Newspaper Page Text
OLD SERIES-VOL. IHII.
NEW SERIES-VOL. XHVIII.
TERMS.
THE DAILY CHRONICLE K SENTINEL, the old« t
newspaper in the Sou b, is published daily, <-l
--cept Monday. Trnus: I‘er year, *lO ; six months,
tS : three months, $2 50.
THE TBI-WEKKLY CHRONICLE ft SENTINEL is
pobiishnd every Tuesday, Thursday, and Satur
day. Terms: One yea t, *5 : six m uths, $2 50.
THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE ft SENTINEL is put
lished every Wedneada; . T firms : One year, $2;
six months, sl.
SUBSCRIPTIONS In ail cases in advance, and no
paper continued aft r the expiration of tne time
paid for.
KATES OF ADVERTISING IS DAILY.—AII tran
sient advertisements will be charged at the rate
of $1 pec square for each insertion for the first
week. Advertisements in it.a Tri-Weekiy, two
thirds of the rates in the Daily ; and in the
Weekly, one-half the Daily rates, Marriage and
Funeral Notices, |1 each. Special Notices, $1 i*r
square for the first publication. Special rater
will be ma 1« for advertisements running for a
month or longer.
REMITTANCES should oe made by Font Office
Money Orders or Express. If this cannot be
done, protection against losses by msil nrsy be
, secured by forwarding a draft payable to the
Proprietors of the CHROSIcr.K as a Sesti.ipx, or
by sending the money In a registered letter.
Address WALSH ft WRIGHT,
Crnn'Vlrr.e ft Skntinkl, Augusta, Ga.
Cfjromcle attD Sentinel.
WEDNESDAY JULY 1, 1871.
MINOR TOPICS.
We hear of men confessing on their death
hed to the crimes of ninrder. abduction and in
cendiarism, but whoever heard of a dying man
confessing to stealing papers? Nobody! Death
cann* scare that man.
A New York man who believes in advertising,
paid a bill of $78,000 the other day for a year's
work, but it was money well spent, for the
earnings reuniting from the advertisement,
which were divided among four persons, foot
ed up $<150,000.
We are pained to notice that papers taking
onr items, and appropriating them as their
own, seek to palliate the theft by publishing a
column of religious miscellany. This may
look well enough ui the eyes of Heaven, but it
don't satisfy us. Danbury Anns.
The Illinois i epublicans have got the politi
cal disease called “universal apathy," barb In
a district composed of eighty-seven towns that
gave Orarit 8,201 majority, the leaders could
only induce twenty-four townships to send rep
resentatives to the late county conventions.
The people are tired of Radicalism, aud of tire
monstrous disclosures of its ntter rottenness.
That party is thoroughly “’played out” in the
West.
It is to ho feared that foreign despots will
not tremble and beware when they come to
think of our citizen soldiery. The Wurhl says:
“Mr. Jacobs, a member of a cavalry company
which was parading in Elizabeth recently, got
his saber entangle 1 in bis horse's legs, throw
ing the animal down and pitching tho rider
headlong into tho street. Tho man's shoulder
blade was broken, and he sustained a severe
scalp wound." •
Complaint is made in an Oregon newspaper
that twice as many men are employed in build
ing the now .State House as can he profitably
employed. The rumor is that most of them
will ho discharged - after tho election 1 In fact
there wilt soon ho no funds left out, of which
to pay these froo an l independent artisans
their wages. As crows the old. cock so c ows
tho young. When the United States Govern
ment sots a i example of this sort of job work,
why shouldn’t Oregon follow it ?
An assault in which eggs were freely used
calls forth tie following appeal from a Mis
souri writer : “Give us back the palmy days of
the inquisition, or the f.ml tiros of witchcraft,
lifting thoir black columns to the sky; but let
tho low principle of stioli midnight cliques, in
whose breast is lurking in embryo tho feelings
of a highwayman, like the putrid yeast of death
that, often spreads throughout tho physician’s
frame and reduces it to a living skeleton, he
banished from the nation over whose domain
the star of empire now trembles in its last
revolution in tho historic heavens."
Tho contest for the Sonatorship in Rhode
Island, being a family contest, is likely to be
protrai tod. Tho failure ts tho Spragues to
meet their papor was ait end of them in Rhode
Island politics. Tlio State was thenceforward
the property of the Browns and tlio Ives.
Formerly confederated to resist tho ovor
woenitig ambition of tho Spragues, these
families now fall naturally apart-on tlio ques
tion of tlio Henaiorship. General Burnside is
tho candidate of tho Browns, who have under
taken to lay civic honors on tlio shoulders of
their soldier.
From an Englishman's will: ‘“I bequeath to
ray monk, y, my dear and amusing Jaeko, tho
sum of Eltt sterling per annum, to bo employed
for his sole aud exclusive use and benefit; to
my faithful dog, Shock, and my well-beloved
eat, Tib, a pension of X's sterling ; and I desire
that, in caso of tho doatli of either of the
throe, tho lapsed pension shall pass to tlio
other two, between whom it is to bq-equally
divided. On the death of all three tlio sum ap
propriated for this purpose shall beoonio the
property of my daughter. Gertrude, to w hom I
give this preference among my children be
cause of the largo family she has, and the diffi
culty she finds in bringing them up.”
A carman in a Western city HOtun* to have a
decent respect for tlie opinions of mankind or
at least of that portion of it belonging to the
Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Society.
Though, lie could, by no means, forbear welt
ing his horse, he had the grace to paint the
wounds which ho made, thus preventing them
from shocking the eves of the benevolent. It
was in evidence that every morning he was
obliged to pry up the animal before ho could
begin to work ibe Judge thought jSO a rea
sonable price to pay for theso eccentricities;
and as this singular charioteer had no money,
ire went into seclusion to meditate upon what
ho had done.
The appointment of J. C. Bancroft Davis aa,
Minister *o Berlin, the leading Court of
Europe, revives the scandal of a few years
ago. when a committee of the Massachusetts
Legislature reported that he had taken a small
bribe of iso. out. Some llepublican papers,
however, insist that lie is not the worst possi
ble n an for the pi tee. and. therefore, perhaps
we had better be content. It is not a good
argument in favor of the appointment, but we
know of none bettor. If there are some bad
charges touching Mr. Bancroft's integrity, be
is no worse off in that direction than Mr.
Scheuck, or Mr. Jay. or Mr. Van Bureu, or Mr.
Bichardaon, of the Court of Claims; or Mr.—
; but we must desist, the list might grow
to the length of a roster of delinquent tax
payers.
Boston has a ladies’ " dress reform associa
tion. and at a recent meeting one of tlie “ye- j
form" ■modistes appeared on the platform and ;
exhibited a number of the proposed costumes,
dressing a doll iu them in order to explain and ;
thoroughly show them off. One of tho gar
ments shown combined chemise, underskirt,
corset-cover -if corsets are skirt,
with b som. and uudcrsleeves. with butte ns at
the wrists to receive cuffs and at the neck for
collar, rutiles or niching. This remarkable j
garment, including so much.was without either
gather or plait, but was graceful and comely,
and created quite a sensation. It also served
to support a hoop-skirt or its equivalent, a
wlute or other skirt and the skirt of the dips.-
proper, all depending entirely, as before, upon
the shoulders for support, and the weight so j
evenly distributed that there is no undue strain .
in any direction.
The German Admiralty lias decided to adopt ;
anew kind of torpedo, which can bo moved
about while under water from tho shore. The ;
weapon consists of a long hollow cylinder, con
taining. besides the fulminating powder, a suffi
cient quantity of air to enable it to tloat. It is
moved by means of electric currents passed
through wires which connect it with the land,
and by an air-propelling apparatus also fixed on
the shore. The speed of this torpedo can be
raised so as to exceed that of the swiftest
ahijfc. A detonating apparatus is attached to
it iu front wliiah explodes on contact with any
isriid body. A number of torpedo bo#s are
also to be built for the purpose of pursuing
hostile ships and attacking them unobserved.
These boats will be propelled by a screw
xa ived bv hydraulic power, and will be steered
under water*!*?' means of a compass. They
nre to be capable of performing a four days'
journey at sea.
