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OLD SERIES -VOL. LXHI.
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Address WALSH A WRIGHT,
CffHosici.F A Kknti.vk.l, Augusta. G*. |
Ctjronule anD
. ~ ~ i•— i
WKJJ SES DAY. SE PTE MBE K 10, 1874.
MINOR TOPICS.
The number of journals at present publish
ed in Sweden amounts to 256.
Connecticut ranks third in the United States j
as a silk manufacturing State, having 25 silk
factories with a capital of $3,450,G00.
A Kansas paper wants the President to con- j
▼ene Congress at once, to devise a plan for the !
certain destruction of the grasshoppers.
The Thames Shipbuilding Company are en- j
gaged in constructing two powerful iron-clad
frigates for the Sultan of Turkey, and a paddle
wheel transport for the Brazilian navy.
Permission lias been given to the British
▼ o unteer forces to adopt the scarlet uniform
of the regular army, it is expected that most
of them will avail themselves of the privilege.
The Canton of Hchwytz in Switzerland, is
said to have adopted the principles of female
suffrage to the fullest extent, women being
eligible not only as electors, but also as candi
dates for public offices.
Under the name of “Dingler’s Green,” a
new color has been introduced. Beautiful
samples of this material were exhibited at the
Vienna Exhibition by Julius Dingier, of Augus
berg. It consists of a mixture of phosphate
of chromium and phosphate of lime.
A (.'allforma man has patented a device for
the purpose of effecting on the stages of thea
tres the rising, sinking and rolling of vessels at
sea. Ho perfect is the imitation that, in con
nection with sheet-iron thunder, saltpetre
lightning, and bellows wind, the actors are
made sea-sick.
A company has been formed to work the
sulpher deposits at White Island, a marine
volcano 140 miles from Auckland. It is esti
mated that 100,000 t ns of sulphur in an al
most puro state are lying on the Island ready
for shipment. Chemical works are likely to be j
established soon, and the Island leased.
Robert BcoU and Mr. Galloway, of the London
Meteorogical Society, have been investigating
mine explosions. They find that fifty-eight
per cent, are due to changes of atmospherical
pressure indicated by the barometer; seven
teen per cent, to great heat of the weather,
and that the remainder have no apparent con
nection with atmospheric conditions.
A shrewd fellow at Dee Moines, lowa, play
ed drunk, staggered against a plate-glass show
window and smasliod it, then lie hurried off.
Tfio shopman and his clerks followed and
seized him, took a ? 100 bill from his pocket,
and after deducting the price of the glass,
stuffed the change in his wallet and set him
adrift. The SIOO proved to ho counterfeit, and
the shopman, horrified, set the police on tlie
fellow’s track, and ho was ariested, but no
crime could be proved, and the adroit rogue
got off scot free.
The convict to whom $15,000 was left by his
father, who died recently in New York, lias
been found in the Ohio Penitentiary, where ho
is confined under the name ot Henry T. Mar
shall for forgery, lie was sentenced at Cin
cinnati in 1872 for three years. His real name
is Georgo T. Foster. Ho is the leader of the
chapel choir, an orderly man in the prison, and
very intelligent. One recent Sunday, when the
Warden announced the fact that some prisoner
had been left a fortune, this man was observed
to color up and appear very' uneasy.
A case of considerable interest was decided
by Vice Chancellor Littlo at Liverpool the
other day. Mr. John Vaughan, editor of the
Liverpool /.lifter, had been summoned before
the Register to answer questions as to the
sources of his information for articles which
appeared in the Lracfcr with reference to the
Civil Service Association. Mr. Vaughan re
fused to disclose the source of his informa
tion, taking the responsibility of the article
upon himself. The Vico Chancellor decided
that Mr. Vaughan was not bound to answer the
questions.
The Paris Fijaro continues to servo up its
news in the following flippant stylo : “More
suicides six in one day ! One of those inter
ests us much. It is that of a poor literary man
named Prospect Tayant, driven by misery to
commit the rash act of self-murder. Befoie
doing so he wrote on a slip of paper : ‘Life is
so miserable that 1 can no longer endure it. 1
write columns of wonderfully interesting mat
ter, but it is always refused, and now I shall
do what the Government did to the Fijaro,
suspend myself.’ And the poor creature hung
himself to the roof of his garret.”
The Cologne Chamber of Commerce, in its
yearly report, which has just been issued, com
plains of the adulteration, or rectification aw it
is called, of the German wines. This, it says,
assumed alarming proportions last year among
nearly all the vineyard proprietors of the Mo
bo le and among many of the makers of the
Palatinate. Unsugared natural wines are now
scarcely to be met with in the Moselle district,
and the addition of sugar goes hand in hand
w'ith liberal dilutions of water and the usual
ingredients of spirits. The mixture is fer
mented with grape husks; it is then styled
wine.
A balloon voyage of vory considerable inter- j
eat is reported as having been made by Bru- !
nello, at Charkow. in Russia. This voyage ;
lasted for eight hours, during which time the |
irronaut was carried several hundred miles.—
The most remarkable feature of the voyage '
consisted in the fact that the lower strata of '
air were colder than those above : and even at !
night time the former were found to be rush
ing along the earth s surface with great rapid
ity. while the upper currents of the atmosphere
were in comparative quiet. These atmospher
ic conditions appear to have been precisely the
reverse of those that obtained during most of
Glaisher's voyages.
An exasperated writer in the New York Post j
savs : "Bells were needed when time-pieces
were few ; but iu these days very few depend j
upou the bell, and iu a city they are simply a |
nuisance. Just try living directly under a
heavy and not very melodious hell, and have it
rung to your deafening, in the quiet of Sunday,
and at other times, when your head aches aud ;
your nerves are unstrung. If a mans house is i
hie castle, the question is, has any man or
bodv of men a right to invade its quiet ? Wo
have known the sick and dying tortured almost
be rood endurance by the boom of a heavy
bell."
The Bessemer Steel Works of A. Meiror A
Cos.. St. Louis, will, when completed, be a very
extensive affair. The capital of the company .
is one million dollars. The works are located
on the river bauk. directly opposite Caronde- j
let. and the property embraces one hundred
acres of land, with a frontage on the river of ;
1,197 f oe t. There will be two blast furnaces,
each sixty feet iu height, seventeen feet at
boshes and thirteen feet tunnel head. The
East St. Louis and Caroudelet Railroad runs
through the property, also a narrow gauge
road to Cairo and the Big Muddy coal fields.
The works are expected to be in operation
early in 1575. and will employ two hundred and
fifty hands.
The Paris residence of the late Duke of
Brunswick, now in the course of demolition
in the avenue Friediand. was a most extraordi
nary house, as all discovered who attempted to I
enter it; for. like a coat or waistcoat, it had to
be unbuttoned in order to get in. At the front !
gate was an etal button, and a visitor vould
have to press this. It instantly set a number
of bells ringing m violent commotion. Ad
mitted into the garden, you still found yourself
excluded from the house. Another button had
to be touched, and that done you found your
self in an unfurnished hall. There was no
staircase communicating with the upper rooms
where the Duke slept. More buttons had to
be pressed, aud at last you found yourself sit
ting iu an arm-chair, and raised by hydraulic
lift apparently to the living rooms which the
Duke used to occupy. The walls of the bed
room were armor clad. By an ingenious me
chanism. aud touching a button, a panel in the
wall was removed and entrance gained. The
strong box nearly killed the workman who en
deavored to open it, fur it sent off a mitrail
leuse-Uke discharge. The Duke de Treviso
has bought the house, aud has stipulated that
all the treasare discovered in it shall belong to
turn.
HON. JULIAN HARTRIDGE.
The Democratic Congressional Con
vention of the First District, which met
at Blackshc-ar, made an excellent selec
tion in the nomination of Hon. Julian
i Harthidoe, of Chatham. Besides being
one of the most available, he is one of
the most talented men in the State. He
\ is an able and accomplished advocate, a
finished orator aud a cultivated gentle
j man. Personally popular with all classes,
! his nomination cannot fail to give entire
j satisfaction to the people of the First
j District. As he has the respect and con
fidence of the people, he will be able to
concentrate the entire strength of the
Democratic party, and thus secure his
election to Congress. In the prime of a
vigorous manhood, and possessed of a
high order of intellect, Hon. Julian |
Harthidoe is capable of rendering the !
