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OLD SERIES—YOL. LXXIX.
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WEDNESDAY DECEMBER 36.
v COMPLY OOSOM.
The expenses of the November elec- j
tions in the city of New York have just j
been footed up. One hundred and thirty- j
six thousand votes were polled, and the i
expense to the city of holding the elec- j
tion was 8130,000,|0r nearly one dollar for
every vote polled. The expense to the I
United States was $400,000, or nearly !
three dollars for every vote polled. The
Administration finds that it costs some- I
thing to interfere in elections; but what
does it care if it carries its point and
Uncle Barn foots the bill?
VOTEKH DIBCHAKGBD.
Within the past three weeks the Gov
ernment has discharged more than two
thousand of the workmen in the Brook
lyn Navy Yard. The wholesale orders
of dismissal, coming at this season of
the year, will cause a great deal of suf
fering in the families of the men thus
suddenly thrown out of employment in
the middle of an exceptionally severe
Winter. But these considerations have
no weight with the head of the Naval
Department. The men’s votes were
needed in November and they were re
tained; their votes are not needed in
December and they are discharged.
A N OT H ER T K R HI TOR Y ASKING AD
MISSION.
Colorado Territory is making another
effort to have a bill passed at the present
session of Congress admitting her into
the Union us a State ; and her territorial
delegate made un elaborate argument on
the queston the other day before the
House Committee. Bills for the ad
mission of Colorado were twice passed
by Congress between '157 and ’69, but
were vetoed by President Johnson and
failed to receive the necessary two-thirds
vote. The indications are that the bill
will hardly pass at the present time, as
many of the Republicans are opposed to
increasing the number of States, and
the Democrats will give it no support.
The population of Colorado is entirely
too small to warrant her recognition as a
State, and if admitted into the Union
she would only increase the number of
Senators and furnish another Adminis
tration rotten borough like Nevada.
A SENATORIAL SQUABBLE.
Avery pretty cpiarrel is agitating the
United States Senate at present. In the
recent re-arrangement of the Standing
Committees, Gen. Logan, of Illinois,
was placed on the Committee on Military
Affairs, next to the Chairman, Mr. AVil
hou, in order that he might succeed to
the Chairmanship when the latter be
comes Vice-President. This actiou has
highly displeased the shoulder-strapped
carpet-bagger from Mississippi, Gen.
Albert Ames, Butler’s son-in-law. Ames
■claims the succession on two grounds,
list), Because he is a graduate of West
Point, while General Logan was only a
volunteer. (2d), Because he has served
•■a the committee longer than Logan.
Mr. Wilson has endeavored to make
peace but has failed to heal the wound
ed spirit of the Senator from Mississippi,
who has declared that he will leave the
committee altogether. In the event of
his resignation being tendered, a Liberal
will probably be appointed to the va
cancy. Avery pretty quarrel as it
stands.
DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES.
On the first Tuesday in December dele
gates from the people of Richinoud
county assembled at the City Hall to
nominate candidates for county offices.
These delegates were Democrats, and
the Convention was a Democratic Con
vention. This, at least, was our under
standing of the Convention and of the
delegates who composed it. In view of
these facts, it is unnecessary for us to
onlarge upon the plain duty of the dele
gates in that Convention, and of the
fienple who sent them, at the election
which takes place the first Wednesday
in January. The nominees of the Demo
cratic party should be sustained at the bal
let box. If this should not be done, then
Conventions are shams, and party nomi
nations worse than useless. It is only
In adhering to party fealty, when ex
pressed by the voice of the people in
Convention, that the organization can
be kept intact and made effective. When
the voice of the people is expressed
through the accustomed channels of
party machinery, individual preferences
and prejudices should give way and uuite
with the majority in sustaining the
chosen candidates.
PLUNDERED CAROLINA.
The Macon Telegraph has been com
paring tlie relative conditions of the
{state of South Carolina and Georgia.—
The showing is a bad oue for the Caro
linians:
According to a report published in the
Columbia correspondence of the Char
leston Courier, the expenses of the
State Government of South Carolina,
for the past fiscal year, have been $2,-
401,220. The expenses of the State of
Georgia for the year 1871, as shown by
the Comptroller, were $1,628,299. The
aggregate population of South Carolina,
hs shown by the last census returns, was
705,506, and the population of Georgia
was 1,184,109. Among the items in the 1
Sou lit Corolina bill o- expenses are the
following: Legislative expenses for
1871 2. #490,170; bills payable for legis
lative expenses, $170,982; permanent
printing for the General Assembly, $83,-
724; current priuting for the General
Assembly, $81,202 —making, in these
four items, $828,078, as the yearly ex
pense of the legislative gang cf white
and black thieves. Another of the items |
of the State expense is the following: ;
H. 11. Kimpton, Financial Agent, $47,- j
Ui)l 43.
The State expenses of South Carolina, j
according to this showing, amount to
about $3 50 a head for every man, wo
man and child in the State, black and J
white; but it was impossible to collect j
aneh a tax and a large portion of the
money was got bv dicker with the State
bonds at a few cents on the dollar, in
which business “H. H. Kimpton,
Financial Agent,” earned the $47,000
with which he is charged.
The State expenses of Georgia last;
-year, ouly a very small portion of which
were under Democratic control, were
not far from $1 40 per capitum, and we
find taxes abundantly heavy. The white
population of Georgia in 1870 was 638,-
967—the white population of South
Carolina was 289,792. The cost of the
State Government to the white Geor
gians last year was about $2 50p°r head,
to the white Carolinians it was about
$8 35. Fancy, then, what must be the
situation of the tax paying whitee of
South Carolina ! Unquestionably their
case must be as desperate as that of the
people of Louisiana now is. It must be
p misfortune to hold property there, and
the man who owns real estate be in a
! perpetual quandary what to do with it—
whether to abandon it to the tax collec
: tor, or hold on a little while longer and
take the desperate chance of an improve
| ment in the condition,
i In the nature of things there can be
no such cbauce. The tax paying popu
lation of these States have no control
■ over the public expenses. These are
regulated entirely by the dominant
| classes, w ho pay no taxes, and whose per-
I sonal interest lies in making them as
| great as possible. When people are j
able to fix their own salaries, incomes j
and emolument at the expense of per- j
sonal and political enemies, moderation j
cannot be expected. Their only care I
will be to extort the last available shil-'
ling. _
THE COTTON TAX.
A Washington dispatch states that the !
cotton tax will come before the Ways j
and Means Committee on next Thursday,
and that the question will lie argued for
the claimants by ex-Gov. Herschel V.
Johnson, of Georgia. There is no
measure which could tie passed by a Re
publican Congress and sanctioned by a
Republican Execntve which would do
more towards benefitting the South and
bringing about a permanent reconcilia
tion between the two sections than the
act for refunding the tax on cotton. It
is both a measure of strict justice and of
wise public policy. Even granting the
constitutionality of the law passed im
posing the tax —which we by no means
do—still it was manifestly oppressive,
harsh and unjust. It was a war measure
—an act of retaliation, of revenge. This
was demonstrated liy its repeal as soon
as the first bitterness of the war had
passed away. If the tax imposed was
in consonance with the dictates of jus
tice and sound public policy, it should
never have been removed; if it was not
it should never have been imposed. The
repeal was an express condemnation of
the measure and it now only remains
for the Government to repair the iujury
inflicted by a law upon which it has set
the seal of its censure. Under its opera
tions the improvished people of the
Houth paid many millons of dollars into
the National Treasury. Let Congress,
coupling magnanimity with right, re
fund this money and they will find that
the South will properly appreciate the
deed. In the meantime, if the Ways
and Means Committee will pay atten
tion to the argument of Gov. Johnson,
they will hear the views of the South
presented by one of her ablest and most
distinguished sons.
SOUTHERN BARBARISM vs. NEW
ENGLAND PIETY.