We judge that property is active in St. Louis.
Tvlfce columns of real estate for sale or rent iu
the St. I amis Republican. Is the whole city
selling out ? Is an epidemic expected this !
Summer ? Are the citizens all bent on remov
ing to Chicago ? What's tho matter ? Two
oohuuns of real estate here advertised to j
change hands is considered quite remarkable.
The fact is the Western people understand the
advantage of advertising better than we do.— !
They know that the first thing is to have some
thing for sale that somebody either wants or
can be persuaded that he wants ; and the next
thing is to find that somebody, and the wider
range taken to look for him the more likely he
is to turn np. They look to the papers as well
as to private exertions to find the customer.
Once found, they rely upon themselves to
make hint a purchaser.
THE EIGHTH DISTRICT.
Col. J. H. Wilkins, of Louisville, the
member of the District Executive
Committee from Jefferson county, writes
us that “the ends for which we were ap
pointed have been accomplished,, and I
haven’t the slightest idea that we have
anything to do with the coming cam
paign.” Plain and explicit enough.
Now let ns hear from Messrs. Barnes,
Mathews, Usbt, Heard, Tctt and the
rest of the committee.
A NICE BILL.
The people of Georgia owe Mr. Rich
ard H. White ley, member of Congress
from the Second District, a debt which
should bo fully discharged next Novem
ber. In connection with an Alabama
Radical named White he concocted a
bill which came near passing the House
the other day, and which, if it had
passed, would have rendered it impossi
ble for the Georgia Democracy to carry
a single Congressional District. It was
sprung suddenly in the House last
Wednesday, and though it received a
a large majority of the votes cast,
lacked seventeen of a two-thirds majori
ty, and consequently, under the rules,
could not be taken up out of its regular
order. A correspondent of the Courier-
Journal gives a synopsis of its pro- I
visions, which will enable our readers
to form an adequate idea of the mon- !
strosity.
The bill punishes with fine aud im
prisonment in the penitentiary the giv
ing or furnishing to any voter or voters, j
on the day of an election of a member
of Congress, any liqiiors, vinous, fer- j
men ted or alcoholic, no matter how
small the quantity or how innocent the
intention and proceeding. Tho posses
sion of any weapon, no matter for what
purpose, on the occasion of any such
election, is held to be presumptive evi- '
dence of the intent to intimidate voters, j
and such intimidation is also punished
with fine and the penitentiary. The
same section punishes with both penal- |
ties the threat to use a weapon on the 1
day of an election, and nr> exception is
made even in the case of self-defense.
Section eight gives power to the United j
States Circuit Court Judges to establish I
numerous voting places, the idea being j
to make it easy for negroes to travel :
from one voting precinct to another.— |
Other sections provide for an indefinite
multiplication of Federal supervisors
and assistant marshals at every precinct, |
and all the machinery of terrorism and j
control, on which these partisans rely to j
defeat tlio popular will.
With such a law upon tho statute !
books a system of fraud could be put in j
operation which it would be impossible j
to overcome. Luckily twelve or fifteen
ltepublicas were honest enough to vote
against it, aud Whiteley’s little game
was defeated.
THE WAR UPON THE PRESS.
Congressmen are rapidly getting even
with their enemies of tho press, and if
the two lulls which have received the
sanction of the Senate meet with the
approval of the House, newspaper pub
lishers will have a hard time of it in the
future. On the fifteenth instant the
Senate passed a bill to “determine the
jurisdiction of the Circuit Courts of the
United States, and to regulate the re
moval of causes from State Courts, and
for other purposes.” The 11th section,
which contains the gist of the bill, reads j
as follows:
That process to commence in any Cir
cuit Court of tho United States or in
any Court of any Territory of the United
States or the District of Columbia, any
civil suit not affeoting the title to real
estate not within the State, Territory or
District where the said suit is brought
against any corporation or other person
res.ding in the United States and doing
business in the State, Territory or Dis
trict where said suit is brought, and
having in said State, Territory or Dis
trict where said suit is brought an agent
or agents in respect of the matter out of
which the case arises, may be made by
delivery to such ageirf, or to either of
such agents, where there is more than
one, a copy of such process; aud such
service shall have the same force and
effect as if made upon the principal of
such agent in the State, Territory or
District of Columbia where suit is
brought. Provided, however, that this
section shall not apply to any suit on a
cause of action accruing before July 1,
1874.
This section is known to have been |
framed for the purpose of over-aweing :
the press. The most cursory observer !
will at once see how completely it puts |
the press in the power of the Republi- j
can majority* All the large and wealthy
papers of the country have Washington j
j correspondents, who are their “agents” i
within the meaning of the act. If the j
New York, Herald, or tho Chicago Tri
bune publishes anything which may be j
distasteful to a Republican Senator or '
Representative or Government official— \
whether the objectionable matter ap- |
pears in a letter from Washington, a
communication from Crim Tartary or
editorial—suit may bo commenced in j
Washington City by serving a copy of
the process upon the correspondent of ;
the offending journal. Tho trial
comes off in a place where
the defendant is unknown, where
tho position of the plaintiff gives him
great influence and where the packing of
a jury w ill prove a very easy matter.
Asa matter of course conviction will be
produced in nine cases out of ten,
and the press will be competed to wink
at iniquity which it dare uot expose.
Tho other bill requires the prepayment
of postage on newspapers at tho rate of
four cents per pound. The Cincinnati
Gazette says that this provision will, it is
claimed, punish the press for their ad
vocacy of the bill not long ago passed,
repealing the franking privileges, over
which Senators are very sore. If it be
comes a law it will extinguish more of
the minor newspapers which have any
I circulation outside of their counties,
and will cost all of the larger
journals a handsome fortune every year.
Its effect will be to raise a tax of about
two and a half or three million dollars
per annum from the larger dailies and
the religious and other weeklies and
magazines. The Postmaster General
was entirely satisfied with one cent
and a half per pound for newspapers,
prepayment to begin next January,
and even admitted that he believed that
after some time this rate might be
reduced. No reason is given in any
quarter for more than doubling the rates
asked by the Post Office Department.
JAMES FOR GOVERNOR.
A few short days ago Hon. John H.
Jambs magnanimously declined a nomi
nation for Congress from the Fifth Dis
trict. The moral heroism of the act may
be better appreciated when it is known
that the gentleman who has the bestowal
of the nomination wrote a letter to an
Atlauta paper offering the honor to Mr.
James. When he gently but firmly de
clined a seat in the “Halls of the Na
tion” upon the ground, we believe, that
his conscience wonld not allow him
to accept the nomination until there was
a better opportunity for getting pay for
the emancipated slaves, we thought, as the
world thought, that the illustrious man
■ had voluntarily and unselfishly banished
himself from the pleasures and profits
of public life. But, thauk Heaven, the
world was mistaken ! Thank Heaven,
Jambs is still willing to serve his unhap
py country. He is not lost to ns forever
and entirely, but only for a time aud in
spots. Owing to bis advanced position
upon the payment-for-slaves question
he cannot, without doing violence to his
sense of propriety, consent to take
part in national politics. Grant
will only throw away time by
asking him to be a United States
Deputy Marshal or Federal Commis
sioner. He cannot be tempted into
the House of Representatives or Senate.
Convention after Convention may nomi
, nate him for the highest office within
the gift of a free people—an office xvhich
! eluded the grasp of Clay, the idol of
the Whigs, of Webster, the New Eng
land Giant, of Calhoun, the Southern
statesman and philosopher—but the
offer will be made in vaiu. The country j
may invoke his assistance, and the!
mountains and valleys of the Union j
ring with the war-cry of Jeemes for .
President,” and he wouldn’t touch the j
Presidency with a forty-foot pole—un- :
less, of course, his position upon the j
slavery question aforesaid should be fully
recognized and sustained. But while
unwilling as yet to enter the arene of j
national politics, Mr. James by no means j
contemplates retirement from the politi-!
cal world, He will still serve his fellow
citizens at home, and rather than let
such men as Hardeman and Colquitt—
not toraentionSMirn— occupy the Exec
utive Mansion, heis willing to be Govern
or himself. Intoxicated with ambition,
maddened by a lust for power, which
was begotteu by his election to the po
sition of Mayor of Atlanta, he has de
termined, if the report of onr correspon
dent be true, to seize upon the govern
ment of Georgia. We cannot but think
that he has a claim to the office
which the people should recognize.
