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GLO SERIES -VOL. LHXI. NEW SERIES VOL. mVtll. TERMS. X UK DAILY CHRONICLE .V SENTINEL, the* old**t aKr in tn*- H »nth. w published daily, *x c+pt M >nday. Term : Per y*ar, $10; six mouth*, %T> ; threw- month*, $2 50. THK TRI-WEEKLY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL is p ibli-h and ev* ry Tn-'day, Thursday and Satur day. Term- : Oie vea-. $. r »; gix month-*, 50. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL w pnb liMh-i every Wednesday. Terms: One year, gix month*, sl. HUBS ■JKII'TION.S in all esses in advance, and no o ,tin led after the expiration of the time paid for. RATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AI tran sient adrer:i*emc:jHi wi 1 he ct ajved at the rat« of $1 p r h juar- for ea* h insertion for tlie firm w*-ek. Adv rtigerrieutw in the Tri-Weekly, t*o th rdg of the; rates in the Daily; and ill the Weekly, one-half the Daiiy ate*. Marriage and Funeral Notice*, $1 each. Hpecia Notices, $1 pT aejnare for the firwt j»u lication. Special r*t.-. wili l»e m> for advertisements running for a month or longer. REMITTANCES shouM be ma te hy Post Office Money Orders or Kspress. If tills cannot be done, pr t*-rtion against lokwch by mail may be secured by forwarding a OrJt pay ah'e to the Proprietors of the Chronicle A Sentinel, or by sending the money in a registered letter. ALL C() MMr NI CAT IONS announcing candidates for office —from (bounty Const ible to Member of CongreMM -will lx- charged for at the rate of twenty ct-ntM fx-r line. All announcements must lx- paid for in advance. Address WALSH A WRIGHT, <<niosoq.k A Kkviiso'. Aut>n*t*. fir?. (Lljrontcle and jjnitfml. WEDN ESDAY.SEPTEMBEE 30, 1874. MINOR TOPIC'B. The Radicals of Jones county, composed en tirely of colored men, had a political meeting the other day. and nominated one of their own color for tlio Legislature. They asked some white Democrats to draw tip a series of reso lutions, and the result is a curiosity in politics —a Radical Convention pledging itself to sup port Democratic principles. In a great city like London there are always houses which, from some accidental cause, pass away from any responsible ownership. Home times they are occupied by tenants, who, in the tirst n stance, pay no rent, and then gradually assume the rights < f landlords. It is said there is a company in London organized solely to make a prulit by taking j oseession of such property and either holding it or finding owners. • A colored Republican in North Carolina says the clause in the Civil Rights bill insisting on mixed schools, besides changing an established system of public education in the South, and further intensifying the feeling between the races, would deprive thousands of young col ored men and women of their occupation as teachers, and thus do them a great wrong, be sides endangering the mccess of die public school system in the South. 'That’s so. The New York papers of Sat urday announced that Governor Dix was seriously ill at his Hum mer residence, at West Hampton. Ho was suffering from external poisoning from wild ivy. as well aH from erysipelas. At last accounts the qp'sipelas had been checked, hut he was still qpn fined to his bed with the poison, his face and limbs being badly swollen. Governor Dix is over eighty years of ago. Ho and Gov. Allen, of Ohio, are two of the oldest prominent American politicians now living. The other night “Dr. Sizemore’s ‘stomach hitters’ establishment,” at Asheville, N. C., was assaulted with stones and had its windows broken by “soveral men in a squad.” We’ll he bound that Grant makes that squad howl. He doesn’t care to interfere in the indiscriminate plundering of the Southern people, nor in the overturning of legitimate State governments, hutho feels that when the scoundrels make a midnight assault upon Southern whisky, .they are running the thing into the ground. They have a parliamentary proceeding down in Florida that heats anything in Congress. At a late Radical District Convention in that State, two nominees, Martin ami Furman, con tended for the President’s chair. Martin got in first, hut ho had to rise to put a motion, and then Purnian slipped in behind him and seated himself in tlio chair. Martin understood parlia mentary rules better than that; so ho took Purman by the collar and the seat of his breeches and landed him sprawling on the lloor. And thus “do pint ob order” was dc oido 1 in favor of Martin. It will ho noted that the South Carolina Radical State Convention unanimously declared in favor of Gen. Grant for a third term. The intringuo is developing its