The “wickedness and barbarism” ox
the Southern whites have long been a
favorite text for the politicians and
preaelierß of godly New England. The
three deadly sins of Slavery, Rebellion
and “Chivalry” (as they deridingly term
ed a high sense of honor and true man
hood), had sunk the white people of the
South so low in the scale of civilization
that religion and law had fled affrighted,
and impiousness, ignorance and crime
ruled the benighted country. The re
turns of the last census, however, reveal
some curious facts in this connection,
and furnish a conclusive reply to the
fierce assaults and hitter thrusts of the
New England saints. The white popu
lation and number of churches in each
of the six New England and the six
South Atlantic States (counting as one
Virginia and West Virginia) are as fol
lows:
KtatoH. Whites. Churches.
Maine 624,809 1,104
Vermont 820,613 744
Naw Hampshire 817,607 624
Massachusetts ... .1,443,156 1,764
Rhode Island 212,210 283
Connecticut 527,540 002
Total 3,455,043 5,421
Delaware 102,221 252
Maryland 605,407 1,389
Virginia 712,089 2,405
West Virginia 424,033 1,018
North Carolina 687,470 2,407
South Carolina 280.667 1,208
CleoVgia 638,026 2,608
Total 3,450,903 11,567
The congregations of the churches
foot up a total of 2,203,677 for New Eng
land, and 3,660,984 for the South.—
From this table it will be seen that with
an equal population the South has twice
as many churches and two-thirds more
members of congregations. Os all the
godly States, Massachusetts claims to
he the most godly; yet Massachusetts,
with a population nearly double that of
Georgia, has scarcely half as many
churches as the latter State, aud only a
small excess of members of congrega
tions. How do these figures exhibit the
relative piety of the two sections ? But
this is not all the story which the reports
of the census tell. Below we give a ta
ble showing the native white population
of the States above mentioned, and the
uumber of criminals and paupers in
each:
Native white
population. Paupers. Criminals.
Maine 576,097 3,149 255
Vermont 282,402 1,231 143
New Hampshire. 288,117 1,739 109
Massachusetts .1.090.843 5.323 1,152
Rhode Island.. .. 156.027 407 183
Connecticut 414,015 1.123 215
Total 2,808,401 12,972 2,007
Delaware 93,101 223 13
Maryland 522,238 781 304
Virginia 698,388 1,042 331
West Virginia... 406,051 880 1 38
North Carolina. 675,400 1.110 182
South Carolina . 281.804 883 130
Georgia 628.173 1.270 126
Total 8.306,235 7.062 1.174
With half a million more native j
whites, the South lias little more than
half as many paupers and criminals—in
spite of our ignorance and lawlessness. J
Georgia has a native white population on- 1
lv oue-third less than that of Massachu
setts, while the latter State has nearly
five times more paupers and ten times |
more orimiußls. What will the saints i
say to these figures ? Will they still
rail at the Southern barbarians, and fore
tell the wrath which is to overtake
Southern wickedness, or will they learn ;
the great lesson of the census, and seek
to correct the ignorance and exterminate 1
the siu of their own New England?
TIIK LOUISIANA AND ALAR AM A
MUDDLES - STATE GOVERN
MENTS.
Nothing in our history has proven more
conclusively how rapidly the country is
drifting towards centralism than the re
cent extraordinary occurrences in the
States of Alabama and Louisiana In
Alabama the prhna facie result of the 1
State contest was the election of a Re
publican Governor and a Democratic
Legislature. The Democrats elected
went to the capital, organized in the
State House, and were recognized by
Gov. Lindsay. The Republican can
didates who were not returned as elect
ed, but who claimed seats, and a number
of Republicans who were returned, or
ganized in another building. After
Gov. Lindsay had vacated his seht and
Gov. Lewis (Republican) liad been in
augurated, the latter reversed the de
cision of his predecessor, and declared
the body assembled in the United States
Court Room to be the legal Legislature
of Alabama. Each body, in its turn,
had been duly recognized by the Execu
tive of the State, each refused to give
way, and the anomalous spectacle was
presented of two Legislatures in session
in the same capital and at the same
time, each claiming the power and ex
ercising the right to make laws for the
people of Alabama. In order to have
the difficulty decided, both parties,
without a moment’s hesitation appeal,
to what tribunal ?—to the State Courts or
to State authority ? Not at all.
appeal to Gen. Grant, President of the
United States. The President has no
authority whatever to interfere, and
this he frankly declares. But the rival
factions will not take “ no” for an an
swer. They besiege the Executive
Mansion and the office of the At
torney General, until finally the
President and the chief law officer of
the United States reluctantly frame and
propose a plan or basis of “compro
mise,” which, the telegraph informs U3,
both parties are willing to accept. This
is Alabama.
In Louisiana the outlines are similar,
hut the details are widely different.
There the Democrats and the Liberal
Republicans formed and ran what
was known as the “fnsion ticket” in
opposition to the Republican nominees.
Gov. Warmoth and bis returning board
—constituted after ejecting two members
whom he claimed had no right to seats,
and placing others in their places—de
clared the “fusion” candidates for Gov
ernor and the Legislature elected, and
the General Assembly was convened in
accordance with this decision. The de
feated Republican candidate—Kellogg
showed light. Anew returning board
was constituted, with the displaced
members of the old, and one or two re
cruits. The returns were canvassed by
this body and Kellogg, and all the
Republican candidates for the Legisla
ture were given handsome majorities.
Both Legislatures assembled. Gov.
Warmoth recognizes the Fusionists.
The Republican Legislature impeaches
Warmoth, and Lieutenant-Governor
Pinchback is proclaimed his successor
until the articles can be tried. The
State Courts side with Warmoth, the
United States Court with Kellogg. One
Court orders Pinchbeck to jail for con
tempt of its process, and the order can
not be executed. The other Court is
sues an injunction against Warmoth and
the Fusionists. The injunction is dis
regarded. Warmoth is ordered to jail,
and refuses to go. Orders and counter
orders, sentencss and counter sentences,
pardons and counter pardons, are almost
hourly issued. The bankers and busi
ness men support Warmoth, the United
States officials and the political riff-raff'
back Pinchback and Kellogg. Both
sides claim the capital and the treasury,
and command obedience from the mili
tia. One Court will send to jail any
man who obeys Pinchback, and an
other tribunal will fine and imprison
every man who carries out the orders
of Warmoth. From the first the parties
propose to appeal their cause. Warmoth
wishes to go before the judicial authori
ties of the State. Kellogg will have
nothing but an appeal to the President
and to the bayonets of the United States
army. Strange to say, in this case Gen.
Grant does not hesitate to interfere, is
troubled with no scruples as to his au
thority to give a government oflxis own
selection to the people of a free and
sovereign State. The Executive and rlie
Attorney General decide that Pinchback
and his Legislature arc alone legal and
shall receive the aid of the United States
Court and United States soldiers. The
other side is not even allowed a hearing,
and their delegates are telegraphed “the
President’s mind is made up and they
may spare themselves the tremble of
visiting Washington.”
In the case of Alabama, the President
very properly declined to interfere, anil
did not change his opinion until urged
to do so by both of the parties. If the
Alabamians are not pleased with his de
cision, or if the plan proposed should }
work badly, they have only themselves
to blame for the result.
In the case of Louisiana, the President
interfered without hesitation in favor of
one of the contending factions and
against the wishes, remonstrances and
protests of the other. But no matter
what the circumstances of his interposi
tion, the principle is the same. In each
case it is a hold, violent and unwar
ranted assault upon the rights of a
sovereign State by the Executive of the
nation. There are no extenuating
facts. The war has been finished nearly
eight years. The reconstruction of the
Southern States was declared com
pleted five years ago. Military gov
ernment had ceased. There were no
attempts at insurrection or revolt. No
hostility aroused or defiance spoken
against the General Government. The
Courts were open and the law was ex
ecuted without opposition. Y'et, in a
purely local matter, in a State election
contest, the President of the United
States—not Congress—effmes for-ward,
decides the question at issue, and
imposes a government of his own
selection. What President would have
dared to pursue such a course prior
to 1865? Not even Gen. Jackson—arlii
trary and aggressive as he was—would
have made the attempt. Nor would the
people then have for an instant tolerated
such a high handed proceeding. The
cause of one State would have been the
cause of them all, and they would have
presented an united front of resistance.