His competitors, Hardeman and Col
quitt, are inferior men. They may have
rendered the State some slight service—
the former in her councils, the latter
upon the field of battle—but neither one
of them has ever been Mayor of Atlanta,
anil consequently they know nothing
wiiatever of the science of government.
Besides all this, Mr. James deserves
something for the magnanimity which
he exhibited in the last campaign. Had
he not retired from the field a Radical
might now be Governor of Georgia.
Every one know* how close was the race
between Smith and Walker. Suppose
Mr. James had remained in the field,
what would have manifestly been the
result ? lie have beaten both his
competitors, it is true, but strong as he
was lie could hardly have done that.
His immense vote, however, taken from
the support of Smith, would have de
feated that gentleman and insured the
triumph of Walker, But he declined
to run and Smith managed to retain his
seat. Gratitude as well as good policy
demand the selection of James as our
standard bearer. Let us see who will
venture to oppose his pretensions.
JUDGE HOPKINS
The following appears in the Atlanta
Constitution of Sunday morning :
In the correspondence of the Augusta
Chronicle and Sentinel is told a story
of Judge Hopkins to the effect that he
increased the sentence of a convicted
criminal from five to fifteen years on
learning time the jailer had whipped the
prisoner several times. Upon this state
ment of its correspondent ihe Chronicle
bases an indignant editorial. That
journal will appreciate the great in
justice it has done when we inform it,
up.,,, u,c authority of Judge Hopkins,
flint, the ituuuAiuw w - , —1„
but lias not the slightest foundation ui
fact.
We are sorry that any injustice has
been done Judge Hopkins. The Chroni
cle and Sentinel desires to misrepre
sent no man. The editorial to which
the Constitution alludes was based upon
a statement which, if true, fully war
ranted every word of censure which the
article contained. The conduct of J ndge
Hopkins, as related by our correspond
ent, was so outrageous that we should
have disregarded our duty as the con
ductors of a public journal if we had not
denounced it. We are glad to learn that
our correspondent was misinformed, and
that Judge Hopkins is not a counte
nancer of cruelty to criminals. We very
cheerfully make the proper amende by
withdrawing the article, which was writ
ten upon an erroneous statement of the
case.
AN OFFER OF COMPROMISE.
Geo. Francis Train, the coming dic
tator, who has warred with the press,
the people and society for many years—
who advocated every obnoxious ism
which arose and advocated the rights of
labor against the rights of capital to the
extent of leaving capital no rights which
labor is bound to respect—who fought
under the black flag and neither gave
nor asked quarter—has at last been
brought to them. Ha says: “I am
“ willing to make this offensive and de
fensive compact with the newspapers:
“ If they will let me severely alone I will
“ agree never to speak again iu public,
“ to publish another book, or write nn
“ other letter to a newspaper. I am now
“ satified that the many strange events
“ of my ever changing life, which I snp
“ posed I was enacting out of some
“ grand principle to benefit humanity,
“ had no motive higher than that thing
“ they call fame, ambition, popularity,
1 ‘ self-love,or a morbid love of notoriety. I
“ did not know this at the time, and
“ only discovered it since abstaining
“ from all kinds of animal food.”
The confession is certainly candid
and complete enough, and Geo. Fran
cis has undoubtedly made a thorough
and correct analysis of his own heart.
If abstinence from animal food proves
so fatal to egotism and vanity, we must
put a vegetarian plank in all the party
platforms which the political carpenters
are constructing.
PARTY ORGANIZATION.
The Democrats all over the State seem
to be busily engaged preparing for the
coming campaign. Meetings have been
called very generally through Northern
and Northeast Georgia, and steps taken
to put the party machinery in motion.
Among the latest calls which we have
noticed is one from the Democracy of
Fulton, requesting a meeting of the
party on Saturday, the 11th of July;
and one from the Executive Committee
of Early county, ordering a meeting on
the same day, to “determine upon the
mode of nominating a candidate for the
Legislature.” We are glad to see these
evidences of life and party spirit. The
only thing which Georgians have to fear
is from their own lukewarmness and in
difference. With proper management,
with complete organization, and with the j
manifestation of a proper degree of inter
est by the people, we have nothing to fear
from the result of the October and No
vember elections. Everywhere, too, the
indications are that the press and peo
ple will combin# to crush ont the inde
pendent gentry, who are unwilling to
submit to the government of the party
to which they profess allegiance. We
feel confident that the good sense
of the Democracy will eliminate the in
dependent element from the next con
test, and that we shall have a square
fight with the enemy. If every Demo
j cratic vote is cast for the nominees of
the party we shall carry every county in
1 the State, and send an unbroken dele
gation to Congress.
Chicago, June 23.—Samuel Meyers,
j theatrical manager, is dead.
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, JULY 1, 1874.
THE CAUSE OF THE SOUTH.
To the exclusion of a groat deal of
i other matter we publish this morning
j the greater portion of the speech on the
Louisiana contested election, recently
delivered in the House of Representa
tives by Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar. We have
i omitted on account of its leDgth the
: statement of facts concerning the usnr
; pation in Louisiana, and with which
j our readers are generally familar, but
| we publish entire that portion of the
speech which presents the cause of
the whole South. We know that it will
be read with interest, and with admira
tion by the people of Georgia. It is
| justly characterized as the ablest
| speech in behalf of the South which
j has been made in the House since the
j war, and will undoubtedly do us much
good. The noble sentiments which it
i expresses and its lofty eloquence will
forcibly recall the finest efforts of tlie
: elder Pitt.
Mr. Lamar is a true son of the South
—one of whom she may justly feel
: proud. Though now a representative of
j the State of Mississippi, Georgia still
I claims him as her child, than whom she
has none of greater genius, none more
truly patriotic. A few yelp at Lamar
while they fawn upon Grant; but hap
pily there are only a few of this class
and their barking cannot injure Lamar
any more than their fawning fails to
benefit the President.
THE AUGUSTA FACTORY.
The Memphis Appeal thus speaks of
the showing made by the Augusta Fac
tory : “ The Augusta cotton mill was
“ bought by its present owners for one
“hundred and forty thousand dollars
“on ten years credit at seven per cent.
“ interest. The stockholders paid sixty
“ thousand dollars expended in machin
“ ery and improvements. The property
“ has paid for itself; additional land lias
“ been purchased; new buildings, have
“ been erected; one hundred thousand
“ dollars invested in new machinery;
“ the capital stock has been increased
“ (watered) to six hundred thousand
“ dollars, and on this, each quar
ter, five per cent, dividends are
“paid. Who would own stock in a
“one-horse Memphis fire insurance
“company? In five years the manufac
“ turing company have paid out nine
“ hundred and nine thousand four liun
“ dred aud oue dollars in wages, aud
“ sold five million one hundred and
“seventy-eight thousand six hundred
“ and twelve dollars and ninety-six cents
“worth of products; net earnings are
“seven hundred and ninety thousand
“ five hundred dollars fifty-eight cents,
“and dividends paid to stockholders
“six hundred and sixty thousand dol
lars. Every single material or element
“of industry entering into the prcduc
“ tion of cotton cloth is as cheap in
“Memphis as in Augusta. Why not
“ build the narrow gauge to the iron
“ and coal fields, and establish here, in
“ the midst of the best upland cotton in
“ the world, the world’s greatest cotton
“ mill ?”
THE RADICAL SLATE.
The Radical paper published in Fort
Valley states that the following Repub
licans are spoken of for Congress in the
different Districts of Georgia:
First District—Andrew Sloan, Chat
ham county, and Virgil Hillyer, of Cam-
Second District—R. H. Wliiteley, De
catur; E. L. Douglass, Randolph; W.
L. Clark, of Thomas, and S. Wise
Parker, of Terrell.