State good service in Congress. We!
hail his nomination with pleasure, and
we shall be rejoiced to chronicle his
election to Congress.
MB. STEPHENS.
Wo do not apprehend the disturbance 1
of that unity in the ranks of the Demo
ciatic party so essential to success. Mr.
Stephens was the choice of the Conven
tion, and his nomination was a compli
ment to a tried and faithful public ser
vant. Mr. Stephens has more influence
at Washington than any other public
man in the South. If his health im
proves so as to enable him to participate
in the deliberations of the next session
of Congress, Georgia and the South will
have cause to rejoice. His influence
with President Grant and his Adminis
tration will be exerted for the good of
the people. Obnoxious aud injurious
legislation may be averted by his pres
ence and his labors in behalf not only of
Georgia but of the South. Wo require
strong friends in Congress to avert the
threatened dangers arising from the
hostile legislation of the dominant party.
In view, therefore, of the past emi
nent services of Mr. Stephens, and of
the great good that he can do the State
in the present perilous condition of af
fairs, we say let all opposition to him
ceaso. Let harmony be restored in
the ranks of that party that he has
so often marshalled to victory, aud let
him be elected by the united support of
the people who have heretofore trusted
and honored him. Whateverdifferences
may have existed in the past let them
be reconciled by giving Mr. Stephens
a united, determined, and hearty sup
port.
We were informed last evening that
Mr. Stephens will accept the nomina
tion, and that his letter of acceptance
will be published Tuesday morning.
TUB CIVIL RIGHTS BILL.
The following article, from the Na
tional Norman, a periodical published
in Cincinnati, is impressive as coming
from an intelligent Northern editor:
Whatever their motives, the friends of
“Civil Rights” came near placing them
selves on record as the enemies of edu
cation in the South. There is not the
slightest doubt but that the passage of
the Civil Bights bill would have nipped
in the bud the present educational
growth of all the Southern States. The
discussion and action which has already
taken place has fallen like a severe frost
upon this tender plant, the blighting
effects of which in some places it will
recover, in others it will not. We imag
ine that if certain agitators could sit in
our chair and listen to the actual cries
of horror and despair which come to us
from the genuine friends of education
throughout the South, they would not
exhibit such hot haste to carry out an
idea the right of which can be decided
not from theoretical but from practical
considerations alone.
Wo are not a Southernerr nor do we
entertain any of the notions peculiar to
the South, yet we are an American and
sympathize with every citizen of our
land, regardless of his claim or claims.
Education is a national work. It is the
cement that must bind again the in
coherent fragments of our country. It
is the common ground upon which we
all, however diverse our interest, or dif
ferent our sentiments, can and must
stand. It must be the first considera
tion with the true patriot and the honest
legislator. Set the educational system
of the different States into good work
ing order, aud the prejudices of ignor
ance, the spites of bigotry, and the ar
rogance of wealthy prosperity will
vanish like fogs before the sun. Edu
cation, by its mild and irresistible
power, must do in its own good time
the work which the “short cuts” of one
sided legislation will but hinder and
strangle in its cradle. Education will
make friendship when party legislation
will provoke the most undying hatred.
The Civil Bights bill would not only in
crease the disease of our body politic
but prevent its cure by taking away
its only remedy—education. True pa
triotism must rejoice at the failure of
its passage.
The Richmond Dispatch says: “The
views of this editor concerning the ef
fect of the passage of a Civil Rights bill |
are entirely correct as far as (hey go.
However, the effects of that bill, should
it become a law, are but partially for
seen by this liberal editor. They will
be worse than he can imagine.
“The speculations of the writer relat- j
iug to the effects of education upon the j
political condition of the country, will, |
we think, never be realized. Intelligent j
people under the good government of a j
homogeneous constituency will be prop- j
erly behaved and happy. But eduea- j
tion cannot obliterate the evils of a ]
mottled population and a toyday politic
deteriorated aud diseased by a mixture j
of races of ineradicable peculiarities and j
disagreeing and incompatible natures.
So, alwcays admitting the benefits of j
proper knowledge, we cannot be so un- !
philosophical as to say that education \
can eradicate peculiarities of race estab- j
iished by the great Author of Nature. 1
It is our duty to educate our own ch'l- i
dren—it is also our duty to educate as j
well as we can the negro. That duty
discharged, there it ends. If it does ;
not do all that our Cincinnati editor
anticipates it is not our fault. That it
will not do what he anticipates we are
firmly convinced. But time will pro
nounce a more positive and indisputable
judgment.
“Until that judgment is recognized as
settling the question, we heartily concur
with our Cincinnati friend that the
South should be free from all interfer
ence iu this matter. Since the white
people pay nearly the entire cost of edu
cation, it is proper that they should be
left to govern the system of education.
To attempt to force them to mix the
races in the schools would be an out
rage of the basest and grossest charac
ter. It would be the most signal act of
injustice,and,perpetrated by whites upon
whites, would involve, in addition to the
absence of both practical wisdom and jus
tice, a treachery of race and a contempt
for the decrees of Heaven that would
have no precedent in the history ol' the
world. The act of throwing the Chris
tians to wild beasts to be devoured was
; humane compared with this. When
the few Christians were devoured there
I was an end of it. The blood of the
martyrs was the seed of the church; but
the depravation of both races by their
fatal mixture in the.schools would be
! the destruction of the moral instincts
that lead to the elevation of mind by
the virtues and the great action which
exalt mankind in the eyes of the world,
and, we have always been taught to be
lieve, bring man nearer to Heaven it
self.
“The nation will yet learn the import
ance of respecting the will of the Great
Arbiter of the fates of all, and it will find
! that it can not defy His decrees and
| cannot treat with contempt the natural
; inspirations which are infused through
| society by His laws.”
THE BLACK HILLS EXPEDITION.
The expedition to the Black Hills
safely returned to Fort Lincoln, in Da- j
kotah, on the 30th of August, after an i
absence of nearly two months. It con
| sisted of one thousand soldiers, com
manded by General Custer, and ac
companied by about one hundred
civilians. Contrary to the general ex
pectation, it met with no obstructions
I from hostile Indians. They were pro-,
bably unable to mass a force of snffi- j
cient strength to attack, with a hope of I
success, such a formidable body. Thedis- j
coveries made are considered important. ,
The valley of the Little Missouri was
found to include a large area of rich
soil, well timbered, and a district was
traversed which is supposed to be rich
in mineral wealth. A correspondent of
the New York World says : “Making
due allowance for fancy and exaggera
tion, the fact is patent that what has
been related of the richness of the
Black Hills in its deposits of gold,
and, in some localities, of silver
and veins of lead as well, is fully sus
tained by the results of investiga
tions by the practical miners and the
geologists of the expedition, as well as
by the casual ‘finds’ of individuals of
the party. Gold has been discovered in
quantities large enongh to warrant the
belief of the miners that the working
may be made to pay in some places §IOO
to each individual for a day’s work.
Some of the streams were found to yield
particles of gold in paying quantities
from a single panful of earth, while in
one place, where a more determined ef
fort than usual was made to reach the
precious metal by digging a hole seven
or eight feet in depth, the result was
that enough gold was obtained to pay
for the labor. In this case the gold
particles were found from a point just
under the surface to the bottom of the
hole, showing a uniform richness of soil
to that depth. The specimens of the
geologists are of course important in a
consideration of this question. They
are satisfied that unless all the outward
signs be fallacious, the presence of gold
and the quartz veins that a“» seen on
the hill slid s must be admitted. In
some of the ‘fiuds’ the gold was in the
pure state, as in nuggets. In every case
the gold found was obtained with but
the sligliest labor. ”
EX-PRESIDENT DAVIS ON THE
RACE ISSUE.