Now the times are changed. The war,
which demoralized our people, also shook
to its foundations our system of govern
ment. State rights and local self-gov
ernment have grown weaker and weaker
year after year. The Cincinnati move
ment gave the question prominence for
awhile, but the disastrous defeat iu No
vember administered to it the coup de
grace. Local government iu spirit, if not
in form, seems doomed, and the Govern
ors of States are rapidly sinking into the
Lieutenants of the President. He makes
and unmakes them at his pleasure in the
South. Wherever his partisans are de
feated by the people, the National Execu
tive comes to their aid and elevates
them Lx office in defiance of the result
of the ballot. The President is now the
arbiter of contested elections, and State
■ governments stand or fall as he in
i dines the scale. At present centralism
is only dominant in the South ; but how
i long will it be before the Northern and
Western States feel its eiiects. Their
turn will come next. A close election iu
ludiana or New Hampshire may bring
about just such complications as exist
in Alabama and Louisiana ; an ap
peal to General Grant may receive a
favorable response, and United States
soldiers be ordered to give the Hoosiers
or the White Mountain boys a State gov
ernment. It is the South’s turn now ;
whose turn next ?
Two CoNSTTTrTIONAL AxfKNDMF.XTS. —
The House of Representatives took no
tice of the defects in the existing elec
toral system by receiving two constitu
tional amendments designed to correct
the manner in which the people shall
choose President and Vice-President.
The one offered by General Banks pro
vides for the direct election by the peo
ple on the same day that the House of
Representatives is elected, and under
rules and regulations by the respective
States, the President and Vice-President
to hold office for six years, and to be
ineligible for re-election, while the other,
bv Mr. Lynch, merely provides in detail
for a popular election. The precise
words of the body of the Constitution
are repeated in the proposed amend
ment, and the same provision for a
choice by the Honse of Representatives,
as now exists, in case no candidate re-
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY” MORNING, DECEMBER 25, 1572.
eeives a majority of the votes, is re
tained.
General Banks also introduced a bill
doubling the present salary of the Presi
dent, which has much more chance of
again coming before the House this ses
sion than either of the constitutional
amendments submitted.
The United States Senatorsliip,
Crawford, Ga., December 11, 1872.
Editors Chronicle A Sentinel :
On the 3d of this month some half
dozen citizens met at the Court House
in Lexington, and then and there passed
resolutions recommending our members
elect to the House of Represeniatives
and Senator for this District to vote for
A. H. Stephens for the United States
Senate, should his name be presented to
the Legislature.
In the first place, these half dozen
claim to be the Democratic party of the
county; they introduce and pass—by a
“unanimous” vote of the half dozen—
resolutions recommending the vote of
our members elect to he cast for a man
who, to-day, is obnoxious to nine-teuths
of the people of the county. The time
lias been when Mr. Stephens would have
been their choice for any office by an
almost unanimous vote, hut the late
canvass developed the fact that Mr.
Stephens, like Andrew Johnson, of
Tennessee, is unfit both for of
fice and a political leader of the
people. Mr. Stephens finds the people
not the facile instruments he took them
for—his seductive and fascinating elo
quence no longer keep the people follow
ing him. His influence is gone ; and be
sides, lie would be physically hindered
from performing the duties attending
that of a United States Senator. Intel
lectually, Mr. Stephens would rank
among the first; but why ask our repre
sentatives to vote for an invalid, and a
man who is not the choice of a dozen in
Oglethorpe con aty.
Let our members elect go to the capital
without any such instructions—let them
be free to vote for whom they think best
fitted to fill the high position of Sena
tor —not go there narrowed down by
resolutions passed by an “unanimous
half dozen,” and claiming to be the voice
of the people. This smacks loudly of
that stormy conceit in which the egotist
declares, as Emerson styles it, “ Differ
ence from me is the measure of ab
surdity. ”
It would be unfortunate not only for
Georgia, but the whole country, to send
Mr. Stephens to the Senate. The choice
of thS county is a man not stricken down
by infirmities to prevent him from being
in his seat and at his post during the
session of Congress, but a gentleman
who ranks second to no man in America
as a statesman, an orator, and as a con
stitutional lawyer—one whom Georgia
can boast as the equal, if not superior,
to any living orator—whose gigantic
mind and towering intellect is eclipsed
by none—one who is pre-eminently fitted
to meet such leaders as Morton and
Coukling upon all questions of national
policy, and by his matchless eloquence
and knowledge of constitutional law,
convince the world that Georgia is most
nobly and ably represented in Congress.
That man is Benj. H. Hill, our choice
for the high position of U. S. Senator,
and a man whom Georgians everywhere
would be proud to say, “Ben Hill is our
Senator.” Craws ord.
FORSYTH IN FLAMES.
A Big Fire, and a Block of Buildings
Destroyed—Several Accidents—Loss
Estimated at Seventy-Five Thousand
Dollars,
[Special to Atlanta Herald. J
Forsyth, December 14, 1872.
About one o’clock, this afternoon, a
large lire broke out in the carriage shop
of Wilder & Sons, situated on the south
west side of this town. The fire origi
nated from a stove pipe in this office.
The entire block in which Pye’s Hotel
was situated, except one dwelling, was
destroyed.
A heavy gale of wind from the south
blew the flames in the direction of
Pye’s Hotel. Great efforts were made to
save the hotel, but they were in vain.
Pye’s loss is very heavy, but is cover
ed by insurance.
The houses burned were B. Pye &
Son’s bank, grocery and dry goods
stores, and hotel; Wilder & Son’s car
riage establishment; E. H. Poindexter’s
harness store; the post office; the Ex
press office; Joseph Sterne’s confec
tionery store; L. Gresham; Wilder &
MoGeutry; and Messrs. Switzer’s mil
liner store. These were totally destroyed.
The loss is estimated at seventy-five
thousand dollars. The buildings all had
insurance on them.
Postmaster Potts was severely in
jured by a buggy running over him. He
had one rib broken, but at last accounts
was resting well.
Tom Searcy, a bar-keeper, had his
leg broken by the crowd. Several other
persons were slightly wounded.
The fire was finally subdued, and is
now nearly out.
The negroes are nearly all drunk.
It is feared that a great many goods
will be stolen. They are all exposed,
but some have guards to protect them.
A LIVING DEATH.
Terrible Result of an Attempt at Self-
Destruction.
Dr. Hammond, one of the attending
physicians, furnishes the Macon Enter
prise, with the following description of
the singular wound inflicted upon her
self by a lady of that city who attempt
ed to commit suicide last week :
in our account of this melancholy af
fair yesterday, we failed to give any de
scription of the wound made by the
razor. We are indebted to Dr. Ham
mond, one of the attending physicians,
forthe following detailed description :
Mrs. Bone cut her throat from the
sterno-cleido-mastordious muscle of the
right, to the corresponding muscle of
the left side, severing all the intervening
tissues of the neck down to the cervical
vertebra. The carotid arteries and ju
gular veins were laid bare, but not di
vidend. The wind pipe ( trachea ) was cut
across, above the pornuvi adami ; the
razor being directed upwards, severed
the integuments above the glottis and
epiglottis, and passing over the os hy
oidcs, just beneath the tongue, detach
ing these important organs from the
larynx ami pharynx. The pharynx, at
its inferior portion, was cut “.cross jqst
at its junction with the oesophagus
(gullet) and all the intervening tissues
to the cervical vertebra. The organism
thus transfixed retracted, or rather drop
ped down to the top of the breast bone,
leaving a large and frightful gash three
inches in extent. As the os hyoides
was detached from the ri/tut all the mus
cle that arise front the different cartil
ages of the windpipe and which are in
serted into the os hyoides were cut
through, consequently their several
offices were suspended, which wqs w'ell il
lustrated by the pathological effects upon
the physiological action. There are
“ight small muscles arising from various
directions which are inserted into the
hyoid bone, so-called from its resem
blance to the Greek letter U. These
eight muscles move this little bone in
every conceivable direction, they elevate
and dilate the pharynx to grasp the
food, then contract and propel it into
the fesophagus (swallow), to be from
thence conveyed into the stomach. The
offices of these muscles being destroyed,
as also those concerned in respiration
and the voice, it will be at once perceiv
ed that the fearful prospect of starvation
is sooner or later to be realized by the
unfortunate and much to be pitied suf
ferer !