Third District—Jack Brown, Sumter;
David B. Harrell aud Samuel Bell, of
Webster.
Fourth District—M. Bethune, of Tal
bot county; John S. Bigbee, of Cowe'a:
William F. Hall, of Merriwether.
Sixth District —S. F. Gove, of Twiggs;
Jeff Long, of Bibb.
Eighth District—Ex-Governor Ben
Conley, of Richmond; William Harris,
of Newton.
As Newton county is not in this Dis
trict, and as there is no auch Republi
can in it as William Harris, we pre
sume that the Fort Valley organ is mis
taken as to oue of its candidates, at
least.
HOME RULE IN IRELAND.
The question of Home Rule for Ire
land will come up in the House of Com
mons on the 30th instant. The measure
was defeated on its first introduction
and it is not likely to meet with any
more favorable consideration at this
time. Dr. Isaac Butt, member of
Parliament from the county of Limer
ick, is the acknowledged leader of the
Home Rule movement. He is a man
of great force of character, combined
with intellectual power and enlarged
experience iu public affairs. His move
ment is progressive, but conservative
and peaceable. The Irish people de
mand from the British Government the
right to make their own local laws, just
as the State of Georgia does under the
Federal Government. The people of
Ireland want to manage Irish affairs
exclusively in an Irish Parliament,
leaving to the British Parliament
the sole and exclusive control of
the Imperial Government, as hereto
fore. This is the sum and substance of
Home Rule for Ireland. To an Ameri
can citizen, there could be no reasonable
objection to the demand of the Irish
people; but tho British Parliament, as
already indicated by an Irish Tory, will
defeat any measure involving the dis
solution of the present legislative union
of Great Britain and Ireland. The agi
tation of Home Rule for Ireland is but
a pleasant conceit. England will never
loosen her hold upon her sister Isle until
there is a partition of Great Britain—tlie
result of a war that will involve the
great powers of Europe and dissolve the
old Governments. These possibilities
may not be too chimerical for the con
templation of the enthusiastic lover of
Home Rule; but we forbear. The move
ment of the Irish people is certain to
meet with defeat.
The Georgia journalists who sacrifice
to Free Hash have given us no less than
three candidates for Governor —all
Mayors. First, it was Mayor James, of
Atlanta; then Mayor Huff, of Macon,
and now the name of Mayor Spencer, of
Atlanta, is proposed. Can’t the Mayor
of Savannah or the chief Magistrate of ;
Waynesville or Conyers give an enter- j
tainment and secure a nomination also, j
Or if it is understood that the horses en
tered for the race are to be Mayors ex
clusively, Augusta will back her Mayor
against the field.
Our definition of an editor : An edi
tor iz a male being whose bizness iz to
navigate a nuze paper. He writes edi
torials, grinds out poetry, inserts deths
and weddings, sorts ont m§nescrips,
keeps a waste basket, blows the “devil,”
steals matter, sites other people’s bat
tles, sells his paper for a dollar and fifty
cents a year, takes white beans and apple
sass for pay, when he can get it, raises a
large family, works 19 hours out uv
' every 24. knows no Sunday, gets dam
med* by everybody, and once in a while
whipt by snmboddy, lives poor, dies
1 middle aged and often broken-hearted,
I leaves no money, iz rewarded for a life
uv toil with a short but free obituary
puff in the nnze papers. Exchanges
please copy.— Hillings.
What is fame ? The Atlanta Comrnon
j wealth calls Major Victor Hugo Sturm
the gay Lothario, “ Maj. Strum.”
The Western women have in a great
degree stopped praying in public and
are making np their Sommer clothes.
L. Q. f. LAMAR.
HIS SPEECH UPON THE LOUISI
ANA CONTESTED ELECTION.
We give below that part of the recent
speech of Mr. Lamar, on the Louisiana
contested election, which has attracted
so much attention North and South.
After giving a statement of the facts of
case and his own view of the law which
should goveru a decision, Mr. Lamar
left Louisiana for a tinJe while he de
fended the cause of the| whole South :
I am aware, sir, that! the bare men
tion of these events is c 4 culated to ex
cite apprehension that a unething may
be said to revive resentnn nts and to in
flame passion. I presui le, sir, I t eed
| not assure this House tl it such is not
my purpose. I fear thi t the two sec
tions can never obtain genuine and
, permanently good understanding unless
we speak to each other upon these snb
: jects in a spirit of open-hearted frank
ness. Reticence and re Serve persisted
| in will, it is to be feared, be productive
of additional misunderstandings. Mr.
I Speaker, in 1860 the Presidential elee
i tion, for the first time in the history of
this country, placed the Federal Govern
ment in the control of a party whose
| organization, candidates, and voters
were all confined to one section of the
Union and animated by a common senti
ment of hostility to the slavery institu
tions of tho other section, whose lead
ing policy was not only to exclude those '
j institutions from the Territories, but
I also to use the powers of the Federal
j Government to the extent of its con
-1 stitntional authority to effect their ex
tinction in the States throughout the
Union. There is no proposition better
settled than the overthrow of the civil
aud domestic institutions of a people
against their will, by a power external
and paramount to their own, is, in effect,
the subjugation and conquest of that
people. To the Southern people, there
fore, was presenti and one of two alterna
tive; either to submit to the overthrow
of their civil and political institutions
or to change their political relations.
Early in 1801 seven of those States, by I
the action of the people thereof, with
drew from tlie Federal Union, and, by
the same authority, established a com
mon government, styled the Confederate
States of America. With this contro
versy between tlie two%eetions about the
relations of race and labor other ques
tions arose, among which was the one
relating to the reserved powers of the
several States and their relation to the
Federal authority. One school asserted
the doctrine of State Sovereignty, and,
as an incident, its right to secede from
the Union. The other theory is that the
nation, the Uuited States, is the sole
indivisible sovereign, and that the Fede
ral Government is charged with the
duty of using all its powers to maintain
the national unity and integrity of the
national domain. This last question
autedated the foundation of our Govern
ment and remained till 1865, when it
was adjudicated by a tribunal from
which there is no appeal.
Such were tho issues staked on the re
sult of the war. Sir, can it be said that
in such a conflict (in which questions as
old as the Government had passed from
theory into fact) between tw T o great sec
tional organizations, whose armies,
larger than those of the First Napoleon,
stretching their line of battle across the
Continent, and maintaining a war of
four long years of alternate victory and
defeat, the crime of treason could attach
to either belligerent ? Ido not mean
the technical treason that the fortunes
of war give you the power to record
against the Southern people, but the
moral gnilt that lies in treasonable in
tent ? They certainly did not conspire
or attempt to subvert your form of Gov
ernment or to destroy your Constitution
or to depose your ruiers. When their
secession was consummated they left the
United States, the United States still, a
great aud powerful nation, with its ex
tended sea coast, its teeming population,
its vast extent of territory, its mechanic
arts, its commerce, its Constitution safe,
its laws unobstructed, its administration
unembarrassed, its magistracy, Federal,
thority. Do not say, then, that we at
tempted to overthrow your Government;
for there it stood, after we left you, oue
of the greatest and most powerful na
tionalities on the face of the earth.
There was no dispute between the two
sections about the form of government.
Devotion to the Constitution, to the
principles of American freedom, was the
fountain at which both sections drank in
inspiration for the stupendous war which
they maintained. And when that war
closed with defeat for the South and
victory for the North the controversy
was closed also. The result of that vic
tory has been to embody iu .the Consti
tution two great principles—the legal
indissolubility of the American Union
and the universality of human freedom
on the Americau Continent.