At a meeting of the people of Mem
phis, held last week, which was largely
attended by citizens of both colors and
parties, ex-President Davis was called
to the stand, and spoke as follows in
denunciation of the horrible massacre
at Trenton, Tenn.:
SPEECH OP JEFFERSON DAVIS.
Friends and Countrymen—You have
assembled to-night, not for the bare
purpose of giving an expression which
humanity demands, but you have as
sembled for a higher and holier duty.
[Applause.] It is what you owe to your
sires, what you owe to your posterity,
what you owe to the living, and what
you owe to the gallant dead who fell for
the sacred cause of Southern indepen
dence. Never has a country been more
truly in a condition of having lost all
save its honor; aud you men of the
counties of Jackson, Grandy, Polk and
many others of wide reputation, may be
expected to denounce whatever would
stain the honor and whatever would tar
nish the fair name of the living. [Ap
plause.] You are not here, then, mere
ly to express your horror of a particular
crime; still less are you here to argue
what is due from one race to another.
It is a crime, an:l a crime to be punished
as it deserves; but that belongs to the
law aud its officers. That they will do
their duty those only who distrust our
people can fail to believe.
But yon come to appeal to the moral
sense of the world; your words are to go
abroad to mankind; let it understand
that you are not a race of assassins; that
you are not the men who mask, but
stand in the dignity of your manhood,
and in the likeness of your Creator,
with eyes open and exposed you dare
assert your rights and protect them to
the best of your ability, and to the end
of your lives will go forward with honor
which never seeks concealment, wears
no mask, and never blackens its face.
[Applause.] I was peculiarly struck
with the remark of tbe negro who was
called upon by one of the committee
sent to South Carolina and who was ex
pected to give testimony which would
involve General Wade Hampton in the
Ku-Klux outrages. He was asked if he
knew Wade Hampton. He said he did,
and had known him since the time they
were both boys together. They then
said to him, “Do you believe he has
been engaged in these Ku-Klux out
rages ?” “No, I do not believe it.”
“Why don’t you believe it ?” “Because
! if Mars Wade Hampton bad been in it
j it would have been the white man, and
j not the negro, that he would have
! struck.”
The negroes were not our enemies;
why should they become so ? We are
their friends. Yes, aud the Southern
men are the only friends they have to
day iu any part of the world. It becomes
us to be their friends. Every Southern
raau iu his memory runs back to the ne
gro woman who nursed him; to the boy
who hunted and fished with him; to the
man who first taught him to ride and to
swim; and as he grew to manhood, the
cordial welcome given him by the old
nurse, with a tenderness scarcely inferior
to that of his own mother, and while he
has such memories clustering around
him he cannot be the enemy of that
useful race which was the main strength
of our country when wo stood in this
relation, which I believe God intended
us to occupy. If we have been diverted
from such relation, and if hostility has
sprung up to any extent, it has been the
work of those incendiaries who have
come in to destroy the natural relations
of the races, and thus fomenting a dis
cord by producing the evils which now
exist in society. But, my friends, it
rests with you, whatever be the result,
to show to the world that you are in
capable of secret crime, that you hate
the man who wears a mask—[applause]
—and whatever is necessary for the
public peace to do, you intend to do
that openly and manfully.
Now, then, let us see what is the ne
cessary future of these two races living
together. [Applause.] They require
the white man to provide for them and
protect them as much as they ever did,
and I believe they will require him to
do so to the end of time. Now, then, as
to these white men who believe in a war
of races that the black may be extermi
nated, and see in this a future that is
desirable, I have no sympathy. fAp
plause.] The negroes were my friends
in the olden times. They were our pro
tectors when our brave men went to the
field and the women and children re
mained at home. [Applause.] It was
they who brought the Mississippi valley
into cultivation, and by them alone can
that valley, in my opinion, ever be cul
tivated. They are as necessary to us as
we are to them; and that kind of rela
tion existing between ns, it is no rea
son why the prosperity of the future
shall not exceed that of the past. But I
do not intend to trench upon a Question
which every one has undoubtedly formed
his opinion. I would only say for my
self that as I cannot have hostility to
these deluded people, the only feeling
of indignation I have is against the
white men who have disturbed this rela
tion between ns; who have fomented
discord; who have led the imaginative
negro into evil; against them, I say, I
hurl the thunderbolt of your vengeance.
[Applause. ]
Mr. William G. Cotton, aged eighty
fiTe, was married in Troup county, the
other day, to Mrs. Sarah Sherman, aged
fifty.
Wo. Branson was shot and painfully
wounded by D. H. Houser, Jr.,at Perry,
last Friday morning. Houser had been
drinking.
The Sparta Times and Planter says :
“Just send a copy of the War Between
the States to Congress for twenty years,
and let a chapter be read occasionally,
it’s good enough.”
AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 16, 1574.
MR. STEPHENS’ ACCEPTANCE.
Copy Correspondence.
Augusta, Ga., September 3d, 1874.
Hon. Alexander H. Stephens :
Dear Sir—lt is our duty, as a com
mittee appointed by the Democratic
Convention of the Eighth Congressional
District, held here yesterday, to notify
you of your unanimous nomination by
said Convention for re-election to Con
gress, aud to ask your acceptance of tbe
same.
Your antecedents are a sufficient
guarantee to the country as to vour
future actions. The Contention, there
fore, did not trammel you with any un
necessary surroundings.
We earnestly nope that your feeble
health may soon be restored; and that
Georgia, the State, in the development,
growth and greatness of which you have
aided so much, may yet be still more
benefitted by many years of your
valuable services.
Yours, most respectfully,
Charles J. Jenkins,
T. J. Smith,
Z. H. Clark,
J. B. Park,
J. H. Casey,
Committee.
Liberty Hall, Crawfordvtlle, Ga., )
September 7, 1874. j
Messrs. Charles J. Jenkins, T. J. Smith,
Z. //. Clark, J. B. Park and J. 11.
Casey :
Gentlemen—Your letter of the 3d
instant, informing me of the action of
the Democratic Convention assembled
in Augusta the day previous, was duly
received.
In view of all the circumstances, to
say that I was most profoundly and
gratefully affected by the very great
honor thus conferred, aud this signal
expression of popular favor and confi
dence, would come far short of a full
utterance of the emotions it excites.
Suffice it,’therefore, for me briefly to say,
in reply to your request in behalf of the
Convention, that I cannot refuse the
nomination so tendered. It is cordially
accepted. I moreover take this occasion
to say to you and to all the people of
the District, that if I should be elected.
I will serve them—watch, gnard, and
defend their rights, honor and interests
—to the utmost of my ability.
The leading feature of my antecedents,
to which you allude, has been a thorough
devotion to those great principles of
constitutional liberty which underlie
the whole fabric of our American free
institutions; and in the enactment, as
well as the administration, of the laws,
State and Federal, an earnest effort to
meet out to every one, without regard
to condition in life, that exact and per
fect justice which should be the object
of all good government.
Yours, most respectfully,
Alexander H. Stephens.
CIVIL RIGHTS.
Letter from Ex-Governor Joseph E.
Brown.
Penfield, Greene County, Ga., {
August 31, 1874. ]
Gov. Joseph E. Brown, Atlanta, Ga.:
Dear Sir —In this hour of political
trouble we would counsel your wisdom
and political experience. In our opinion
the passage by Congress of the Civil
Rights bill would inaugurate a feeling
of antagonism between the white and
black races that could never be recon
ciled. To us it does appear impossible
for any Southern gentleman to identify
himself with any party who seek to im
pose this measure upon our people. But
trusting in your profound judgment aud
practical common sense, we advise with
you. We are, Governor,
Yours, very respectfully,
James H. McWhorter,
B. L. McWhorter.
Atlanta, Ga., September 2, 1874.
Messrs. 11. L. Me Whorter and James 11.
McWhorter, Penfield, Ga.:
Gentlemen—ln reply to your letter
in reference to the political situation, in
which I understand you to ask my opin
ion of the Civil Bights bill, pending be
fore Congress, I have to state that I am
not engaged in political strife, nor do I
intend to be in future. I shall, however,
maintain the position of an independent
citizen, and I shall n t hesitate to ex
press any political opinions which I may
entertain, and to act and vote in such
manner as, in my judgment, will best
promote the interest of the State of
Georgia, and of the whole people of the
Union.
