
Miami Valley. Here Alice was born ia
1820, and Phoebe five years later. They
grew up simple country girlp. They owed
most of their early education to their
mother, who appears to have been a wo
man of unusual intelligence. They saw
few books or newspapers, but, wandering
as they did daily amid the piofuresque
scenes ot the Miami Valley, acquired that
familiarity with, and fondness for nature
which showed themselves so pleasantly in
their writings in after years.
Before they had ripened into woman
hood they were contributing poems and
sketches to one of the Cincinnati weekly
papers. Their literary efforts attracted
the notioe of Dr. Bailey, of the National
Era , published at Washington, and they
were invited to write for his columns.
The first money Alice earned with her
pen ($10) came from that journal. In
1850 tfae sisters ventured upon their first
volume, a collection of their poetical writ
ings gathered from various sources, which
they christened “Poems of Alice and
Ph»be Cary.” It was published by a
Philadelphia house. Os the contents one
third were furnished by tho younger si6-
ter.
In the summer following they resolved
upon the bold step of coming to New
York, “after the manner of children in
the story-book, to ‘seek their fortune.’ ”
Os this epoch in their lives Phoebe wrote :
“Many sad and trying changes had come
to the family, and home was not what it
had been. They had comparative youth,
though they were much older in years
than in experience and knowledge of the
world; they had pleasant visions of a
home and name that might be earned in
literary labor; and so the next spring the
bold venture was made. Living in a very
humble and economical way, writing for
whatever papers would accept their con
tributions, and taking any remuneration
that was offered, however small, they did,
even from the first, somehow manage to
live without debt and with little obliga
tion.”
The sisters never separated. They lived
together for many years in a house of their
own in Twentieth street, near Fourth ave
nue, a place rendered pleasant to troops of
visitors by the receptions which they
NEW SERIES—VOL. XXIV. NO. 33.
were in the habit of giving every Sunday
evening. It was one of the few spots in
this city where the literary and artistic
classes met on common ground, and in de
lightful social intercourse. It was full of
books and pictures, and not only the Carys’
own friends, but cultivated strangers were
always sure of a warm welcome.
Alice published seven or eight books;
Phoebe but two, both poems. The elder
sister’s muse was tender and emotional.
But Phuffle, though not without a vein of
sentiment, had a stronger dash of humor
in her composition, and was very success
ful in burlesque. She was a full, round
and vivacious body, an admirable talker,
and even under her recent affliction a
cheerful companion. But the death of
Alice last winter broke up the even tenor
of her life.
There was something very touching and
beautiful in the way Phoebe Cary tried to
realize her own and sister Alice’s convic
tions concerning death as the mero depar
ture to another and higher state of exis
tence, which should be a cause of joy
rather than sorrow. On her return with her
friends from her sister's funeral she threw
open the windows of tho recessed room
which bad been tho scene of hor sufferings,
of her years of endurance, of her patient,
faithful work, aud filled it with flowers
“which Alice so loved.” Tho evening
was then spent in reading her sister’s
poems, and when the time fnr noryirntirm
ship and preferred to sleep as she had al
ways done —alone, with tho door open
between hers and her sister’s room.
She wore do mourning, that being op
posed to their principles, but every morn
iog she walked first to Alice’s beside, that
having been her oustom for thirty years.
Who can tell how the broken hoart pour
ed itself out in the solitude of that lonely
room ; for that she died of a broken heart
there can be no doubt.
Her craving for tho presence of her
friends was the most remarkable feature
of her illness. “ Come and see me often,"
she said to one of them ; “I do so want
to see my friends. All the love that I felt
for Alico seems to be poured out upon
them.” Another timo she said : “ Some
times I think I shall never get up again.
I havo no disease, there is nothing the
matter with me, but I havo not the energy
to live. I cannot eat —nothing tastes good
to me. I had the strangest fanoy tc-day ;
I thought I should like a certain dish, but
when it was brought to me 1 could not
even look at it.” She had a certain droll
humor whioh was irresistible, and she ex
pended it mainly on tho doctor, who was
quite nonplussed by her case and knew Dot
what to do for her.
After a timo she roused herself suffi
ciently to undertake a journey to Cam
bridge, Mass., whore it was hoped the
xindness and eare of her friends, Mr. and
Mrs. Houghton, would rally her strength
and restoro her to hoalth; It was sup
posed that her oomplete prostration was
the natural result of her long attendance
upon her sister, and of the state of. exalta
tion into which she was psycologized by
the sympathy of friends and tho homage
which her sister received from so many
quarters; but it was more than that—hei
heart was buried in her sister’s grave, and
she “could not” live without her.
lieu Hill.