The vocal chords are silent, conse
quently no intelligent sound or word
will probably ever be uttered by her
again. She cannot eject the sputa and
morbid secretions from her month and
throat, hence there is a constant dread
of suffocation. She failed to cut the
nerves of taste, and, therefore, craves
for food, as she is hungry; she calls for
something to cool her thirst and for
something to eat! but she is nnable to
swallow. If she sips a little ice water,
it glides over her parched tongue me
chanically and out at the wound in her
' neck which affords her no relief. She is
thus tantalized from day to day. She
' often exclaims “I am hungry !” “I am
starving," but the little muscles which
conveys the savory food iwothe pharynx
are paralyzed and she cannot swallow !
All the surgical skill yet employed has
failed to afford her any relief. And it is
probable that no human agency can re
pair the injury.
Four shipments of cotton from Savan
nah on Wednesday aggregated 10,383
bales, valued 8t $772,906 05.
THE SOUTH.
Talk With an Ex United States Justice,
John A. Campbell—His Opinion of
the Prospects and Past of His
Section.
Louisville, December 5, 1872.
Among the pure, elevated and eminent
minds of the South few are attached to
such a deliberate, matured and gracious
countenance and presence as that of
John A. Campbell, of Mobile.
MR. CAMPBELL,
He was appointed by President
Pierce to an Associate Justiceship of the
Supreme Coui't of the United States, and
the Senate confirmed him unanimously,
at the age of 46. He was a native of
Georgia, and had been educated at its
State University and admitted to the bar
at the same time with Robert Toombs.
About 1830 he removed to Montgomery,
Ala., and took a place in the Legislature
as among the most logical and legal
minds in the State, and his manner,
method and cool, quiet reasoning in
vested all that he did with an atmosphere
of fact and reason. Politically, he was
a sort of Whig-Democrat, not tied up in
the awkward pantaloons of State rights
and sometimes proposing Whig measures
to his Democratic associates, as when,
for example, iu 1837 he advocated bor
rowing five millions on State bonds to
relieve honest debtors; the scheme
failed, and then Campbell came prompt
ly forward and told the whole truth in
regard to the failure with&ut endeavor
ing to extenuate his former positiveness
the other way. He was on the Supreme
Bench at Washington for eight years,
and his judgment was against secession,
but the entire pressure of the time was
such as to force a judicial mind out of
its circuit, and, after seeking to make
some adjustment between the Con
federate Commissioners and Mr. Seward,
he found that the latter was more
plausible in promise than literal fulfill
ment, and at a late day he went with a
heavy heart over to the Southern side and
was called by Randolph, the Secretary
of War, to be his associate in all mat
tars affecting civil cases. There he
stood until Richmond surrendered,
when he remained behind to take his
part in the disaster and to seek, at the
sacrifice of himself, to secure more
lenient treatment for the quiet class of
Ins Southern countrymen. After some
respite he was thrown into Fort Pulaski,
and was pardoned out by President
Johnson at the intercession of the widow
of Stephen A. Douglas.
To look upon, .Judge Campbell is a
man of Scotch physiognomy, toned
down after two or three generations of
American civilization. He has a fine
head, partly bald and encircled with
soft, white hair. He is quiet and de
liberate in speech, with a musical
voice, and the manner of one either suf
fering some mental pain or possessing
some dignified effeminacy, and his
knowledge and reading are of a degree
to infatuate those with whom he con
verses, while over his interesting parts
lies the halo of a natural gentleman of
self-respect, modesty and purity.
TIIE INTERVIEW.
I think that I violate no rule of
modern courtesy when I express some of
the opinions of this large brained per-'
son upon the affairs of Ilia own South
ern communities. The disasters which
have overcome the South are as broad
as the deluge, and the personal remin
iscences of a single survivor can do him
no injury with his more magnanimous
associates, but may direct the new gener
ation to avoid former passions and seek
in the lino of a truer civilization that
class of development which is patemed
upon the golden rule of doing unto the
meanest no worse than he should do to
us.
THE GREAT MISTAKE.
I asked Mr. Campbell iu what he
thought the North mistook the South
most at the present time. He answered
as follows:
“ Politically the North mistakes the
South in supposing that men of former
position, wealth and influence possess
any considerable control. They fear
that Jefl'erson Davis or Mr. Stephens,
or some other man, might revive him
self in public councils and give tone
and purpose to anew secession senti
ment. This is not based upon a knowl
edge of our condition. There are no
longer controlling personal influences in
the South. Nothing was so much swept
away as the governing men of the slave
period. A deep, indiscriminate reac
tion took place at the close of the war
against everybody who had given such
counsels to the masses as had brought
general ruin upon them. To-day your
eye may wander over the South and
find no commanding presence anywhere
there. Hence the apparent apathy in
the white population, for a certain class
of their former leaders has retired and
knows no longer what counsel to give,
while a secondary class of native South
erners which has arisen is animated by
the interests of livelihood, and, know
ing little of business in any form,
chooses politics as the best it can do.”
the redress
“I make,” said Judge Campbell, “ no
charge against any class of men ; for
when a great fatality comes human na
ture in its desperation separates like an
army utterly broken up, each man for
himself. I simply state that at present
you make a mistake in the North to look
to old leaders to find out any true posi
tions in the South. It is a condition of
general shipwreck, aud statesmanship
does not operate upon it, for there is no
organization about it. It has recurred
to me that the proper way to reconstruct
the South would be to find the honest
elements and real aspirations existing
within it, and labor to develop and en
courage these.”
CAMPBELL QN DAVIS.
In the course of the conversation I
said to Judge Campbell that as the
President of the Southern Confederacy,
Mr. Davis, was still living, I should like
to know whether in him there could be
found auy usefulness in the present
emergency. He said, as near as I can
recollect, this ;
“ It is out of the question to consider
Mr. Davis as a living man. As to his
past career, it was a failure in the light of
judgment. He was placed at the head
of the Southern revolution by that fatal
instinct which leads people to select for
their rulers men of impulsive and in
trepid demeanor. Administration does
not lie in such things, but in the capaci
ty to meet without fatigue the daily re
currences of small matters, each of
which must be attended to, while the at
tention should never tire, but all parts
of the yastness of government go or:.
Such was the war in which the South
embarked, ft ffid not require for its
President a hero, hut a disciplined mind
and a patient man. Air. Davis is suppos
ed in the North, as J have heaid, to have
been a u)3h °f strong and sagacious de
cision. He was not so. I have seldom
seen a man of the same rank who would
chaffer and be ffckle for so long a period
over the most triffing matte).-. When he
retired from the office at the defeat there
were probably more paper pigeon-holed
iu his office on which no actign had been
taken (aijd many of them involving im
portant questions) than in au tdn er
department of the South. If he could
ho made angry, so that he would decide
points of administration on the ground
of resentment or spirit, he was quick
enough; but that is not the order of
mind for a chief magistrate.
CAMPBELL ON STEPHENS.
I was carious to know what a Justice
of the Supreme Bench in former days
might also thick of the Vice-President
of the Southern Confederacy, and in the
course of the conversation the following
ideas were expressed;
“Mr. Stephens’ course at the present
time/’ said Judge Campbe|l, “makes
me as nearly indignant as I can well be
at a time when my political life and in
flueneein general questions are over. He
is a dialectician. a 5<J seeks to keep up
the strict cqnsfrnctiVeness of Mr. Cal
houn at a time when Calhounism js no
longer ponderable. He was placed ln an
important office in the insurgent govern
ment, and began bis career there by
making a speech which almost at once
turned the countenance of the world
against us. The ‘Corner stone’ speech,
to which I refer, probably had a vast
influence in losing ns all the European
alliances. For two years Mr. Stephens
hardly appeared at the Confederate
capital—l might say not until the possi
bilities of the struggle were over and we
were compelled to look with firm cour
age into a period of unending disaster.