As you are aware, I was one of the
first public men in Georgia to take posi
tion in favor of acquiescence in the re
construction measures adopted by Con
gress. I did this because I clearly fore
saw that the South, as the conquered
section, would be compelled to submit
to these measures; and if acquiescence
was refused, that more rigorous meas
ures still would be enforced. But I
thought by acquiescing at once and rais
ing no issues with the colored people of
the State, we would retain their confi
dence and keep them out of the hands of
carpet-baggers and designing men who
would come among them, for the pur
pose of misleading them and exciting
their piejudices against our native
white population, who are in fact their
best friends.
Each of you took the same position
which I felt it my duty to take upon
these issues, and we passed through a
period of persecution and ostracism sel
dom endured by those who have in view
nothing but the best interests of the
State in the course they pursue, and
who labor day and night to save those
who revile them from a fate! such as the
white people of South Carolina and
Louisiana, who followed the advice of
unwise leader, and made no effort to
control the deliberations of their con
ventions, are now compelled to endure.
The result of our labors, and of those
who co-operated with us in aud out of
convention, gave to Georgia a Constitu
tion under which she is now living and
prospering, and to her native original
citizens the control of the management
of their own affairs.
In the other Southern States, where
the whole mass of the white people, fol
lowing the advice of their excited lead
ers, gave up their Constitutional Conven
tions to negroes and carpet-baggers, and
made no effort to control them, constitu
tions have been fixed upon them which
rest the government in the hands of
their iormer slaves, under the guidance
and direction of Northern men who,
bankrupt in character and fortune at
home, came to the South, and taking
advantage of the folly of our people,
who were acting upon their passions and
prejudices, and not upon their judgment
and common sense, alienated the negroes
from their white neighbors and friends
and obtained complete control over
them.
It was the thirty to forty thousand
! white men in Georgia who acted with ns,
| subordinating passion and prejudice to
: judgment and reason, and who, con
| trary to the advice of honored leaders,
| voted in the election for delegates to the
| convention and sent such men as Me
! Cay, Saffold, Miller, Parrott, Trammell,
| Waddell, McWhorter, Bell, Angier’
Bigbv, Bowers, FlynD, Foster, Irwin’
Maddox, Shropshire, and a number of
others, all able, honored white citizens
of Georgia, who, with the aid of some
influences outside, controlled the coun
sels of the convention, and secured our
present Constitution; who saved Geor
gia from the sad fate of some of her
Southern sisters.
Suppose the whole white population
of South Carolina, immediately after
the passage of the Sherman bill had
proclaimed to the world that they ac
quiesced in the measure, and each had
gone to work to influence and control as
many colored meD as possible, making
no issue with them but informing them
that their right to vote was conceded ;
and suppose every white voter in the
j State had gone to the polls and voted
for delegates to the conventien; who be
lieves that they could not have carried
; colored voters enough with their own to
have controlled the convention, and
made their Constitution as good as that
i Georgia ? This could have been done
j by them if they had acted promptly ; in
; defiance of all the efforts that carpet-
J baggers could have made.
If no issue had been made with the
! colored people, probably each white vote
| in the State could have influenced and
controlled one colored vote, some could
! have controlled a much larger number.
! but if only one in everv five had con
| trolled a colored vote, ‘it would have
| given the white people the control of
the convention, and as a consequence
would have given them a good Constitu
tion. The property, intellect and intel
ligence of any State can govern it, when
it unites in a determined effort to do so.
And if they had made no issue with the
j Government; or the colored people, on
j their right to vote, there were strong
j reasons why their former owners could
have exercised more influence and con
trol over the colored people than the
employer can usually exercise over the
employed, owing to the kind relations
which had formerly existed between
them, and the dependauce upon the
white people which the colored people
had habitually felt during their past
lives.
But so soon as the whole mass of the
white people proclaimed their eternal
hostility to the reconstruction acts, and
declared that they would never submit
to negro suffrage, they drove the negroes
from them, and, as any race who did
not feel competent to control their own
affairs would have done un«ser like cir
stances, they naturally looked around
for somebody to lead them, and at this
critical moment the carpet-baggers came
among them, announcing that their mis
sion was to see that the acts of Congress
were carried into effect, aud the right of
suffrage secured to the colored race.—
Having no one else to lean upon, their
former owners and neighbors having, as
they considered it, turned against them,
the colored people became willing sub
jects of those who came to them with
flattering promises, and were soon
bound to them by ties too strong to be
easily broken.
But the reconstruction contest is in
the past, and to-day we see the whole
people of Georgia coining up to the
position of acquiescence which we took
in 1867, and indeed going far beyond it.
We then acquiesced in the fourteenth
amendment and the Sherman bill. They
have since acquiesced in ti¥«e measures
with the fifteenth amendment added,
which might have been avoided if the
whole South had promptly acquiesced
in the fourteenth amendment and the
reconstruction act known as the Sher
man bill.
But at this period we are met with
a much more dangerous issue than any
that was presented in 1867, and it be
comes us to meet it fairly and squarely,
and to do all in our power to avert the
enactment of a measure which will be
productive of the most ruinous conse
quences throughout the entire South.
It was a hard enough fate upon us for
our conquerors to abolish slavery, and
wrest from us without a dollar of com
pensation the billions of dollars invested
in that property, which had descended
from generation to generation, as the
patrimony of several ages; and then to
compel us to stand upon terms of legal
equality with our former slaves, and
meet them as equals at the ballot box.
This, however, the conqueror dictated,
and compelled submission to his dicta
tion; and those who were most fiery and
denunciatory in their warfare against it
accomplished nothing of good for our
people.
All parties have now united in aequi
esence in these measures, and all the
States have been readmitted into the
Union, as the Northern States must now
admit upon terms of legal equality.
Here then the reconstruction measures
should cease, and alt parties should
agree that the war is at an end; that we
have suffered its disastrous conse
quences, and that no further wrongs
should be inflicted upon us.
At this stage, however, with a view,
no doubt, to the next Pressdential cam
paign, and for the purpose of making
the colored voters more enthusiastic in
their support of the Republican party,
certain leaders of that powerful organi
zation bring forward what is termed the
Civil Bights bill, which is now pending
on the calendar of Congress, and which,
in fact, is intended, not as a Civil Rights
bill, but as a social rights measure, for
the purpose of compelling social equalty
between the white and colored people
of the South. This can never be done,
and if attempted should not, and will
not, be submited to, be the conse
quences what they may. God has
created the two races different, with dif
ferent tastes, capacity and instincts for
social enjoyment, and no human legisla
tion can e er compel them to unite as
social equals.
Those who urge this measure in
Congress with a view of bringing up the
colored voters to a more enthusiastic
support of their party are putting them
selves in a position to do the greatest
possible injury to the colored race. Sup
pose this bill should pass at the next
Congress, what will be the result ? The
Legislature of each Southern State, as
soon as it is called together, will at once
repeal all laws by which public
schools are maintained at the public ex
pense, and leave each man to educate
his own children as best he can. This
will leave the colored people, who are
without property, to grope their way in
ignorance, with no means of educating
their offspring, and it will necessarily
leave a great many white people in the
same unfortunate situation. But be
this as it may, we will never submit to
mixed schools, where our children shall
be compelled to unite with those of the
colored race, upon terms of social
equality.
I have been President of the Board of
Education in Atlanta since the organi
zation of onr system,which is now work
ing most admirably; under which we
have separate schools, open to white and
to colored children, and every child be
longing to either race can find its way
into a good school, if the parent thinks
proper to send it. These schools are
maintained by taxation of the whole
people, and the burden falls mainly
upon those who have most wealth, and
who often have no children to educate.