But, sir, the North were not satisfied ,
with these results. Holding that having j
plucked the black race from the shelter (
as well as the restraints of existing in- (
stitutions, protection to that race was (
an imperative duty; and holding that
they were further bound to fortify the
results of the war against further dis- ’
turbance and reaction into the organic j
law of the Republic, they adopted the
thirteenth amendment, which was fol- j
lowed iu quick and logical succession by
the fourteenth and fifteenth amend
ments, for a stricter enforcement of '
which were superadded your reconstruc
tion measures, whose pitiless provisions
sunk the iron deep into the soul of the
Southern people. I refer to them not to
complain or to arraigu your policy, but
simply to remind you how completely
and effectually the logical results of the
war have been interfused in the very
elements of your national life. You have
never comprehended how entirely the
South realized that the fate of her labor
system and her creed of separate State
sovereignty were staked upon the issues
of tlie war. From the day of the sur
render of uer armies to the present mo
ment, iu no part of her vast territory
has one single hand of insurrection been
raised against the authority of the
American Union. Nowhere in the limits
of your great empire has the national
supremacy been maintained with such
absolute omnipotence. Is not this fact
of itself, unprecedented in the annals of
civil war, occuring among a brave peo
ple, a sufficient gage of their fealty to
your Constitution and laws? Have they
not abided in good faith by your poli- ;
cies as you have successively establish- ;
ed them ?
I am not eitheremlorsing or condemn
ing the views or policy of either of the
great parties. I think I can respond to
the question of my friend more distinct
ly than by repudiating or endorsing a
detached sentence which, to say the
least of it, is susceptible of different
! constructions. Mr. Speaker, upon a
] recent solemn oooasion, I announced on
; this floor that the Southern people had i
| not only submitted to, but would abide j
the legitimate results of the late war.— I
! Sir, that sentiment has not met one dis- i
| sent throughout the whole extent of the j
Southern laud. Tlie occasion has been
| criticised by a few persons as not a
proper occasion to utter it; but the sen
timent itself is the all prevailing senti
ment of the Southern people. In reply
to my friend from New York (Mr.
Smith), who has challenged me, I will
distinctly enunciate what I" conceive to
be the position of the Southern people
| on this subject.
Sir, the Southern people believe that
conquest has shifted the Union from the
basis of compact and consent to that of
force. They fully recognize the fact
j that every claim to the right of seces-
I sion from this Union is extinguished
i and eliminated from the American sys
tem, and no longer constitutes a part* of
the apparatus of the American Gov- j
| eminent. They believe that the institu- I
j tion of slavery, with all its incidents and \
affinities, is dead, extinguished, sunk
into a sea that gives not up its dead. i
They cherish no aspirations or schemes :
for * its resuscitation. 'With their I
opinions on the rightfulness of slaverv
unchanged by the events of the
war, yet as an enlightened people, ac
: cepiing what is inevitable, thev would
not if they conld again identify their
destiny as a people with an institution
that stands antagonized so utterly to
all the sentiments and living forces of
; modem civilization. In a word, they re
i gard the new amendments to the Con
stitution, which secure to the black race
1 freedom, citizenship and suffrage, to be
not less sacred and inviolable than the
[ original charter, as it came from the
; I hands of the fathers. They owe alle
j giance to the latter; they have pledged
i their parol of honor to keep the former,
and it is the parol of honor of a soldier
race. I repeat, your policy of securing
'; the results of the war has reached its
I consummation. There is no class or
people in the country who have more
t • liberty and who are more secure from
I I the assaults of enemies than the colored
I people of the South, Every man, wo-
! man and child of them can do precisely
as they like, without the slightest re
straints from the whites. Every black
man of twenty-oueyears possesses a vote
and exercises the same right aud the
same individual freedom as the wealth
iest and proude-t whiteman in America.
There is not a trace, of privilege through
out the land. Morally, mentally, politi-
y, negro liberty is universal, tlior
rmgh, aud complete, and their equality
before the law is without an exception.
To go further is to make it a privileged
race, Would it not be wise aud states
manlike to pause before you push your
policy to further extremes,. and see the
results of it as time w ill disclose them ?
But, sir, is it true that in the estab
lishment of the Union and the enfran
chisement of the black men, American
statesmanship has exhausted its re
sources and absolved itself from all ob
ligations growing out of the tremulous
conflicts through which the country has
passed ? Is no regard to be had for the
white population iu these Southern
States; to the seven million of men in
whose veins run the blood of the races
that uphold the Christianity and civiliza
tion of the world; a population in which
reside the intellectual culture, the moral
strength, the material interests, the
skilled labor, the useful capital of that
entire section, as well as its political ex
perience; a population which, whatever
heated partisans may say of it, lias in
every period of your country’s history
furnished its due proportion of Presi
dents for the Federal Republic, Minis
ters in your Cabinets, Judges upon your
bench, Statesmen in your natioual legis
latures, Generals in your armies, and
troops of unsurpassed bravery upou
your battle fields; a population whose
leaders guided your country for sixty
out of seventy years of her existence,
and only fifteen years ago surrendered
her to your control, to use the language
of one of them upou that occasion,
“without a stain upon her honor, match
less in her glory, incalculable in her
strength, the pride and admiration of
the world ?”
But in a speech, to which, I believe, by
the rules of this House I am not allowed
to refer more particularly, it is said,
statesmen as they were, “they w ere en
gaged in a wicked rebellion to overturn
the Government which was entrusted to
their hands;” and “though they have
surrendered their arms they are rebels
still, cast in the mould of rebellion and
cannot bend.” “You can no more con
ciliate them by giving them back their
privileges than you can conciliate the
rattlesnake by restoring to it its fangs.”
And another, to which I am precluded
from alluding, says that “things are in a
bad way down in the South, bat it is the
legitimate fruit of their ow'n miscon
duct. They have sown the wind and
they must reap the whirlwind ” “It is
said that the black people have governed
badly, and are of a lower order of intel
ligence ; but give to me the low'er order
of intelligence that is loyal, rather than
the higher order of intelligence that has
derived its culture from the blood of the
Republic.” Sir, the inevitable effect, if
not the direct object, of such views will
be to fix upon the Government a policy
that works the degradation, humiliation,
wretchedness and torture, for its own
sake, of the Southern people. But I be
lieve, sir, that this spirit is passing
away even from the minds of my friends
on the other side. It is condemned by
the spirit of the age. You can find no sanc
tion for it in the ethics of Christian or
American statesmanship. And the au
thors of the sentiments might have
learned even a nobler lesson from the
allegories of heathen mythology. When
Prometheus was bound to the rock it
was not an eagle, the proud bird of
Jove, but a vulture that buried its beak
in liis writhing frame. This is not the
spirit which animated your Northern
people to war upon the South, nor was
it the spirit that fired your biave men
to follow McClellan and Grant and Sher
man.
Sir, the issues of that war are well de
fined. The people of tlie South believed
that if the States of this Union whose
institutions were so discordant that they
could not live together under a common
('OH trt ’- uwi ai; ‘ Vn'ttf tVo “gretli" ' K'/ntrrrcaft
Republics, each pursuing its destiny, its
freedom, its progress, and the greatness
of its own people, without interfering
with the other, it would furnish the
grandest argument in favor of free insti
tutions that the world had ever seen.—
The North believed that such separa
tion was death to the Americanism of
government; that it was dissolution to
the whole system, and it proclaimed and
waged war to give effect to the principle
that the people of each State and every
section must pursue their freedom anil
their greatness and their glory only in
the freedom and greatness and glory of
the American Republic, which would
make them freer and greater and more
glorious than they could become in two
separate confederacies. And the whole
theory upon which your war was fought
was that it was as much for the good of
the Southern people to fail in their
cause of secession as it was for the good
of tlie Northern people to succeed iu the
caus<sof the Union.
If this be not so, then you must ad
mit you were waging a war of aggres
sion upon the Southern people to bring
them back into the Union for your own
sectional aggrandizement, for then the
terms “Constitutional Liberty” and
“American Union” would be empty in
deed. Assuming that it is your desire
and your aim, having brought us back
into the Union, to give to the Southern
people the blessings of good and honest
government, to secure to them the pros
perity and well-being ought to be
enjoyed in this great Union, I ask you,
not by way of complaint, I ask you has
such a desire been realized or such an
aim been attained in that unhappy
country ?