Then he did appear, and with all the
fervor of a destructive nature he stood
by Joe Brown and others, proclaiming
that the war must go on with tremen
dous force, whereas all the forces in it
were already wasted. He and his col
league upbraided the administration
with want of heart, whereas the time
for heart was done, and the softer coun
sels of statesmanship to save our people
should have begun to prevail. When we
were strong aud resolute, making the
tight with some possibilities, perhaps,
on our side, this man was weakening us
almost every way. When we at the cen
ter saw the inevitable shadow rising
and darkening about us, we heard
the cry of this feeble person for more
exertion and greater exploit when
the occasion was gone. And now,
when there is anew condition of
things, so momentous tlmt I can scarcely
look on and understand the current of
events, I hear of Mr. Stephens taking
the extreme Calhounism of a different
day and seeking to educate another gen
eration in things neither pertinent to
their era nor consonant, by any course
of logic, with the rising opinion of which
we must be a part.’”
CAMPBELL ON YANCEY.
In giving these remai-KS of a pure and
dignified man, I am seeking to be as
nearly correct as memory will allow,
and, pursuing the same class of things,
I asked him abont Mr. Yancey, who was
a fellow-Alabawian with himself :
“ Mr. Yancey 1 have heard speak sev
eral times,” said Judge Campbell, “and
was never satisfied. I have been told
that when much aroused he had an in
teresting countenance and a musical
voice, but he always seemed to me a
termagant. Reading liis speeches I
thought he talked like a man under the
influence of an opiate. Ho did not know
what he said when he got into elocution,
but was the mere creature of his faculty
of lavish sueeeh, aud I suppose he went
on bewitching multitudes into violence,
of the end of which he had no concep
tion and they no forethought.”
CAMPBELL ON HUNTER.
Looking over the Southern field, I
sought to seek out a person in whom
Judge Campbell reposed the confidence
of his experience, and was interested to
hear him say as to ex-Senator Hunter as
follows :
“ Mr. Hunter had one of the finest
minds in the South, and one of the
most honest and beautiful natures.
You will recollect that lie was never
famous for the violence of his opinions,
but sought within liis opportunities to
do the best for his people and give direc
tion to the country under its old condi
tions, according to the truest civiliza
tion of which it was capable. I have
known him in captivity, when misfor
tunes pressed equally upon us and
around us, and learned to love him. He
has time enough on liis side of the clock
to be of some influence, and one of the
speeches which he made during the last
campaign was pleasing to me because
it showed that he retained the vigor and
health of liis mind.”
CAMPBELL ON MASON.
Soon after mentioning Mr. Hunter
the name of the late .Tames M. Mason
came up and I related the fact that, af
ter his strong and imperious life, he
died upon a little farm near Alexandria
in a pastoral way, which seemed to show
that he had resources outside of public
ambition. “ Mason’s domestic life,”
said Judge Campbell, “was peculiarly
beautiful. He married the daughter of
Col. Chew, who owned the mansion and
grounds where the battle of German
town raged in the Revolutionary war.
After Richmond was evacuated I re
mained in the city until it filled up with
the troops of the United States, and as
soon as I had a little repose I set forth
to inquire into the condition of my
neighbors who remained, i went to the
house of Mrs. Mason, and she told me that
she had destroyed in the grate five all
the letters which her husband had writ
ten her in the thirty years or so of their
married life. In all that time she said
that Mr. Mason was never out of her
company a day but he wrote her a letter
with punctuality, and when he was a
Senator in Washington the school exer
cises of his daughters were mailed to
him everyday in the week, and were by
him corrected and returned. Mrs.
Mason had kept all her husband’s let
ter's, but believing that the soldiery
would ransack her house, she had made
the sacrifice of committing them to the
flames. She had also destroyed many
souvenirs of a character precious to her
in a domestic view, but there was a
sword given to her father by General
Washington which she desired mo to
take and conceal, for she thought her
husband’s houso was more exposed to
peril than my own. I was not very firm
iu my mind about carrying a weapon
through the streets, but she solicited
me so earnestly that I put the weapon
under my cloak, and, wrapping the cloak
around me, walked through the city,
touched by soldiers on almost every
side, and when I got home I put the
sword up in the top of the house among
the rafters, and kept it there until I
could return it with safety.”
THE ARMISTICE AT HAMPTON ROADS.
Mr. Campbell gave some interesting
reminiscences of his visit to Hampton
Roads to hold an armistice with Mr.
Lincoln and Seward near the close of
the war. Mr. Campbell said that in a
conversation at this time ho asked Mr.
Lincoln whether, if the Mouth laid down
her arms, and accepted the Union again,
the people there would have any chance
to receive compensation for their slaves,
To this Mr. Linooln replied that, he
could not promise wliat the attitude of
the Government might be on the sub
ject, but for himself lie would heartily
favor a compensation on the ground
that the North was as responsible for
slavery as the Mouth, and had abetted in
it, traded in it, and defended it until
slavery became a vast public question
and invited war.
THE FREED NEGRO.
As to the negro with the ballot in his
hand, Mr. Campbell expressed no re
sentment nor feeling of reaction oq the
subject, but said thaf jt \yas truly a
sore matter in the present condition of
the South, because it rendered the ef
forts of what good men remained abor
tive to restore solvency to the exche
quer of the Southern States, and to lead
the general mind up to the considera
tion of new issues. He intirqated that
iu the Stipes where the black vqtp was
representative nqtliing important in
neither Northern or Southern society had
much chance to be brought to the court
of public reason. He alluded to the
question of State credit, where it was ap
parent that the majority of black men
scarcely understood the obligations of
the modern Commonwealth to its credi
tors, and knew nothing whatever about
the relations between taxes and public
credit. He also admitted that the great
bulk of Southern men were without
business education and could noj ap
proach the consideration hi 1 ariy new
questions as a Northern community
might do.
CORRUPTION.
I inquired, in the light of some of
these admissions, if the old Legislatures
of the past in the South might not have
been as corrupt as these new ones. He
thought it ovpr some time and sjioOk his
head.
“ Jn Alabama,” said he, “ I recall but
a single instance wliere there was an at
tempt by the Legislature to do a dis
honest thing, and that was jq thp ease
of the Planters’ flank, wtpcl) was qqe of
several Ijaqks tlmt a'ece legalized ; hqt
wp prescribed tqat oqiy a certain nmn
ber qf shares of stock might he taken in
the name of any one person. It got to
he rumored ami believed that citizens of
the State were sent into neighboring
States to get the names of persons to
enroll themselves and take stock for our
citizens to own and profit by. At this
general rumor and belief our L
ture met together tuM took "from the
bank its privileges’ evrn for so slight an
evasion of the purpose Os the law. No,”
said Judge Campbell, emphatically,
“ political society may have been anoma
lous in former times, but the pnritv < '
our Legislatures States
was never questioned.” >.l ,
THE rVARMOTH HATTER.
I inquired as to the present condition
of legislative matters in Alabama and
Louisiana. As to Alabama, oudge Camp
bell said that E- E- Parsons, a leading
Republican, had always been esteemed
a man of brains and probity. As to
Louisiana, he was mildly condemnatory
of Governor Warmoth and seetqed 1
entertain little hot>£ thgt things could
be straightened out under existing con
ditions Tfe recapitulated oases with
which he was familiar, where the Gov- j
emor had been manifestly interested in |
bills and franchises of a scandalous na- ;
ture, and said that he was the first
Governor, even in these times, to set
the example of delaying bills after they
had passed both Houses and the Legis
lature had adjourned, so that he could j
make his own terms upon them, and
sometimes signed them nearly a year,
after they had been passed. He ad- j
mitted that Warmoth had some dra- ■
matic qualities, of which the chief was
audacity, and said the condition of
things in Louisiana was almost anarchi
cal.