I am proud of the system, and of the
great benefits which are resulting from
it. And I feel as our white people gen
erally do, that since the colored people
are made citizens, if they act in their
proper social sphere, it is our duty, as
well as our pleasure, to aid them in the
education of their children. But I do
not hesitate to say that I should favor
the immediate repeal of all laws on this
subject, and the disbanding of the
schools, as soon as the Civil Bights bill
shall become a law.
It cannot be said that we violate any
provision of the Constitution of the
United States when we repeal our
school laws, as that Constitution re
quires no State to maintain any public
school ; and we make no discrimination
on account of race, color, or previous
condition of servitude, when we refuse
to maintain any public school, at the
public expense, for the children of either
race.
But this is not all. r ]Jie attempt to j
force equality between the races on j
railroad cars, steamboats, and especially j
in hotels and churches, will produce
constant strife and very frequent blood
shed, that will probably soon lead to a
war of races, and produce a horrible
state of things throughout the entire
South, terminating in general anarchy,
which will end in the extermination of
the negro race. Much as I deprecate
and oppose all mob law, and desire the
faithful execution of the laws, I cannot
doubt that in the excited state of the
popular mind, which would follow the
attempt to enforce such a measure, it
would soon be found that white juries
| would not convict white men for killing
negroes who undertook to intrude them- j
j selves upon them as social equals.
And if the Government of the United
! States attempted to coerce the white
j people of the South into submission to
| negro social equality, they would find
j that the white troops who might be j
| called into the field against us to fight ■
| for such negro equality, would generally j
lay down their arms before they would |
I perform the task. In a word, if they
i drove us to submission at the point of
the bayonet, the bayonet would gener- !
| ally have to be in the hand of the negro,
| and our people would have to defend
j themselves against it as best they could,
j The result would not be doubtful. All
! prosperity would be destroyed, and gen-
I eral confusion, bankruptcy and ruin
would prevail until the struggle be
{ tween the races terminated, which would,
j as I have already said, in the end result
in the extinction of the weaker race.
But I do not care to pursue this
theme. The consequence of this meas
ure would be too horrible for con
| templation, and we can only hope that
j the evil will be averted by the good
practical common sense of the American
j people; and that the political organiza
i tion which attempts to force this state
I of things upon the country, or any sec
tion of it, will meet with overwhelming
defeat in every issue.
I have no hesitation, therefore, in
agreeing with vou, that the passage by
Congress of the Civil Rights bill would
inaugurate a feeling of antagonism be
tween the white and black races that j
could never be reconciled, and in saying |
most uneqnivocably that no Southern ;
gentleman, I care not whether he be Re
publican or Democrat, ought, in my
i opinion, to identify himself or continue ]
longer with the party who seek to im- j
pose this measure upon onr people,
In my judgment, there are but two
contingencies which can avert the evil;
one is the overwhelming defeat of the
Republican party, in the elections this
Fall, upon this issue. They are de
termined to make the issue, as already
I announced by some of their leaders up
j on th® stump; and by sincere hope is,
! that every State, county, city, town, vil
! lf ]ge and hamlet, throughout the entire
j Union, where an election may be held,
j w iU give the Democratic party an over
whelming majority. To this end, I shall
cheerfully contribute my humble mite.
This would check the passage of this
j most iniquitous measure, and relieve
j the country of the horrors consequent
! upon its passage.
If this should fail, and I trust it may
not, the only remaining hope is in the
exercise of the veto power bv the Presi
dent of the U nited States. I know noth
ing of the intentions of the President on
this question ; but I trust a sense of pa
triotic duty may compel him, if the
measure should ever come before him
for action, to save the country from an
archy and ruin, by the use of this great
conservative power, which is wisely
: placed in his hands by the Constitu
tion.
If it should come to that point, and
General Grant should veto the measure,
and throw the vast weight of his execu
tive power and personal influence in the
scale of peace and harmony, he should
be entitled to, and I believe would re
ceive, the thanks and the applause of
the entire white population of the South
and of a vast majority of the people of
the Union.
I have no wish to thrust my opinions
before the public on any political issue ;
but, on account of the magnitude of this
question, and the fearful results which
may follow, I think it the duty of every
citizen to speak out and state his posi
tion in terms too unequivocal to be mis
understood. I therefore authorize yon
to make such use of this letter as you
may think proper. Very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
Joseph E. Brown.
CORRESPONDENCE.
Chawfordville, Ga. , )
August 25, 1874. [
Hon. C. S. Dußose, Warrenton, Ga.:
Dear Sir—We have the honor and
pleasure of informing you tl at at the
meeting of the delegates to the Senato
rial Convention for the 19th District, this
day held at Crawfordville, you were
unanimously selected to bear the banner
of the Democratic party in the approach
ing campaign for Senator of said Dis
trict.
Begging your acceptance of the trust
imposed, aud confidently hoping for a
glorious success under your leadership,
we have the honor to be,
Your obedient servants,
A. S. Morgan,
W. W. Moore,
B. M. Lanneau,
Committee.
acceptance.
Warrenton, Ga., August 20, 1874.
Messrs. A. S. Morgan, W. W. Moore,
and B. M. Lanneau :
Gentlemen—Yours of the 25th in
stant, announcing my unanimous nomi
nation as Senator for the Nineteenth
District, lias just been received. Its
contents were unexpected, but gratify
ing; and while I did not seek the office,
yet, I assure you I am proud of the
honor the Senatorial Convention has
done me, and thankful to you for the
graceful way in which you have commu
nicated its action.
In such times as these, no true man
can shirk duty or refuse to answer his
country’s call; and I do not hesitate to
throw aside all personal considerations,
and to buckle on armor for our Demo
cratic cause. But the victory can only
be achieved by the full performance of
duty on the part of every one from the
present time until the election. There
is no time now for lukewarmness or for
hesitation. The interests we have at
stake are vital. Our cause is just, and
if our efforts are, as they will be, untir
ing, success will be certain.
For myself, I will say that if I am
elected, I will strive faithfully and im
partially to represent this District. I
will unflinchingly perform my duty in
advocating what is honest and right,
and in condemning what is dishonest
and wrong. I will favor whatever is for
our country’s good, and will fearlessly
oppose whatever may do our country
harm.
Trusting that each of the coming elec
tions may be a Democratic triumph, I
remain yours,
Very respectfully,
Charles S. Doßose.
HOW TO PREVENT BLOODSHED IN
SOUTH CAROLINA.
Editors Chronicle and Sentinel:
As some of the darkies in South Caro
lina say openly and unreservedly that they
intend to take possession of the polls,
and not allow a white man to vote at the
approaching election, please to suggest
a very effective plan to our Carolina
friends to prevent trouble.
Many years ago, when party feeling
was very high in Tennessee, in order to
prevent either party from taking posses
sion of the polls, we selected some half
a dozen resolute men from each party,
and placed them, well armed, on the
platform, where the judges appointed
according to law were placed. A barri
cade was placed in frout of the judges’
stand just far enough off to allow a
single file of men to pass, and the voters
all passed in at one side, deposited their
ballots and passed out immediately at
the opposite side. When the voters
entered it was well understood that,
by common consent, if any men
should undertake to close up around
the polls, so as to prevent any
but their own friends from voting,
they would be shot dead on the spot;
and the consequence was the voters all
placed themselves in single file, passed
through quickly and quietly, and thou
sands of votes could be polled without
trouble. Another very effective measure
I was to close the liquor saloons on elec
tion day, and this was accomplished far
more effectually than could have been
done by any law. A number of promi
nent citizens would come out in a card
over their signatures, simply requesting
all saloon keepers to close their doors,
and each one of the liquor dealers un
derstood very well that if he did not
close his door the influence of the
prominent men on both sides would be
| thrown in favor of those who did close
their doors and against every one who
I did not close his door, so as to ruin his
; business and self-interest thus compell
ed all to close their doors.
Now if our South Carolina friends
will see to it that a narrow pass way is
provided at each stand, and all the
voters shall be compelled to pass on
! quickly and quietly, there will be no
j bloodshed, and the Yankees will have no
I excuse for taking possession of the polls
1 and making false returns, as they did
| some years ago. A Tennesseean.
The Code of Honor.