He Explains His Alumni Address—Re
asserts His Position, and Asks a Judg
ment After the Speech Shall Have Been
Read.
Editor Constitution:
Much as 1 have becD accustomed of late
to gross misrepresentation of my opinions,
and contomptible flings at motives, I was
not prepared for some of the very ludi
crous statements concerning this Alumni
address. In the first place, the address
was written, and, excepting a very few ex
tempore sentences, was spoken as written.
In the next plaoe, it is known that by
unanimous vote of the Socioty of Alumni,
it is to be given to the public. Avery or
dinary sense of justice—even propriety—
would suggest that adverse oriticisms be
delayed until the address appeared in its
own language. The language employed
by others in reporting it, howover honest,
oannot be acosptcd as a proper standard
forjudging, much less criticising, a written
literary address.
Attempting, nevertheless, tsthe address
does attempt, however feebly, to blaze the
only way by which, in my opinion, the
Southern States and people can reaoh
wealth and power, and then, if they desire,
and necessity of interest requiro, inde
pendence ; if the unjust denunciations
which precedo its appearance shall cause
it to be read when it appears, I shall really
rrjoice, rather than complain,'that I was
reviled. If my humble suggestions shall
have tho effect of arresting the attention of
great minds, who shall take up tho subject,
and either cleave out tho way indicated
or find a better to reaoh tho great end, 1
can afford to disregard all the shallow al
lusions to “motives” and other “lati
tudes,” and “tumbling acrobat” of
thoughtless scribblers and anonymous slan
derers.
Therefore, to quiet the nerves of some,
and prevent the prejudices sought to be
oreated in advance of its publication, allow
me space to nay, that the address does not
underrate Southern civilization in the pro
duction of an elegant select society, and of
tho most superior individualism in the
field and in the cabinet. It does not
allude, either directly or indireotly, to
politics, nor political parties, old or new.
It does not alludo to slavery as a moral
question, or a question of property, nor fs
there one word in it which can by possi
bility be construed as even doubting “our
glorious right to carry slaves to Kansas.”
Well knowing tho great number of
“noble minds” engaged in tho great work
of saving “Southern rights,” and soeing
the unparalleled success whioh has attend
ed their wise counsels and well directed
efforts in this field hitherto, I thought I
could be spared to enquire whether wo
could not strengthen Southern rights with
a little Southern power in the way of de
veloping our natural physical rcsouroes
through the means of scientific schools and
educated industries. That which I sought
to typify under tho classical figure of
Prometheus bound and unbound, and at
whose release I was disposed to give
thanks, was not the negro, but Southern
gonius 1
Will the time never oomo when a native
Southern man—even one than whom none
has felt more keenly Southern wrongs, nor
denounced more fearlessly Southern op
pressors, nor is willing to labor more earn
estly for Southern prosperity—oan venture
to suggest that negro slavery is not the
only way of Southern salvation, without
having so many, who make no effort to
meet the argument, denounce him as “un
sound.”
In their countless multiplicity of speci
mens for six thousand years, human an
nals have never before furnished sueh a
people as “we glorious Southerners.”
With every ingredient more abundant
at homo, we send to tho originally barren
North for fertilizers to give life to our
originally fertile, now deadened, soil;
with the finest ores and cxhaustless coal
beds peeping at us from ourowu hill sides,
we send North for tools to work our fields;
with tho richest lands on the continent, wo
send North for bread to feed our ohildren;
with the noblest trees that ever lifted their
tops towards heaven, if we want a
finer church in whioh to worship, or a
more oonvenient residenoe in which to
live, wo send North for the plan, for the
architeot, and for the builder! We spend
millions of dollars sending our children
North to be educated, and rofuso the small
est pittanoe for the endowment ot universi
ties at borne. Our physicians and sur
geons send North for their medicinos to
heal, and for the fools that secure skill in
their delicate art. Onr lawyers send North
for the books in which to learn the rule of
justice for onr people. Onr preachers
send North for commentaries on the Bible
to teach their flocks the way of salvation,
Onr editors send Nortli for type to print
their papers; and lawyers, preachers aud
editors make long speeches say long
prayers, and fill whole columns, thanking
God for superior Southern genius, parity,
and learning ! And our politician*, ah !
shades of Demosthenes and Cicero, bend
down aDd hear the matchless periods of
true patriotic eloquence. Our politicians
stmt like condescending Jupiters to the
hustings, with Northern hats on their
heads, Northern shoe* on their feet, and
Northern coats on their backs, and preve
to gaping crowds their unequalled fitness
for office, in straining their lungs as the
thunder gust doth the yielding clouds with
noisy denunciations of Northern weakness
and greed, and climaotio eulogies on
Southern power and independence!