PROTECTION TO INDUSTRY.
On the question of national policy,
such as protection, etc., this dispas
sionate jurist expressed the belief that
the United States was the richest coun
try in the world, and he said that the
question of protection was probably
solved already by the fact that we are
exporting irou and coal to Europe. He
said that the minds of the older politi
cians of the South had been cast with
reference to exterminated conditions of
society, law and commerce, and that
whieh was new was strange to that class
of men which the North expected now
to come forward aud make the new year
cheerful, whereas they wore incompe
tent to deal with affairs entirely altered,
aud were benumed and paralyzed in the
presence of the new century. Judge
Campbell indirectly intimated liis belief
that the war as it began was worse than
a blunder—that it was madness; and also
that after it had begun, its civil depart
ments were poorly administered, and
that its fall, after eighteen months had
passed, was perfeetlv plain to be fore
seen except to the blind. He outlined
some of the horrible commercial neces
sities of the South after the war began,
as, for example, in the matter of
ENGLISH BLOCKADE RUNNERS,
Whom he considered to have made more
money for their investment than any
class of people in modern civilization,
pirates liardlv excepted. They would
demand at a Southern port, such as Wil
mington, insurance risks of say £2O be
fore taking an order, and also commis
sion half the freight, and several other
charges, all payable in gold; then these
precious English scoundrels, belonging
to the modern empire of civilization and
good will, would buy Confederate money
for gold and purchase cotton, which
they would ship across the water and
come back laden with coarse goods
which had been ordered, making several
voyages a year.
GRAHAM.
Mr. Campbell, whose disabilities have
not been removed, because lie has not
exerted any influence in that direction,
but who is on record by the Republicans,
iu the South as the most amiable, gentle
and humane rebel in the entire Con
federacy, expressed the opinion that the
United States had made an unwise
omission iu neglecting the unasked for
claim amnesty of William Graham, of
North Carolina, the same who ran for
Vice-President with Winfield Scott, in
1852.
Said Mr. Campbell ; “Mr. Graham
never was a friend of secession. After
the war began he always appeared to me
to have his heart in the Union and his
members in the Confederacy. He is a
man of the finest character, the purest
nature, and that sort of noble, gentle
influence which is just now needed in
the South. For him I feel a desire that
he should be recovered to the country,
and if it could be done at my wish in that
I would have contributed something
again to the restoration o the Union.
CAMPBELL ON CALHpUN.
The modern interview is a sort of
blasphemous attempt to represent iu our
way what many great men have left
them, such as Jefferson in his “Anas”
aud the groat Dr. Pepys in his “Diary.”
I must beg the pardon of Judge Camp
bell if I add to the above reminiscences,
which I have printed with the good end
of drawing public attention to his sec
tion, what he had to say of John C.
Calhoun. He said :
“My father was an old friend of Mr.
Calhoun, and I hail been brought up to
admire him. When I went to see him
at Washington I appeared under the
patronage of my father’s name, aud at
this distance he appears to me to have
been a man of interesting appearance
and an intense form of address, and who,
after some few lapses, proceeded upon me
with all the earnestness of one address
ing a popular audience. He was more
ardent than suited my years as compared
with his, and after lie had talked to me
in the wildest way for some time I got
the notion that he was practicing some
thing upon me. Soon afterwards ho de
livered a celebrated speech in which I
thought I recognized whole sentences as
what he had exclaimed to me, a mere
young man. Mr. Calhonn was a man
whoso theories of govern ment were never
reasoned out from what he knew, but in
the privaoy of bis closet, a priori. He
grew in love with those ratiocinations
and was perfectly honest in his avowal
of them, and they struck many good
men in his time as true positions.
He had the misfortune of having had the
Presidency on the brain. No man evor
had it worse. The loss of it gave a
strange aspect to his later years, and
made him feel like one who had nearly
won the imperial rule and had lost it.
He considered all questions in the light
of one who lmd been discrowned, and
could magnify his experience as truly as
if he had spent a long term of qctnal
sovereignty. But liis loye of country
under the aspects of liis mind was as un
doubted as that of men who kept in
promise longer.”
CAMPBELL ON CRAWFORD.
Remembering that Judge Campbell
was a native of Georgia and that Wil
liam Henry Crawford, the great candi
date, after Monroe', for tfio Presidency,
was of the same State, J asked the
Judge whether Oeawford deserved con
sideration at our distance from this
time. He said:
“ Judge Crawford, when I knew him,
as a youth, had retired from active life
and was a Judge. Ho was*not intem
perate in his habits, but the contrary,
aud was an exceedingly arbitrary and
positive man. I remember when a case
came to him as a Judge, aud some wit
ness had been impeached, that l;e, §aitl :
‘ Gentlemen, I ljqye HHHWh ttfiS man
many ye.ars, aud HO impeachment of his
testimony will do before me. He is an
honest, upright man, and has got to be
believed.’ Before this, everything gave
way, although we would think it strange
in our times if a Judge so pronounced
upon a witness’ character qqo.ii his
knowledge merely, hjul hq'cfoes occupy
the greatest p.cqrd Q| any Georgian,
because he had really a gieiff jjqffgiftent,
and what fie thought q i measures, rqen
and times carried will) it the weight
of a large manhood.. ”
FINIS.
Mr. Campbell had a kindly word for
ex-President Fillmore, whom bethought
retained the respect, and in some cases
the affection, of those elements froiq
which politics had receded.
He said many other things
not necessary to ‘Lb ‘repeated, aniEl
gairjed the,' inference from nis remarks
that he stood poised between the utter
imbecility of the old pro-slavery dynasty
aud the want of conception of tlie pur
poses and character of the new. As we
have no conception ourselves in fl.e
North of carpet-baggerv and it go bn
because it is .. parasde lipo'ri 1 Federal
administration, I felt a sense of com
passionate respect for a man of good
feelings, wlio frankly admitted that lie
did know ho more than d)<J about
something, where lelf (fn'd he nail no
such resiy.gsVt) jity ours-'-urnmeiy, re
sponsibility tor V 1? ryekletyg ggifaupms,
shiftless earoet-bßggery m fI, V ; HqiMWn
States.— -Vw \o.rJk
} Mr. Spuroeon and Mr. Beecher.—
Henry Ward Beecher, in the course of
his lectures at Yale Divinity School, last
Winter, was asked the question V.#» it
1 not true that Spurgeon tuffower of
; Calvin, and io *i. Lot” an eminent ex
i amnle Ji ondeess f" Mr. Beecher, assura
. iagjiia dogmatic air, answered:
“In spite of it, yes; but I do not know
i that the camel travels any better, or is
any more useful as an auimqf, ior the
hump on his back.” ' • u
Mr. it seems, has seen Mr.
Let^jcer*B foolish illustration, and replies
as follows 1 : “Galvanism, it seyiqs, in to
Mr. Spurgeon what ahuflip.ia tea camel;
and Mr. U> of opinion that
cancels’' lump/, are a mistake. Mr.
Beecher's Maker, however, does not
1 think so, or he would not have created
camels with humps. Naturalists assure
us that the hump is of great impedance
iu the eyes of the Arabs, who judge of
the condition of thmv boasts by the size,
shap§ qqd thumess of their humps.
TheV Lay, and truly, that the camel
fe*ufa upon his hmnp, for in proportion
as the animal traverses the sandy wastes,
and suffers from privation and fatigue,
the mass diminishes; and it is not fit for
a long journey till the hump has re
gained its proportions. Calvanism, then,
is the spiritual meat which enables a
man to labor on in the ways of Christian
service; and, though ridiculed as a hump
by those who are only looker ß on > those
who traverse the weary paths of a wil
derness-experience know too well its
value to be willing to part with it, even
if a Beecher’s splendid talents could be
given in exchange.”
Charles Kelley, convicted of the mur
der of Col, Hardeman, of Newton coun
ty, and sentenced to be hung on the 31st
of January, has been lodged in Fulton
county jail for safe keeping.
NEW SERIES—YOL. XXV—NO. 52.