It has ever been an occasion of sur
prise to us that men in whom “the hey
day of the blood is tame” should resort
to the arbitrament of arms, according to
the rules laid down in the so-called code
of honor* fora redress of personal griev
ances. It might do very well for fanci
ful Frenchmen, and even be tolerated
with some degree of allowance in spirit
ed, inconsiderate and hot-headed youth.
But for elderly gentlemen, men of stand
ing and influence, to lend their counte
nance to the practice of duelling, and
give it the imprimatur of their approval
and endorsement as the best means of
adjustingdifficulties between gentlemen,
deserves peculiar reprehension. Sup
pose that Col. Mosby and Capt. Payne
had been allowed to meet and fight ac
cording to arrangement and appointment,
and either one or the other had been
killed or crippled, what would it have
proved ? We always like to see some
thing gained, or at least some proposi
tion proved as we go along. No mortal
man, we suppose, doubts the personal
courage or aptness to resent personal in
dignity, of either gentleman. What was
the use of trying to shoot, each other
about it ? A little rough and tumble
scrimmage on the spot, it matters not
which got whipped, was all that was ne
cessary for the occasion.
But what gives a still more serious as
pect to the entire affair is, that the
whole tea party, for the sake of proving
nothing in particular, were willing to
place themselves under the severe pen
alties* of the law, as it now exists in
Ylrginia. Principals and seconds are
both equally amenable, and we are
astonished that one of the latter in this
instance is a gentleman in his sixties,
who has occupied some prominent posi
tions in the State, and is regarded by
friends as still a man of political prom
ise. None of these gentlemen can ex
pect hereafter to hold any office nnder
the State government. The only thing
we fear is, as it does not interfere with
one’s aspirations to Federal office, that
every one of them will turn up a candi
date for Congress.— Richmond paper.
THE CONGRESSIONAL CONTEST.
To the F.ditors of the Chronicle and
Sentinel:
In your issue of the sth instant ap
pears a communication signed “SJxon,”
which does injustice to Col. Mathews
and his friends in the Convention which
nominated Mr. Stephens on the 3d in
stant. This communication seems to be
designed to make the impression that
Col. Mathews was withdrawn through
fear on the part of his friends that if
the contest for the nomination was pro
longed he would be defeated bv Maj.
Cumming; aud that Mr. Z. H. Clark, of
Oglethorpe, a warm supporter of Col.
Mathews, urged the nomination of
Mr. Stephens without his authori
ty. Now there is a great mis
take here; neither of the impressions
sought to be made is true. What the
friends of Col. Mathews most ardently
desired, before it was known that Mr
Stephens would be brought into the
arena, was an open field and a fair fight
between him and Major Cnmming. They
believed that Col. Mathews would have
been nominated: but whatever might
have been the result of the contest, no
one would have submitted to it more
cheerfully than he. “Saxon” says a few
of Col. Mathews’ supporters had de
clared their purpose to support Major
Cumming as soon as it became apparent
that the former could not be nominated.
Well, what of that ? A few of Major
Cummiug’s friends had declared their
purpose to support Colonel Mathews
as soon as it became apparent that
the former could not be nominated.
“Saxon” also “says that it was and still
is believed that Major Cumming would
have received Mr. Lewis’ vote so soon
as the latter should he withdrawn.”
What assurance has “Saxon” that the
frieuds of Mr. Lewis contemplated
withdrawing his name? I know of no
way of ascertaining how delegates will
vote in a Convention unless it is by the
sentiment of a majority’of the people of
the county they represent, and their
solemn declarations that they will cast
their votes in the Convention in accor
dance with that sentiment. If we seek,
therefore, to ascertain, according to this
rule, how the delegates voting for Mr.
Lewis would have voted in the event of
his withdrawal, I am satisfied that a
majority of them would have gone to
the support of Col. Mathews.
The authority by which Mr. Clark an
nounced the name of Mr. Stephens be
fore the Convention for nomination was
a letter addressed by the latter to Col.
1. J. Smith, a delegate from Washing
ton county, leaving ihe question of his
candidacy with the Convention, and ex
pressing his willingness to accept the
nomination if tendered him. As to the.
criticism of “Saxon” on the consistency
of Mr. Clark this may be said in his
defense: Mr. Clark’s only objections to
Mr. Stephens were that he did not make
public his willingness to accept the
nomination, if tendered him; and his
fears of his physical ability to serve if
elected. But at the time the latter ob
jection was expressed by Mr. Clark, he
did not know of the improvement in the
health of Mr. Stephens. Mr. Clark
has been a life long supporter of Mr.
Stephens, and never voted against him.
As to the question of the relative
strength of Col. Mathews and Major
Cumming in the Eighth Congressional
District, it is one which does not come
properly within a newspaper contro
very, but belongs to the people of the
District, and to that high tribunal let
it be remanded. As to Mr. Stephens,
Col. Mathews will give him his cordial
support, and in the event of opposition,
will go before the people and urge his
election to the extent of his ability and
influence. Old Soldier.
THOMSON GUARDS.
Thomson, Ga., September 5, 1874.
7o the Editors of the Chronicle and Seu
tinel :
At a meeting of the Thomson Guards
of the 10th, Ramsay Volunteers of the
16th, and the Hamilton Bangers of the
48th Georgia regiments, held here to
day, Capt. G. D. Darsev was called to
the Chair, and C. M. Wall to act as Sec
retary,
By request, the object of the meeting
was explained by Lieut. G. P. Stovall,
to the effect that we had met for the pur
pose of getting up a grand barbecue and
reunion of all the living members of the
10th, 16th and 48th Georgia regiments,
and that arrangements be made and a
day agreed upon for that purpose.
On motion of Lieut. Stovall, the
Chair appointed the following commit
tee to prepare business for the meeting :
Capt. K. N. Lansdell, Lieut. G. P. Sto
vall, J. H. Thornton, J. M. Wilson, and
S. I). Morris.
The committee offered the following
preamble and resolutions, which were
adopted :
Whereas, It is our desire to have a
social reunion at Thomson, Ga., of all
the living members of the companies
composing the 10th, 16th, and 48th
Georgia regiments, and especially those
of the Thomson Guards, of the l()th; the
Kamsay Volunteers, of the 16th, and
Hamilton Guards, of the 48th Georgia
regiments, all of whom were from this
and the adjoining county of Columbia,
for the purpose of collecting all the facts
necessary to complete a short history of
the part taken in the late struggle by
the said three last mentioned compa
nies; to put on record the feats of brave
ry and valor of individual members, and
a short epitome of the biography of
those who were killed, who signally dis
tinguished themselves, and to compile a
list of those who were killed or died in
the “service” from each company;
Resolved, 1. That the 24th day of
September be set apart as the day upon
which we will have said reunion.
2. That we extend a cordial and press
ing invitation to all the living members
of the 10th, 16th and 48th Georgia Rcgi
ments to meet with us at the time and
place set forth in resolution first.
3. That all other Confederate soldiers
from McDuffie and Columbia counties,
not connected with the above named
regiments, be invited to join us in our
reunion.
4. That a committee of five be ap
pointed to secure speakers for the occa
sion, and to invite, by letters to the com
manders, the different companies com
posing those regiments to attend.
5. That a committee of three, one
from the Thomson Guards, one from
the Ramsay Volunteers and one from
the Hamilton Rangers, be appointed to
compile a list of those who were killed
or died in the “ service” from each
company separately.
6. That a committee of seven, on ar
rangements, be appointed, whose duty it
shall be to solicit contributions, to pre
pare the dinner and to superintend all
the festivities of the occasion.
7. That the public at large be invited
to attend aud partake of the festivities
on that day.
8. That a committee of three be ap
pointed at the next meeting, to write
up the history of the three companies
during the “late struggle.”
The following committee was appoint
ed to secure speakers, etc.: J. G. Wor
rill, G. P. Stovall. C. M. Wall, John R.
Wilson and T. R. Burnside.