If my humble voice could be heard by
the Southern people, I would urge them
to do maDy things which these very de
rided Northern people have done. En
dow first olass universities; provide for
polytechnic schools in those universities ;
honor labor and make the aallings of the
miner, the manufacturer, the metallurgist,
the machinist, the agrioulturist, and the
mechanic, as learned, and as honorable, as
are the learned professions of law, medi
cine and theology. Wo oannot live by
bread alone. Wo oannot grow great, or
noli, or independent, by planting alone.
Let us find in our children that skilled
labor which was impossible in tho ignor
ant negro slave; and with that skilled
labor let us utilize the unsurpassed natural
physioal elements of power with which
God has filled almost every portion of our
heretofore negleoted country. If wo do
these things promptly, vigorously and
liberally, it will soon be that the sun in
his cycles will not let fall his rays on a
greater or more prosperous people. If
we do not these things, we shall grow
weaker until we be despised as contempti
ble. The stranger—even the enemy wo
hate—will come in and possess our herit
age ; will build up the land we ncgloct,
and will be tho rulers of tho children we
leave behind us.
To have pointed out the weakness which
has prevented these blessings in the past,
and the means which may secure them in
the future, is my only offending. To seo
the work begin and progress in my day is
my greatest earthly desire. To aid in that
work is my highest ambition, and to bo
remembered as one who had the courago
to tell unpleasant truths to a long deluded
and now impoverished people, that they
might wako up and grow great, is the only
earthly glory I oravo, when 1 havo boon
interred and sleep with the fathers.
Now road tho address, and by its own
words let mo be judged.
Kfwt H Hit,
s * A JLiar and a Puppy.”
The New York Tribune has an article
headed “ A Liar and a Puppy, sir," where
in one of the press Jenkinses is shown up
very handsomely. This Jenkins, it seems,
was confidentially shown a copy of a pri
vate letter, and immediately telegraphed
its contents, whioh related to Jeff. Davis,
to his journal, the Blatherskite. Tho
Tribune says:
Having committed this astonishing out
rage upon Mr. Davis, it was tho most
natural thing in the world tor Jenkins to
present himself to the victim and inquire
how he liked it. lie was not left in doubt
upon that point. Jenkins noticed, as soon
as he entered the room, that the ex-Presi
dent looked uphappy; ‘‘his face seemed to
be drawn together and set in a mould that
expresses rather resolute endurance than
contentment,” an expression, we may re
mark, almost always observed upon tho
faces of persons who aro so unfortunato :•
to hold interviews with Mr. Jonkins. Tho
rebel leader instantly began to inquiro
about the publication of the letter. “ 1
saw,” says Jenkins, “ that he was tem
porising”—whioh wo do not exactly under
stand, lor plainer speaking we nover hoard
than the conversation set down in this ex
traordinary ohroniclo. Before fully free
ing his mind, Mr. Davis went into tho
next room apparently to got a pistol, and
the reporter adds tho wholly superfluous
remark that this was “an unnoooßsury
precaution.” “I do not protend to boa
fighting man,” he observes, “and unless
pushed nover should tiro on a follow-be
ing,” whioh is a degree ot forbearance al
most heroic, especially in one who doos
not oarry arms. In faot, Jenkins oonfessos
that “ even then” be would rather run
away. Mr. Davis, at any rate, was
“ rnuoh bolder” when ho caino back, and
“ would listen to nothing.” “Ho talked
along for a minute or so, and finally
wound up by roaring out in stentorian
tones, ‘ You are a liar and a puppy, sir 1’
1 rose at onoe, and said, ‘ After that Mr.
Davis, I had better go ” an opinion in
whioh it is needless to say the ex-President
heartily oonourred. And so Jonkins went.