I do not propose here to enter upon
any detailed description of the condition
of our people. I shall do so if the op
portunity occurs on some future occa
sion. I prefer to-day to take the lan
guage of a Northern gentleman, not be
cause he is Northern, nor because he is
Republican, but because when I first
read his words they struck me as, solid
and thoughtful and wise, exhibiting a
maturity of judgment, and a tremulous
anxiety for the welfare of his country
which I did not expect from so young a
man:
“For the last few years the infamy
and disgrace of certain Southern State
governments have been constantly on
the increase. There have been corrupt
electors and corrupt elections. There
have been corrupt legislators and cor
rupt legislation. There have been
double Legislatures, double Governors,
double Representatives in this House,
and double Senators year by year in
many States. There have been bad
men in these States who have bought
power by wholesale bribery, and have
enriched themselves at the expense of
the people by peculation or openhanftd
robbery. Corruption and anarchy have
occupied and possessed these unfortu
nate States.”
I read from a speech delivered by the
gentleman from Maine (Mr. Hale), in
1872, at the second session of the Forty
second Congress. Now, Mr. Speaker/ 1
have heard gentlemen allude with some
significance of manner to the fact that
trie pains and penalities of treason have
not been inflicted upon the South; that
their leaders have not been hanged or
exiled or subjected to confiscation. I
ask you; gentlemen, can a greater calami
ty, a more awful curse be visited upon a
people than to commit them to the-pos
session of anarchy and corruption?
Confiscation passes away with its vic
tims and its authors ; but anarchy and
; corruption entail ruin, wretchedness,
and blood upon untold generations.
I was saying that confiscation is not
j the worst of evils when it is followed by
i good government, for then it gives you
| security for the present and a promise
of guarantee for the future. Bnt an
archy and corruption are the lingering
death that brings decay with life enough
to realize its own loathsome degrada
tion.
We have, indeed, as a bare recital of
facts—known to many and denied by
none—would show, a condition there
that even the eloquent words from the
gentleman from Maine fails to depict.
Language is inadequate to convey a dis
tinct conception of it. There is, how
ever, one mistake which I must correct
before I leave this topic. The evils of
that condition are in no way, as is so of
ten alleged, the result of a terrible civil
war and the social convulsion produced
by the abolition of slavery. Those
States were far removed from the field
of invasion, except for ashort time, and
to a small extent. They were never tom
by civil strife until the desolating furies
of peace came among them. They were
not subjected to intestine commotions.
They were united during all the war.
But' sir, the border States, Virginia,
Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, were
the field upon which the great armies of
the two sections met. They were the
theatre of the conflict. They passed
through the same social transformations,
and were besides ravaged by the war of
factious locally intermingled. Yet those
States, their affairs restored to the con
trol of their own people, rebels as they
were, have staggered to their feet, and
are exhibiting a degree of prosperity
ami progress remarkable when compared
with the blight and ruin of tlieir unfor
tunate sisters farther South.
Why this difference? If I have not
trespassed too long upon your time, I
will give you a brief analysis of the
cause. Mr. Speaker, the point at which
Government affects most vitally tlie in
terests ot a people for weal or woe is its
fiscal action. “The fisc is the State,”
once said a great French statesman.
The func ion of collecting and disburs
ing t)te revenues places the entire re
sources of a community at the com
maud of those in whom it is invested.
It has in all ages been the machinery by
which arbitrary governments and those
who ruled them can plunder a people
and raise themselves to the greatest de
gree of riches and splendor. According
to the views of a gnat American states
man and profound thinker, Mr. Calhoun,
even in the best regulated governments,
the action of this part of the system
naturally divides society into two antag
onistic classes—those who pay tho taxes
and bear the burdens of government,
aud those who receive the taxes and are
supported by the government; the latter
class being interested in swelling the
revenues and expenditures to tlip highest
amount, and the former in keeping them
down to the lowest figure. There is but
one principle by which the people who
bear the burden of taxatiou can keep
themsejves from being despoiled and
ruined by those who impose aud con
sume the taxes; that is the principle
whicn will not permit taxes to be im
posed except with the consent of the
tax payers—or in other words, which
makes the tax consumers, the men who
impose and receive the taxes, responsi
ble to tlio men who pay them.
Such was the relation of these two
classes of the South before the war.
Men who imposed the taxes were re
sponsible to the people who paid them.
The consequence was, their govern
ments were models of republican simpli
city and prudential economy and virtue
in tlie administration of affairs. Sir,
the events since the war have reversed
these relations. When, in order to con
summate your policy, you divided the
Southern country into military districts,
your military commanders, distrusting
the purposes of tho Southern people and
knowing the negroes vfero incompetent
to manage the affairs of government,
called to their aid, and installed into all
tlie offices of the States, from the highest
to the lowest, a set of men from the
North who were strangers to our “peo
ple, not possessing tlieir confidence, not
elected by them, not responsible to
them, having no interest in common
with them, ano hostile to them to a cer
tain evtent in sentiment.
I am not going to characterize these
men by any harshness of language. I
am speaking of a stato of tilings more
controlling than ordinary personal char
acteristics. Even if it were true that
they came to the South for no bad pur
poses, they wefe put in a position which
has always engendered rapacity, cupidi
ty, corruption, grinding oppression, and
taxation in its most devouring form.—
They were rulers without responsibility,
in unchecked control of the material re
sources of a people with whom they had
not a sentiment in sympathy or an in
terest in common, and whom they ha
bitually regarded and treated as rebels
who had forfeited their right to protec
tion. These men, thus situated and
thus animated, were the fisc of the
South. They were the recipients of all
the revenues, State and local. Not a
dollar of taxes. State or local, but what
went into their pockets. The suffering
people on whom the taxes were laid
could not exercise the slightest control,
either as to the amount imposed or the
basis upon which they were laid. The
consequence was that in a few short
years eight magnificent Commonwealths
were laid in ruins. This condition of
those Southern States. For when, by
your reconstruction measures, you de
termined to provide civil governments
for these States, the machinery by
which these men carried their power
over into those civil governments
was simple and effectual. Under your
policy generally—l repeat my purpose
to-day is not arraignment—under that
policy you disfranchised a large portion
of the white people of the Southern
States. The registration laws and the
hands of these men kept a still larger
proportion away.
But there was an agency more potent
still. By persistent misrepresentation a
majority in Congress was made to be
lieve that the presence of the United
States army would be necessary not
merely to put these governments in
force, but to keep them from being
snatched away and worked to the op
pression and ruin of the black race and
the few loyal men who were there at
tempting to protect their rights. Thus
was introduced into those so-called
reconstructed civil governments the
the Federal military as an operative and
predominant principle. Thus, with a
quick, sudden and violent hand, these
men tore the two races asunder, and
hurled one in violent antagonism upon
the other, and to this day the negro
vote massed into an organization hostile
to the whites is an instrument of abso
lute power in the hands of these men.
These governments are in external form
civil, but they are in their essential prin
ciple military. They are called govern
ments, but in reality they are Federal
executive agencies. Not one of them
emanates from the uncontrolled will of
the people, white or black; not one
which rests upon the eleotive principle
in its purity. They have been aptly
styled by a distinguished statesman and
jurist in Mississippi (Hon. W. P.
Harris) State governments without
States, without popular constituen
cies. For they are as completely
insulhted from the traditions, the
feelings, the interests, and the free
sidFrages of the people, white and black,
as*if they were outside the limits of
thpse States. Where is the public senti
ment which guides and enlightens those
to whom are confided the conduct of
public affairs? Where is the moral
judgment of a virtuous people to which
they are amenable ? Where is the moral
indignation which falls like the scath
ing lightning upon the delinquent or
guilty public officer ? Sir, that class
and race in which reside these great
moral agencies is prostrated, their in
terests, their prosperity jeopardized,
their protests unheeded, and every mur
mur of discontent and every effort to
throw off their oppressions misrepre
sented here as originating in the spirit
which inaugurated the rebellion. Sir,
the statement that these Southern gov
ernments have no popular constituencies
is true, but they nevertheless have a
constituency to whom they bear a re
sponsibility as inexorable as death. It
is limited to the one point of keeping
| the State true and faithful to the Ad
; ministration; all else is boundless license,
i That constituency is here in Washing
ton; its heart pulsates in the White
House. There is its intelligence and
there is its iron will. I do not exag
gerate when I say that every one of
these governments depend, every mo
ment of their existence, upon the will
of the President. That will makes and
unmakes them. A short proclamation
: backed by one company determines who
|isto be Governor of Arkansas. A tele
gram settles the civil magistracy of
! Texas. A brief order to a General in
New Orleans wrests a State government
from the people of Louisiana and vests
its control in the creatures of the Ad
ministration. Sir, even conceding that
the decision in one or two of these cases
accorded with the rights of the people,
there stands the startling fact that all
the rights, peace and security of these
people hang upon the precarious tenure
of one man’s will or caprice. Is it
wonderful that beneath the chill shadow
of such a colossal despotism the hope
and enterprise and freedom of that peo
ple should wither and die ?