The following committee was ap
pointed to compile a list of those who
were killed in the service: T. M. Steed,
A. J. Avery and O. A. Young.
The following committee was appoint
ed on arrangements, &c.: H. R. Rad
ford, J. M. Wilson, S. I). Morris, Wm.
Short, O. Hardy, Wm. Tully and Wave
Ballard.
| On motion of G. P. Stovall, H. A.
j Thomas was appointed Treasurer.
[ On motion of Wm. Short, the pro-
I ceedings of this meeting was ordered to
be published in the Augusta Constitu
tionalist, Chronicle and Sentinel and
McDuffie Journal.
On motion, the meeting adjourned, to
meet on the 24th instant.
G. D. Darsey, Chairman.
C. M. Wall, Secretary.
ELETRIC SPARKS.
| A dispatch received at Philadelphia
! from Jeffersonville, Indiana, states that
I a child resembling Charlie Ross is in
; charge there, aud a photograph has been
mailed to proper parties.
The business portion of Russelville,
Kentucky, was bruned Sunday morning.
The losses will aggregate $25,000.
In New York, forest fires are raging in
the highlands of the Hudson, opposite
Fort Montgomery. Many acres have
been burned over, and the fires are still
burning.
George W. Irwin has been appointed
Internal Revenue Guager for the Third
District of South Carolina.
Colorado has elected a Democratic
delegate to Congress.
It is reported that an order will soon
be issued expelling from Prussia all
foreign priests, monks and nuns.
Phil Cook is the popular man for the
Democratic nomination in the Third
Congressional Distnet.
CHIT-CHAT ABOUT FASHIONS.
Early Fall Styles-AVhat is Worn and
How to Make It—Trimming, Etc.
New York, August 28.—Beyond filling
an occasional order for someone of the
absentees, very little has been done by
New York milliners and modistes during
the months of July and August. The
heads of many of our largo importing
houses are in Paris, making preparations
for the coming season and their em
ployes at home are busy upon fabrics
and garments intended for Fall wear.
It is too early to give any definite in
formation as to what is to bo worn, what
styles will be ordained for us, by the au
tocrats whom we obey so implicitly. But
one thing i3 certain :‘ overskirts are not
to be dispensed with, and on the few
dresses shown without them, the trim
ming simulates them so closely that their
absence is not noticed.
Appearances indicate that we are to
have no radical changes in the form of
our garments, that the straight-fitting
armor waists, shawl-shaped overskirts;
and the tightly clinging skirts of the
Spring and Summer, will be worn at
least throughout the coming Fall. The
newest overskirt is a veritable apron,
rounded up over the tournwc, and fin
ished with a sash at the back, arranged
in loops and ends, while the lower skirt
is elaborately trimmed for half a yard or
more of its depth.
polonaises
Have fought their fight and have come
out victorious. The newest styles are
long and much bunched up behind and
fit like a mummy-case in front. Modistes
have at hist discovered the secret how
to make the dress skirt cling closely to
the figure and yet yield to the motion of
the wearer, so us to be neither incon
venient nor awkward, and the secret is
simple enough in all conscience. It is
merely elastic. One or more—usually
two inch-wide bands of elastic tape
connect the front seams of the buck
gores with each other, and hold the
skirt in position. Care should be taken
that these elastics are not too tight.
DRESS TRIMMINGS.
Plaited flounces, quillings, bands,
folds, and puffings of the material, laces,
fringes (ball, crimped, plaited, and tape),
embroidery in silk, in worsted, in sou
tache, and above all, in beads of jet or
of blue stei I—these are the popular
trimmings, on which the changes are
rung, ad infinitum.
A simple mode of m king the inevit
able black alpacas for Fall wear is with
demi-trained skirt with two knife plait
ed flounces around the foot. These
flounces are six inches wide, and are
hemmed top and bottom. The upper
hem is an ordinary flat hem, the lower
one is an inch in depth. Stitch them
on one inch from the top of the plaiting,
with the inch wide plaiting thus est
above, forming a heading to the flounce.
Tack the plaits at top to the dress, and
catch them together, also, on the wrong
side, half the distance below the seam
which sews them on; making the upper
part lie smooth, while the lower part
hangs like an ordinary flounce.
Make the overskirt shawl-shaped, with
scarf ends tied loeely together over the
tournnre, below the basque, and edged
with a plaited flounce four inches wide.
Trim the basque with a still narrower
plaiting, or with a simple piping. Coat
sleeves, with a flaring cuff formed by a
knife-plaited frill around the hand.
SLEEVELESS JACKETS
Are extremely popular. The favorite
stylo is the simple armor waist, and vel
vet and silk the material most used.
Some of black silk are entirely covered
with beads of blue steel or jet, until the
bodices resemble veritable coats of mail.
Anew material is imported for these
jackets, a fabric of silk, thick and soft,
and in appearance something like quilt
ed satin.
Black grenadines are used until No
vember, and are far more comfortable in
the Autumn days than during the heat
of Summer.
White dresses will also bo worn late
into the detni saison, indeed, there is
quite a fancy for toilets of black and
white, or of white and black. In either
case, however, a mixture is avoided and
one color or the other largely predomi
nates. For example, with a dress of
black silk or grenadine will be worn
creamy white lace frills at neck and
wrists, white lace necktie, and white
flowers at throat, at belt, and in the
hair, while with one of the dainty robes
nainsook and embroidery, or laco and
muslin, so much used this Summer, we
see a Spanish scarf of black lace, and
wide black sash, or a sleeveless jacket
of silk or beaded yak.
Fichus and shawls of soft, bright
wools are used to give the needed
warmth to these thin robes.
Blouse waists of flannel or of cash
mere are beginning to appear on cool,
damp mornings. Five plaits, back and
front, is the style instead of three, and
the skirt waists of percales and calicoes
are made in like manner.
FASHIONABLE COLORS.
The colors most in vogue are of the
darkest and richest hues. Blues, almost
black, invisible greens, lie de vin (wine
dregs), warm soft browns, mouse color
and grays—above all grays—are some of
the salient shades. Blacks, usually of
black and a color, stripes and checks, are
shown in quantities, and plaids for chil
dren, for misses and for ladies’ wrappers
will bo extremely popular.
ohildben’s fashions.
There is no change in styles for chil
dren, and nothiug really new is yet
shown for them. “They are to be dress
ed with groat simplicity,” say our lead
ing fashion authorities, but on investi
gation the simplicity spoken of is found
to refer merely to the absence of fussi
ness in trimming. Little boy’s garments
are really very simply decorated; hand
some buttons and silk galloons are the
prettiest garniture for kilt skirts and
jaunty little jackets, but their sisters’
gabrielles are covered with Hamburg
work and hand embroidery.
School dresses of plaids, and of cash
mere in bright dots on a dark ground,
are prettily worn with low-necked ga
brielle overdresses of black alpaca or
cashmere, for girls of a larger growth.
Flat plaitings trim these as well as
everything else this season, and velvet
ribbons are used in quantities.
BONNETS.
Velvet and gros grain, or velvet and
satin, are to be the popular materials
for bonnets. The crowns are high and
the brims are upturned. Jetted laces,
soft twilled scarfs, folds and loops of
the material, the new double-faced rib
bons, with ornaments of jet and blue
steel, feathers of all kinds, and the vel
vet flowers, geraniums, roses, lilies and
pansies, with other leaves and blossoms
of every kind, are the trimmings. Felt
hats, with a band of velvet around the
crown, and a jaunty wing at the side, are
the favorite styles for misses, and should
match the suit with which they are
worn.
Dolman paletots, half-fitting, covered
; with embroidery, and edged with bands
i of fur or feathers, are to be the wrap
for next season.
FLOWERS
Form an adjunct to nearly every toilet,
in the shape of a tiny bouquet at neck
or waist.
Growing plants in pots-jardinieres,
hanging baskets* and ferneries are fre
quently sent as presents from gentlemen
to lady friends, instead of the more per
ishable bouquets formerly exclusively
used for such purposes.