If a rival journalist had told this story of
the reporter’s shame wo should have called
it cruel. But what aro wo to say of a
creature who revols in his own dishonor,
and wcloomes disgrace as the material for
a sensational letter ‘t beo, he exclaims,
where a gentleman spat in my faoc I This
bruise is where 1 was kioked by an cx-
Prosidont. I got that wound on the rump
for printing private letters. This wolt on
the baek is the mark of a horsewhip, and
that smutch on the cheek is the stain of
mud, whioh a man threw at mo for be
traying tho confidence of Hooial intercourse.
I have boon insulted by some of tho most,
distinguished men in the oountry, and had
the honor of being turned out of a great,
many aristooratio doors, and called a puppy
in many a celebrated parlor. But my oon
session, gontlemon—the richest thing out,
and only four cents ! Is it an evidenoo of
the decay of Amerioan sense of decency
and honor that such dirt caters find spec
tators for their exhibition, or doos it only
prove that the vitiated tasto of tho lower
classes whioh used to least exclusively
upon [still ruder performances now do
mands a change of faro, and requires that
its pet blaokguard shall occasionally bo
“literary man ” besides?
Loyal Claims vs. the United States
for Property Taken.— The act of Con
gress, passed Maroh 3d, 1871, in relation
to the claims of loyal citizens for properly
taken for the United States has bcon made
known in official journals, and wo publish
oertain faots for the benefit of thoso hav
ing these claims:
“ Claimants whoso claims do not cx
oced threo thousand dollars may tako their
testimony before a Speoial Commissioner
appointed by this Board, without making
application to tho Commissioners at
Washington, but their petition must have
been duly presontod aDd filod with tho
clerk. They may apply in writing to such
Special Commissioner within tho Stato, as
it is most convenient to apply to. . Tho
application must state that tho claimant
has duly presented his potition to this
Board at Washington ; must set forth tho
substance of the potition ; must contain
an acoount, by items, of tho proporty
taken or furnished, tho itoms being num
bered in succession, and their total valuo
stated at tho foot of tho aocount, and must
state, as in the petition, when, whoro and
by whom suoh property was takon for tho
use of the army. The application must
specify tho names of the witnesses and
their residences as given in tho petition,
and whether called to prove the loyalty ot
the oiaimaDt or the othor facts. Tho Com
missioner will preserve suoh application,
and will take the depositions of the wit
nesses named. Ho will affix tho applica
tion to tho depositions wheu taken, and
send it with the depositions to tho clork.
The Commissioner will notify the clerk ot
the filiDg of tho application, and of tho
time and place sot for taking the testi
mony.”
Greeley says: “ Tho Charleston Re
publican is soured by our castigation of
‘thieving carpet-baggers. ’’ ’ Nevertheless
H. G. docs not let up on (hem, but gives
11 tho honest Republicans of tho Soutfcorn
Btates” some very excellent advice. If it
had been followed five yoars ago, tho Re
publican party and tho South would have
now been muoh better off. H. G. says:
The Tribune insists that the honest Re
publicans of tho Southern States shall
send these thieves to tho rear, and not
allow them to lead and drive, to legislate
and execute, as their impudence and ra
pacity impel them to do it permitted, is
not that good advioo? Is it not timely?
Ought it not to bo heard and followed?
If yes, what are you snarling at ?
Tho Washington corrcspoudent of the
Cincinnati Enquirer writes, August 3d :
“ When President Grant was hero on
Tuesday his attention was or,'fled to tho
outrageous order of tho Commissioner oi
Pensions in relation to the pensioners of
tho war of 1812, residing in tho South,
whioh almost as effectually shuts them out
of any relief as though a positive order
had been issued arbitrary striking their
names from the rolls. Tho President
peremptorily declined to interfere, and
intimated that the order of the Commis
sioner was right, although it is very doubt
ful whether Grant really understood it,”
The Savannah News, of Monday, quotes
a statement from the Chattanooga Times
to the effect, “ that the engineers and
brakemen on tho Western and Atlantic
Railroad have signed an agreement rnado
between themselves and tho managers oi
tho road, whioh providos that il an en
gineer or brakeman gets killed by aocidcnt,
negligence, or from any other cause, on tho
Western aDd Atlantic Railroad, ho oannot
recover any damages from said road.”
A gentleman in Indiana has clcafcd his
house of cockroaches by scattering about a
liberal supply of old-fashioned rod wafers.
It ia supposed that after gorging them
selves these cheerful insects retire to their
holes and stick fast.
Mr. Stephens says ho hae no indisposi
tion to answer any and all questions that
may be put to him- Then, Mr. Stephens,
“ Supposo you were shut up all night in a
tower with a little baby, what would you
do?”