THE CROWNING HORROR.
A Mail Killed, SUluucd and Cut Up in
Delaware--Tile Explanation of Him
Who Did the Deed lie Remains in
Custody of the Sheriff, as the Theory
of Self-Defense Will Not Do.
The Wilmington (.Del.) Gazelle gives
the particulars of a horrible homicide
which occurred iu Dover, on the 2d in
stant, the victim being a colored man
named Heurv Turner, and the perpetra
tor is a young man named Isaac C.
West, Jr., twenty-nine years of age, and
practicing as n professor for the cure of
pulmonary diseases. West, it appears,
had a laboratory iu his establishment, in
whieh there was a gasometer of liis own,
which lie employed in his profession.
Occasionally he obtained the assistance
of Turner to carry water and do similar
service. On the evening of tho day
above mentioned the house was discov
ered on fire, apparently from an explo
sion in the laboratory, where, after the
fire was extinguished, a dead body was
found, minus skin, head, hands' and
feet. Underneath the body was discov
ered a hole, containing a quantity of
gunpowder. It was at first supposed
that there had been an explosion of gas,
and that the mutilated body was that of
the young professor, but a suspicion
soon arose that it was all a plan devised
by liim to obtain by indirect means in
surance to the amount of 825,901), whieh
he had upon his own life. The matter
remained a mystery until Friday last,
when the professor reappeared in'Dover
aud delivered himself up to tlie sheriff,
confessing that lie had killed Turner iu
self-defense, and also confessing where
he had hidden the head, hands and feet
of his victim. The remains were found
in the places indicated, and tlie coro
ner’s jury was assembled, when the
prisoner made a coufessian, of which the
following is the substance :
On the day of the murder (Monday,
the 2d instant), Turner had been em
ployed by West to perform several small
jobs, and was to have come again in the
evening to West’s office to carry water.
In the evening, according to the words
of tlie prisoner, “1 passed him and
went on up to my office; I had just got
there and unlocked the door when lie
came up; I went on up stairs ahead of
him, and unlocked tlie room door up
stairs, and went in ahead; I had taken
my gasometer to pieces that day, intend
ing to fasten a small sledge hammer to
the woiglits; the sledge hammer was sit
ting just inside of the door; tho other
weights were over in the corner, about
eight feet further on; one of the weights
was a bolt, or piece of an iron axle; it
was about two feet long and nil inch and
a quarter in diamiter; I just got over
about where this bolt was sitting, when
I turned and saw Turner with the sledge
hammer in his hands; as he found that
I saw what he was doing, lie said,
‘ Give me your pocket-book, or I’ll kill
you !’ I then snatched up a bolt or a
piece of axle, and just as I did so he
struck at me with the sleilgo hammer,
tlie blow falliug on my hat, denting the
hat iu, but it did not touch my head, as
I was stooping over; I then struck at
him witli tho bolt or axle, intending to
strike him on the head, but I missed his
head and struck him on tho nock, below
the ear; he fell and I don’t think ho ever
kicked afterward; this was just after
sunset; ho fell over on his side; I then
felt of him; fell, his pulse and found ho
was dead; I did not intend to kill him,
but only intended to knock him down
so that he would not kill me (after a
long pause the prisoner continued); I
then left the body lying there and came
up to William C. Fountain’s Hotel and
got my supper, and didn’t go back any
more that evening; hut 1 wont back
again on Tuesday morning about ten or
eleven o’clock. 1 then thought I would
cut Turner in pieces and carry him
off aud bury him; so I cut off' liis
head, hands and feet with my pen
knife (knife here shown, had four
blades, and was identified by the
prisoner as the one ho did tlie cut
ting with), I cut off his head and feet
with the penknife and skinned the body;
that is the knife (pointing to it), which
lies ou the table ; I broke one of the
blades cutting the bones ; broke several
of tho bones with the piece of axe; this
was not all done before dinner; I went
to dinner that day, but do not know the
exact time; do not remember positively
whether I was back to my olfioo after
dinner or not.” After making hoveml
ineffectual attempts to dispose of the
remains, the prisoner continued: “I
then remained in my room thinking
what to do, and then concluded I would
tear a large box I bad to pieces and make
a box that would hold the remains for
the purpose of shipping them on tho
Delaware Railroad to some point and
then follow aud bury ffioigi I found that
it was getting fate, and I couldn’t stay
aqy later than night; on Wednesday I
didn't go back to my room until aliout
nine o’clock in the morning; I then
found the remains smelling so I coifid
not ship them on tlie railroad; I go.) my
my dinner at the hotel tied Gqy and was
about in different Places till the after
noon; I retnvm-.d to ley office about two
o’clo.ek in the afternoon, when 4 look my
kgife and cut the bus and nose off the
head, intending in alia it, and also cut
some pieces from dm abdomen; I then
struck the head with the bolt or iron
axle, for the purpose of mashing it up,
so that it could not be recognized, but
found that I could make no impression
on it; I was afraid if I skinned tf\e bend
it would still retain its shape. and be re
cognized; after this, T fp.ok the head in a
bucket, took it dftWU U'thc lime heap near
the railp>ad, and rolled it iu the lime,
and (hen raked ft back ln the bucket
and carried it to the place where I buried
it; I returned to my office about ten
o’clock that night; I took the bucket
and put the skin in it to carry ft a waff r I
then went out on the W“h it and
saw some person when I took it
back tn my pwn again; I then took one
Os tlie feet and p,mired some alcohol over
it, thinking that if WGfiid change the
color of the foo.t by hefting ft on fire; I
set if on }W mid Spiff some over the
flqqr, Whmh affo ignited; I had that
night, before that time, piled the box
over tlie body, placing the small pieces
on top of the box; intended, if the alco
hol did change the color of tho sddv, on
the feet, to spread the skin out on the
floor anil change the cokm e# it by burn
ing alcohol or; W, the alcohol
woulfl color of the skin;
I fatepded, if i k did change tlie color, to
put the skip miwilc on the body, aud lit it
as well im 1 could; when the alcohol on
the floor caught lire, I gathered up the
feet, hands and skin in my hands and
got out of the room as soon 4 could,
fearing the powder \ Vtb vu re would
explode; I biy'd, to. extinguish the i
itaffyGe Wff ynfc'd; after getting outside |
U walked toward the Method l *,) grave- j
yam with the feet, han/.fn myt akin,,, and j
buried the skin of tWruilmnd;
I then stated fp, the Winds and foot
to Ut thy BA, wheii, f hoaid tha whistle
of t«,c iouy o, clock I raked some
limy oyer them, then Went un to the
diyV-d hud Waited there until the train
o»,iae; when it arrived I wen* on board
with a bundle of my do! lies mid won' to
Del mar,” J
Th<* prisoner signed a <«>W **f Ses
sion, and the oonno'yV tvu.v returned a
verdict iu acco{vU*co with the facta pre
sented. \Vv«l remains in the custody of
tin,-*, shrift;
PROFESSOR WEST HOPBLEH.'II.Y INSANE,
A correspondent of the New Y'uV Aiwi,
who visited Professor i*u,. Jw tl cell
at Dover on b¥d>, Rives a de
tailed accpuntj Q$ lys condition, vepre
seis»ft V-W V hf)pfl)essly insane. He
says :
Weslj vysys sitting in bed. Ilis head
was bpn,t down, resting on his left arm.
With his right hand he weh rubbing the
i Lack of his head.
I “Take these things away,” lie mid ;
| “ they are crawling here (tumping the
j right side of his head). TWy are lie re
now (touching the other side). Here
| they are kicking and running about,”
! said he, putting his hand on the top of
\ his head.
“What are they, Ike?” asked the
Deputy Sheriff, seating himself on the
foot of the bed.
“ They are lizzards and roaches, and
things with legs that kick and crawl out
of iny head down my back.”
He turned his gaze full upon me.
He looked as he sat there, with the
shaggy hair falling around his face and
those big, burning eyes, like a scared
wild beast.
“ What does this other fellow want ?”
he asked, iu the voice of a weary, worn
out man.