Natural flowers ornament most tables
where they can be procured without too
great expense. One’s own taste and in
genuity will suggest pretty and appro
priate mode of such decoration. A
common and not troublesome method
consists, in addition to the centerpiece,
of a tiny bouquet in the napkin of each
guest, and a spray of flowers floating on
the water in each finger bowl.
Baskets of fruit are brought to the
table ornamented with green leaves.
New fruit napkins come damasked in
white, on a groundwork of stonegray or
blue, instead of the bright reds and yel
lows formerly used for that purpose.
Nip.
The Hoosae Tunnel.
North Adams, Mass., September B.
The first of November has been fixed as
the date for running the first train
through the Hoosae Tunnel. Steel rails
are to be laid through the tunnel instead
of iron ones. It is possible that regular
running trains through the tunnel may
be delayed until the first of December
in consequence of the incompletion of
several bridges.
New Hampshire mothers are getting
ready for the great moral baby show
which opens next month. The judges
will include the wives of Gov. Weston,
ex-Governors Straw and Smythe and
President Smith, of Dartmouth.
NUMBER 38.
“KING COTTON.”
To the Editors of thn Chronicle and Sen
tinel :
I am awaro with what feeliugs of re
proach those arc regarded who venture to
advance opinions contrary to the usual
idea of the public. Yet, with vour kind
permission, I venture tosay a few things
in favor of King Cotton, opposed to the
general idea on the subject. A great
deal of advice has been given to the
people of the South lately in regard to
the amount of cotton that should be
planted. The sum of that advice has
been “plant more corn, plant cotton on
ly as a secondary crop.” I am opposed
to that advice, first on this account,
All the papers in the country might
advocate it for six months and it would
not do one particle of good. Why ? If
the advice be based on sound sense and
a correct id ha of what would be to tho
interests of the country, it would, in my
opinion, act against itself. Suppose
that it was rumored that Mississippi
and Texas would plant very little cotton
next year, what would bo the conse
quence ? Georgia, Alabama and South
Carolina would plant every acre almost
in cotton. Each says to itself there will
boa small crop this year, and I will
plant more and make a forturo. I ask,
has this not been the case in the past V
The second point is “Climate is opposed
to it.” True, corn can be raised here
with tolerable success; but can this
country compete with the West any
more than the West can compote with
Virginia in raising tobacco ? This coun
try is eminently acottoncountry—and by
judicious management in the sale of
that cotton might, almost revolutionize
the trade of the world.
In the third place, “Would it be to
the interest of the country for this ad
vice to be followed.” It is urged that
two million of bales would bring in as
much money as four. Very true. But
that is only one side of the question.
All things which the price of cotton af
fects, either directly or indirectly,
would advance in proportion as cotton
did, and consequently the South would
pay out as much extra as she got in for
her cotton. It is also urged that the
cotton could be sold to home manufac
tories, and that thereby goods would be
cheaper. I imagine that the manufac
turer would act more as a financier
I ban patriot, and send his goods where
he got the most for them. Os course I
believe in planting enough corn for
home consumption, but do not believe
in planting cotton as a secondary crop.
If these ideas are wrong I would like to
have them corrected. I have thought
long on the subject, aud the above is
my opinion; but I am open to convic
tion on the other side rs sufficient proofs
are glvPn ' Aghicola.
Democratic Meeting in Hart.
On a roll being called from the various
districts, it was found that all the dis
tricts in the county were represented by
delegates, who all presented their proper
credentials, except the district of Hall’s.
The nominating delegates made tho
following report :
After adopting the two-thirds rule,
and going into an election, we have
unanimously nominated the Hon. Jeffer
son Holland as tho candidate for Repre
sentative.
Resotved, That wo pledge ourselves to
support him, and use cur whole in
fluence in his behalf towards securing
his election.
Resolved, That the nominee bo in
structed to endorse the resolution in
reference to the Bullock bonds.
On motion, the report was received
and adopted by a unanimous vote.
The Hon. Jefferson Holland was sent
for, who agreed to all the proceedings,
and accepted the nomination.
Tho following is the resolution in re
gard to the Bullock bonds which the
nominee is pledged to support :
Whereas, The last Legislature of tho
State of Georgia, at its last, session,
passed an act entitled “an act to change
tho Constitution of this State” so as to
forever prohibit the payment of the il
legal bonds of the State, known as the
Bullock bonds; and, whereas, wo believe
tho said action of our General Assembly
to have been wise, patriotic and just,
and heartily endorse the same; there
fore, be it
Resolved, That we earnestly recom
mend to the approaching Convention for
this county to require in its platform
the unequivocal support of its nominee
to the said act, and his pledge, if elect
ed, to use his influence and vote for its
second passage by the next Legislature.
Ordered, That the Secretary send a
copy of these proceedings to the Athens,
Augusta and Elberton papers, who nre
respectfully requested to publish tho
same. J. F. Craft, President.
C. W. Seidel, Secretary.
One notable effect of tho war—and
one that has contributed as much as
any other single cause to paralyze South
ern agriculture—is the constant gravi
tation of the negroes to the towns and
cities. Here they live in miserable lints
and hovels, deprived of proper food and
ventilation, and the prey ol' every spe
cies of epidemic and disease.—
Those who remain in tint rural districts
are but too frequently of lazy habits,
prefer desultory jobs to steady employ
ment, and eke out a precarious living by
stealing from neighboring farmers.—
Thus agriculture suffers not only the
loss of a producer, but the community
is harrassed by a wasteful, thievish and
improvident consumer. The traveling
correspondent of tho Cincinnati Com
mercial sends that paper interesting sta
tistics, which show the extent of influx
of the negro population into some of
the Southern cities since the war. In
Nashville, for instance, in 1860, the
white population was 13,043, and tho
black 3,245. In 1870 it stood 16,149
white, or an increase of about 30 per
cent., and 9,709 black, or an increase of
nearly 200 per cent. In Memphis during
the same decade the white population
increased from 18,739 to 24,755, and the
black from 3,882 to 15,471. The same
ratio of increase prevails with most of
the other Southern cities. Asa natural
result of this condition of things, the
jails and workhouses are always full,
and the negroes are reported by tho
statistics to be dying sixty per cent,
faster thun tho whites.— Baltimore <Ja
zette.
Poland’s Defeat. —The defeat of Mr.
Poland for Congress in Vermont is a
ploasunt event. The defeated states
man will have some sympathy in New
England, but little outside that section.
He was the regular nominee in one of
the strongest Republican districts in the
United States ; but he was not accept
able to the mass of the Republicans.—
He was a man of caucuses, powerful in
committees, and in the manipulation of
the machinery of the party. The people
had come to dislike him for his assump
tion that the party belonged to him, and
that tho district exisied for the solo
purpose of sending him to Congress.
This was his character at home. At
Washington he was regarded us a re
spectable, well-behaved bigot, who did
not know anything and did not want to
know anything outside the party. Ho
was the author of what is called tho
“gag law” for the District of Columbia,
whose object is to protect the reputation
of corrupt Republicans from newspaper
criticism and exposure. D. C. Denni
son, who is elected over him in t o .Sec
ond District, is an Independent Repub
lican; and, we presume, received the
support of the Democrats.— St. Louis
Republican.
GEORGIA ITEMS.
Macon has a chronic laudanum drinker.
Americus wants a first - class high
school.
Columbus is complaining of bad
streets.
Columbus has eleven prisoners on the
chain gang.
Muscogee county orders arc worth
dollar for dollar.
A colored liighway robber has been
arrested in Atlanta.
Buttermilk is the favorite beverage of
Albany excursionists.
Rome has a cavalry company called
the Highland Rangers.
It is no rare thing for illicit distillers
to be arrested near Rome.
Two Columbus negroes were drowned
near Fort Gaines .Suturday.
Some corn has been sold at Fort Val
ley for fifty cents per bushel.
The United States soldiers in Atlanta
have organized a base ball club.
We have received the twenty-third
number of the Georgia Granger.
The merchants of Americus are pre
paring for a heavy trade this Fall.
A Maoon man rejoices in the posses
sion of an immense Russian bloodhound.
The fall of a platform—wooden, not
paper— broke up a Radical meeting iu
Rome.