Mr. Speaker, my heart has on more
than one occasion thrilled under the
tributes of applause paid by Northern
members, who were Federal officers in
i the war, to the valor of Southern troops
| and the fortitude of Southern people
i during the war. Sir, if the conquest
over self is the greatest of all victories,
then that people deserve a still higher
meed of praise for their conduct in peace;
for, sir, they have borne unprecedented
indignities, wrongs, oppressions and
torture with unexampled patience and
dignity. It is true, sir, that in some
districts, for a time tortured, goaded
and wounded, there were neighborhoods
in which misguided men rose up, some
times disguised, and inflicted bloody
retaliations. And like all such blind
vengeance, the blow fell upon the inno
cent instead of the guilty, and it served
only to call down upon the naked and
defenseless heads of the people of tlie
South the wrath of this Government,
which misunderstood the outbreak, con
sidering it as the ibdication of the tem
per of the Southern people when it was
only the indication of their agony.—
These outbreaks that flashed up here
and there, without concert and irregular
in their succession, were but signal guns
of distress.
Mr. Speaker, the real issue pressing
upon us for decision did not originate
with the Louisiana case. It underlies
our political system, and in its results
we are to find solved tlie great question
of self-government, not for the South
alone, but for every part of the Union.
I know, sir, that in the blind fight of
factious the great peril is lost sight of
iu the presence of the evils flint more
immediately affect the contestants. But
there is that involved in the real issue
which is of infinitely greater impor
tance than questions of races or the
material interests of many generations.
The antagonism of races, iis to tho cause
of which I differ so widely from my
friend from New York (Mr. Smith),
cannot last always. With thirty-seven
millions ol’ white people, increasing not
only by the ordinary laws of popula
tion, but by tlie tides of immigration
pouring in from Europe, to only four
millions of blacks continually falling off
iu its per centago of growth, with no
supplies from any foreign sources, it
does not call for a scientist to calculate
liow long it will take for the weaker and
smaller race to disappear before the
more populous and stronger.
So, too, the prosperity of the South
may be utterly destroyed, and with it no
small part of that of the North, whose
present distresses are in my opinion not
so much due to the contraction or ex
pansion of the currency as to the rapid
closing up of her best market and the
impoverishment of her best customers.
But, sir, the land and climate of the
South will still remain, and long after
we have passed into oblivion her deep,
rich soil will respond to the wants of
humanity, and the great Mississippi will
bear whole continents in solution to tho
Gulf, depositing and creating wider and
richer fields for cultivation. But the
people of the United States can iot af
ford to have destroyed the principles of
constiutional government and repre
sentative liberty. I need not waste your
time nor my strength in eulogies upon
our political system. What it was pre
vious to the late war wo all recognize
and rejoice over. What it is to be we
can not tell, for we are in tho midst of
one of those great political transitions
in which a people, deceived by the re
tention of tlie form, are in danger of los-
ing the substance of free government.—
Because their rights and liberty have to
be won by bloody and violent strug
gles, it is difficult for them to realize
that those very rights and liberties may
silently disappear through the subtle,
insidious usurpations of power and the
unseen and covert attacks of political
chicanery aud fraud. Yet such has been
tlie history of the failure of republican
institutions in all ages.
Were not this so, the wrongs, the usur
pations and the undisguised tyranny
so forcibly depicted in the record'l have
just read were not possible. That which
lias happened to Louisiana, Texas, Ar
kansas, Alabama and South Carolina
originates in an abuse of power that is
applicable to Massachusetts, New York
or Ohio. The appeal I make for my own
unfortunate section I make for tho en
tire people of the- United States. In
what I have sai l I mean no assault up
on the character of the President. It is
the system which I protest—a system
which is not merely centralizing all pow
ers in the General Government, but is
also permitting one department to usurp
anil hold them to tlie ntter ruin of the
other two. I deplore tlio acquiesenco of
Congress in these usurpations.
There are in our Constitution impor
tant checks upon Presidential power,
and ample and efficient means by which
Congress can protect the States anil
people against the unconstitutional ac
tion of executive administration. It is
only the consent of Congress that makes
~,,,,
that authority all vestige of freo gov
ernment.
THE UNIVERSITY.
Who Will be Its Next Chancellor.
[special correspondence chronicle
AND SENTINEL. ]
Athens, June 20, 1874.
As the time for the annual literary
saturnalia of the University draws near,
the interest of the public concentrates
upon the all important subject of the
choice of anew Chancellor to succeed
Ur. Lipscomb, who has for fourteen
years tilled the Presidency so wisely and
with such infinite benefit to the College
and the State. It is most earnestly
hoped and expected that while Ur.
Lipscomb can not be induced to retain
the responsibility of the Chancellorship,
he may consent to remain connected
with the University in some other ca
pacity.
Among the names suggested for the
vacancy are (Ist) Col. Charles C. Jones
now ol New York, a partfier in the law
firm of Ward, Jones Whitehead. Col.
Jones is a sou of the well known Pres
byterian Minister, Rev. Charles Calcock
Jones, and has written several books
upon historical subjects, principally
in connection with the Indian antiqui
ties in Georgia.
2d. Col. W. P. Johnston, Professor of
History in Washington Leo University.
He is a sou of Gen. Albert Sydney
Johnston, killed at the battle of Shiloh.
3d. Col. Robert Tyler, late of Mont
gomery, Alabama, a son of ex-President
John Tyler. He has been, I believe,
editor of a newspaper in Montgomery
for several years past.
4th. Col. Isaac Hayne, of Charleston,
South Carolina, an eminent lawyer and
member of the great family whose name
the rival of Webster immortalized. •
Pray observe I do not report these
gentlemen as being candidates for the
Chancellorship, of themselves, but as
being the suggestions of their friends
and admirers to such a degree that their
names have been canvassed for the po
sition in common conversation.
N’imforte.
THE COTTON CROP.
Reports from Oglethorpe an<l Jeffer
son Counties.
The following is from a subscriber in
Oglethorpe county:
“Crops of cotton are miserable. I
have never seen a more dismal outlook
for cotton. Ido not believe Oglethorpe
county will make half the cotton that we
did last year. For instance, in the last
two days I have walked over about four
hundred acres of mine and some of my
neighbors’ cotton, and the average size
is under three inches, some being larger,
but the greater part smaller. There will
not be weed enough to hold more than a
fourth of a crop, if it weeds as usual.—
There is a vast deal of suicidal bragging
going on, too, among a certa n class of
fa mers. They are bragging of having
fine crops, in some cases in order to get
credit, and ought to be indicted and
punished. Their tales get into the
papers and are believed. I rode over a
crop the other day, the owner of which
had been telling me he had splendid cot
ton, and I would not give him a bale for
every five acres, take bis whole crop
over. You may depend upon it we are
going to have the shortest crop in this
county we have had in several years. It
is too late for it to do much now, in its
present condition. I have known cotton
to take on and make a good crop in three
weeks, but then the weed was there to
put the fruit on. This year wo haven’t
got the weed and are not going to have
it in time.” * * * *
A correspondent writing from Stella
ville, Jefferson county, states that the
recent heavy and contiuous rains have
proven very disastrous to the growing
crops. Whole fields of cotton have been
li'erally washed away and it is too late
in the season to replant with any hope
of success. The grass has also acquired
a firm foothold and serious complaints
are made of the inefficiency of colored
labor.