“ This gentleman lias come to see
you,” the sheriff said, “to know whether
you would like to say anything through
the newspapers.”
“I haint nothin’ to talk about,” West
replied, in a languid, querulous tone.
“ All I want to say is, I want some gas.”
“ What do you want gas for ?” asked
the sheriff
“ When there is a light in the room
these things stop crawling about,” said
West) but as soon as the light is gone
they come out, run and kick and wrig
gle all over.”
After considerable more raving of the
same character the sheriff asked :
“ What do you think of him?”
“ I Miink he is not simulating insani
ty,” I answered. “It looks to me os
though he was merging upon idiocy."
WHAT TnE SHERIFF THINKS.
“I don’t think,” said the sheriff,
“that lie’s shaming. On Sunday morn
ing when I entered his cell he was walk
ing up and down, crying like a child.
Since then ho has been gradually drop
ping into tlio state in which you now sec
him. Yon see we did all we could to get
him to talk, but I don’t believe he re
members anything about his crime. On
Monday morning when I went to the
cell lie was lying on the bare floor. It
was a very cold morning. I asked him
how he felt. ‘I am very cold,’ lie said.
‘Why are you lying there?’ I asked.
•There is not room for us all,” was his
reply. ‘ Molly (his wife) and the baby
are on the bed.’ There is no doubt,
however,” the sheriff added, “that West
was as sane a man as over lived when lie
murdered the negro, and when he made
his confession on Friday night. He was
sane also on Saturday, and talked as
rationally as any man could.”
Damages Aagainst a Railway Com
pany,
A case Ims recently been decided in a
Connecticut Court, which will serve to
establish more firmly the rights of pas
sengers upon railroad trains, and which
will be regarded with satisfaction by the
general traveling public:
A Mr. Joel P. Felker, of Jersey City,
brought an action for damages against
the New York and New Haven Rail
road Company on the following facts :
Mr. Felker bought a ticket from New
Haven to New York. Ho wanted to
stop over at Bridgeport, and receivod
accordingly from the conductor a “stop
over check.” The next day lie started
on from Bridgeport, and in giving his
check was given another check by the
conductor, on which was printed,
‘ ‘ Good for this trip and train only, un
less endorsed by the company.”
Felker wished to stop again at Nor
walk, and applied to the conductor to
endorse the chock last mentioned, to
which request the conductor replied that
the rules of the road allowed only one
stop-over check to be given. Mr. Felker,
notwithstanding, stopped oyer at Nor
walk. On a subsequent train lie took
passage for New York, and presented
the last named chock, unendorsed, to
the conductor, who refused to receive
it, and demanded full faro from Nor
walk to New York. On the refusal of
Mr. Felker to pay it, the conductor,
Wallace, brought in six brakesmen at,
Norton station, who forcibly ejected
Felker, and in so doing pulled out large
quantities of his beard, which was scat
tered about the floor of the car and on
the platform outside, a portion of which
was preserved by Professor Billiman, of
New Haven, who was a passenger and a
witness in the case.
The case was taken from the jury, ns
the plea was a demurrer, which, being
overruled, left a simple question of
damages, upon the hearing of which,
however, all questions of law and fact
were considered.
Judge Minor, in his decision declined
to go into tlie legal question as to the
reasonableness of the company’s regula
tion allowing only one stop-over and ex -
acting full faro for the balance of the
trip, but intimated that ho thought the
company should bring such regulation
homo to the passenger, which evidently
they did not do in this enso. On the
contrary, they seemed to give the pas
senger reason to believe another stop
over would not be allowed, and that it
was the duty of the conductor to endorse
the check, which purported to be good
for another train if endorsed. But the
Judge found that there was clearly nu
exercise of undue force in taking the
plaintiff by tlio beard, as was shown in
evidence, anil accordingly gave judg
ment for the plaintiff to recover the sum
of SOOO.
The Brunswick and Alranv Ratt>
noAD Bonds.— Tlio New Yo’A liulMin
makos the following suggestion as to the
settlement of the Bru’iSwiek and Albany
Railroad muddle:
1. The State shall assume tlio in
debtedness on the $1,880,000 gold bonds
issued to the Bruswick and Albany Rail
road in exchange for the second mort
gage bonds of that company, in con
sideration of the completion of the road
to its terminus at Enfaula.
2. The first mortgage bond holders
shall surrender the State guarantoo upon
all theiv bonds.
and, In consideratiomof this surrender
of guarantee, the State shall issue to the
road, $1,000,(XX) gold-bearing bonds, to
bo used for equipping the line, tlio State
ilaying interest on the same for a moderate
period—say two to four years—after
which the road shall assume the interest
on said bonds; the State to be secured
by a mortgage on all equipments of the
road purchased hv State aid.
4. It might facilitate negotiations
with the State, were the holders of the
sl,BfctVUoD. gold bonds to surrender their
; coupons to the State up to the time of
the completion of the. road.
The advantage to the holders of the
| gold bonds would be tlmt their bonds
would become a valid State obligation.
The holders of the first mortgage bonds
would be compensated for the surrender
of the State guarantee by an addition of
$l A O(x>,UOO to the State contributions *„o
the road and by having the line placed
iu a condition in which it could earn
regular interest on its obligations* The
advantage to the State would bo that by
assuming the responsibility for $2,880,-
000 of gold bonds, it would wipe out the
stigma of repudiation upon $5,100,000 of
indebtedness.
Church of England Statistics. —The
status of the Established Church of
England is being minutely gauged by
the Nonconformists, and they havemnile
a careful census of the position of that
church in fourteen of the largest towns
in England. Tlio results aro somewhat
startling. All the places of worship in
those towns—and it must he remem
bered that such places as Liverpool,
Manchester, Birmingham, are included
—amount to 1,005, with sittings to pro
vide for 1,002,478 persons. The Estab
lishment provides 430 places of worship
and 427,592 sittings; other religious
bodies have 1,185 places of worship amt
004,880; sittings. With such statistics
before him one can hardly be surprised
that there is an agitation against the
Established Church. Further, it is
clear that the Nonconformists generally
are growing rapidly in advance of the
State Church.
j PATHETiO A PIT! AT, FIIOM AN Ux.PORTF
s at* Tax Payer. —Reciting samo of the
humors of the Executive Department,
“ Ogochee" writes to the Savannah News
of the following pathotic npponl to the
Governor:
“ Dkau Sir—l give in to the Tax 1 U>-
1 ceivcr of my county a horse, cow,
wagon, valued at S3OO. Since tlum tiio
Ip.wae has died, the cow has gone dry,
and I have no money. The Tax Collec
tor aayH I must pay all my taxes, or lie
will issue execution. Therefore, humbly
request your Ilouor to plouso instruct
the Tax Collector to relieve me of my
tax.”
This request, under the law, could not
l>e granted. At last aecouuts, however,
the youug gentlemen in the office, with
the Governor at their head, were mak
ing up a purse to pay the tax them
selves.
_ Editor Caned and Newspaper Office
Knocked Into Pi.- —At Scranton, Pa.,
on the morning of the 9tli instant, Mr.
11. O. Silkman and his brother-in-law, a
Mr. Gardner, entered the office of the
Sunday Free Press and gnve the editor
a severe caning, after which they en
tered the composiug-rooninnd upset the
cases, imposing-stones, Ac., completely
gutting the olliee and scattering the type
ail over the floor. Xlio provocation was
a slanderous attack upon the wife of Mr.
Silkman in the Free. Press, charging her
witli having eloped with a married man
—a statement utterly false.
Mr. W. L. Scruggs, of Atlanta, has
been confirmed as Assessor of Internal
Revenue, to succeed Col. Jennings, who
was removed some time ago.
The gin house of Woolfolk Walker,
with twelve bales of cotton, near Co
lumbus, was burned on Tuesday morn
ing. No insurance. Incendiary.
Dr. R. S. Pomeroy, of Atlanta, of the
homoepathic school of practice, died
Sunday morning from the effects of a
fall down stairs last Thursday night.
The fall produced congestion of the 1
braia.