Mile. Levasner, a leading tragic ac
tress in Paris, was once playing a most
touching part, in which the heroine com
mits suicide by takina poison. At the
most pathetic passage, while she was
bidding adieu to life and making every
body in the theatre sob, she suddenly
changed her tone, and shrieked, “Dam
nation ? what has been put in this
bowl ?” Imagine the effect of this home
ly prose delivered in so energetic a man
ner in the midst of stately poetry 1 The
actor Beauvallet, who loved a practical
joke, had smeared the beaker with assa
foetida.
Corn, cotton and grass are growing
lively in Elbert county.
NUMBER 26.
THE OLD THIRD.
THE REUNION IN JULY.
Meeting of the Madison Home Guards
Resolutions Adopted.
[Madison Homo Journal.]
According to previous adjournment, a
goodly number of the Home Guards,
Company D, met in the Court House—
Colonel J. S. Keid, President, in the
Chair.
The object of the meeting was stated
by Capt. Andrews. The reports of com
mittees were then announced to be first
in order.
The Committee on Rules and Regula
tions made its report. Six rules are em
braced in this report. Hnle Ist and 2d
read as follows: First, This corps
shall be called the “Veteran Home
Guards,” and shall consist of all the
surviving men who wero eurolled and
mustered into the service during the
late war as Company D, Third Georgia
Regiment of Volunteers.
Rule 2d, The object of this organiza-'
tion is to keep intact as near as possible
a roll of the survivors of the former or
ganization, and to collect and preserve
all incidents and facts of interest con
nected with its war record, in order that
the same may be perpetuated.
The other four rules have reference to
the officers of the corps uud their duties,
&o.
On motion, these rules and regula
tions were unanimously adopted.
The Committee on General Arrange
ments and Correspondence reported
through its chairman, Mr. G. N. Dexter.
Printed copies of the meeting of the
citizens of Union Point, tendering the
hospitalities of the town and the use of
the fair grounds, &c., were distributed
among the members present, and letters
were read from old comrades from the
different companies that composed the
regiment, heartily endorsing the move
ment for a reunion of the survivors of
the old command. Arrangements had
been made with officers of the Georgia
Railroad to pass all who were members
of the Third Georgia Regiment to the
place of meeting and return for one fare.
It was moved and carried that each
member of the corps provide himself
with three days rations and such bed
clothing as he may deem neoessary.
Capt. Andrews moved that the Com
mittee on General Correspondence, bo
instructed to invite Gen. G. M. Sorrel,
of Savannah, to deliver an address to
the regiment on the occasion of its re
union, which motion was unanimously
adopted.
Dr. Hollingsworth moved that a speak
er be selected independent of the regu
lar orator for the occasion, to deliver an
address upon the history of the Third
Georgia Regiment, and upon its deceas
ed and lamented first commander, Gen.
A. It. Wright, and that tho same com
mittee be instructed to make the selec
tion. Tho motion was adopted.
On motion, the Committee on Arrange
ments was instructed to confer with tho
authorities of the Georgia Railroad to
try and get an extention of the free re
turn tickets from tho reunion to five
days instead of two days, and that tho
family of each member bo included in
the same.
It was moved and adopted that all tho
colored servants who wore with tho
regiment in tho field be invited to at
tend.
It was moved and carried that each
member bo assessed twenty-five cents to
defray incidental expenses.
On motion, the meeting adjourned to'
meet again on Saturday, tho 25th July
next. J. S. Reid, President.
W. T. llollingswokth, Secretary.
[From tlio Charleston News, Juno 22.]
THE REWARD OF ftASCALITY.
On Saturday morning, a few minutes
after I o’clock, just as the relief squad,
which leaves tho guard house at that
hour had started for their posts, some
of them in Meeting street heard tho
report of a gun from tho direction of
Horlbeck’s alley. They immediately ran
Lx.Aluv.tOa/Jl. OJ»-1 A } ■ m-i. _ ! iy. 1. _
the corner of the alley and Meeting
street, had been broken into, <and that
someone had been shot. _ Supposing
that the wounded person was lying in
tho store they soon procured lights nt
the guard house, and made a thorough
search of the premises. They saw blood
on tho floor of the store and also on tho
sidewalk in front thereof, which at once
satisfied them that the thief had encoun
tered a trap gun, which Mr. Happoldt
had been keeping set in his store to pro
tect his property from burglars, who
had robbed him several times, and on
one or two occasions of valuable fire
arms. Behind tho front door, through
which the thief had forcibly entered, a
lot of iron tools were found, also a
pair of shoes. Mr. Happoldt wns im
mediately sent for and notified of
what had occurred. On examining
the blood on the sidewalk, a track
of continuous drops led into Horl
beck’s alley, half way to King street,
where the wounded burglar had crossed
into the burnt district, thereby causing
his pursuers to lose the trail. Thfe blood
spots, however, were again discovered in
Queen street and followed down to
Friend street, where they wore again
lost. The search was kept up until
nearly six o’clock, a. m., without suc
cess. Soon after that hour private
Wright, who was on duty in tho vicinity
of Legaro street, reported at tho guard
house that a colored woman in great
distress was hunting for a doctor to see
her husband, who wus shot and was
lying in tho servant’s apartment of a
residence in Legaro street. Lieut. Ford
ham, guessing at once that tho wounded
man was the very person whom ho had
been tracking, went to the place where
he was lying and found Dr. Bailoy
dressing the wounds, which were in the
right hand and in the right side. He
communicated his suspicions to the doo
tor and set a guard over the patient.
The wounded man, on arriving home,
had told his wife that he had been shot
by a party of United Btates soldiers, in
the street, who had fled after commit-
ting the deed. As soon as arrangements
could be made, the wounded man was
removed to the City Hospital, where he lay
yesterday with his right arm broken at
the wrist, and with five buckshot
wounds in the hand and another danger
ous wound iu the right side. He turned
out to be Joseph Robertson, the third
Vice-President of the Palmetto State
Rifle Club, a colored organization of
which Joseph Green, a well known col
ored man, is President. The discovery
of this fact caused great excitement and
surprise, for Robertson was generally
regarded ns an honest man, and was
much esteemed by the officers and mem
bers of bis club. When first questioned
with regard to the affair he would not
admit that he was the guilty party, but
Saturday afternoon, when under the im
pression that he might not live, he con
fessed enough to remove all doubt as to
his being the unlucky burglar. Yester
day ho implicated another person. It
appears from his statements that he
stole the tools, cold chisels, seven or
eight in number, of all sizes, and a largo
flat file, from the marble yard of Mr. A.
F. Chevreux, at the corner of Horlbeck’s
alley and Meeting street, and with them
forced open the front door of the store.
When he got inside ho pulled off his
shoes, after closing the door behind
him, and struck a match. The match
went out, which compelled him to
grope in the dark, and while so doing
he encountered the string attached to
the trigger of the trap gun, causing it to
explode and lodge nearly all its contents
in his hand and side. As soon as he
got wounded lie hastily left the store,
and, while bleeding profusely, made liis
way half way through Horlbeck’s alley,
across the burnt district to the west of
Brookbank’s Saloon, thence through
Queen, Friend, Tradd and Lqgara
streets to his home. Some believe that
Robertson is an old hand at burglary,
and had been at Happoldt’s before; that
he knew that a trap-gun was set there,
and that he broke into the front rather
than jump the back fence and operate
in the rear, for fear of encountering
guns in that direction, by which some
one had been shot before. Mr. Hup
poldt has been robbed several times,
and had found it necessary to do some
thing to put a stop to thieves carrying
off his stock; hence had to resort to the
trap-gun, which he had carefully set for
many and many a night.
Robertson the culprit, is a mustee,
wears a goatee and moustache, and is
of medium stature. His wounds, though
very severe and painful, are not thought
to be fatal, although the one in his right
side from which the ball or shot has
not been extracted, is dangerous. On
Saturday crowds of pemffe, many of
them colored, "visited Mr. Happoldt’s
store, discussed the robbery, and specu
hited’concerning the manner in which
the shooting had been done. The affair
was much discussed by the colored ele«
ment yesterday.