programme. We have repeatedly said Gen. Grant can. by the support of tlio negroes and the Federal office holders, carry tlio vote of every Southern State for re-noiuination in the Radical National Con vention. His late orders for overrunning the Southern States with troops were a hid for the negro, instead of tlio white support, of this section, and South Caroiina leads off in a direc tion which every other Southern Radical State Convention will follow. As authorized hy an act of the Legislature, the Governor and State Treasurer of Virginia give notice that a conference will be held in the Capitol, at Richmond, at P 2 o’clock, in., on Tuesday, the 10th of November next, between all the creditors of the State, homo and for eign. or their accredited deputies, and the Gov ernor and Treasurer as commissioners for Vir ginia. Tlio object of the conference into effect such an exact, authentic understanding of tlio resources and liabilities of Virginia, and to consider such propositions for a final agree ment between the partiesintorostod, as will af ford the best attainable security for the rights and interests both of the public creditors and the Commonwealth. The fulmo of tlio hog crop is yot uncertain. Many believe that tlio product will almost equal that of last year, wliilo others are pre dicting that it will show a decrease of from 10 to ‘2O per cent, on account of tho short crop of corn and tho smallness of tho hogs now being sent forward. Tho serious damage to tho corn crop in Kansas ami the neighboring sec tion has forced hogs to Illinois and Indiana, where they will he highly fed hy tho most ex traordinary crops of corn and wheat ever grown in those two States. Chicago will have those stocks at her do r. and, as a consequence, will lie aide to dictate prices, to a great extent, throughout the coming season. Any one who may find astray balloon, with a lady and gentleman in it. is earnestly request ed to communicate with the authorities of Calais in France. On the lllst of August, M. Duruof. who was the first a'rouaut to leave Paris during the siege, w as announced to make an a'nal voyage from Calais to England in com pany with his wife. The wind proved to be in tho wrong direction and a postponement was resolved upon : but at dinner in the hotel. M. and Mine. Ihirnof were taunted with timidity, which so enraged them that they rushed from the table, got into the basket and at seven o'clock were seen mounting into space with a reasonable certainty of being blown over the North Sea. Nothing had since been heard of them at our latest mad advices, and as ihe balloon was too small to keep afloat during a long voyage, it is not likely that anything more ever will be heard. Well, it must have been a great satisfaction to them, as they went under the waves, to reflect that nobody would taunt them with cowardice again. A correspondent of tlie None Wiener Tag- i Mall, writing from London, says that the initi- ! ative by Germany in Spanish affairs was not ; better received in England than in Russia “Indeed." lie adds, ••when the news name that the Berlin Cabinet had given orders to send a whole flotilla. under Hear Admiral lTonok. to ] the Bay of Biscay, the displeasure felt in Eng land at th s incident were in no way concealed. • * * Count Munster, the German Ambas sador. immediately telegraphed to Kisseugen. aud the consequence was that, instead of a flotilla- two small ships only were sent, which | could not even suffice to blockade the Canta brian Coast. * * * Gieat value was at tached in London to this concession, and when Conut Munster communicated the German cir cular of the 4tli of August to the foreign office ou the Sth of that mouth, the British Govern ment decided to go hand-iu-hand with Ger many in the matter." Prince Bismarck ap , to have received many checks in his business, and especially from Mr. lfisrarli’s Cabinet. Thk Now York lit raid plentifully Ire sprinkled its editorial page ou the day of the announcement of the revolution in Louisiana with paragraphic allusions to what that “madman Toombs” said in his Atlanta speech. The Ht raid affects to think from these utterances that the South is ou the eve of another war. The Jit raid should remember that the South is no longer led by madmen, and con tain its soul in patience. Why not quote a little from Smith and Gordon and ConyciTT. who are leaders ? The Rome Courier says that as mat ters now stand there is good reason to believe that the Seventh District will be represented in the next Congress by a Radical, if the forces of the Democracy do not unite. We hope that the good men of the Seventh will spare their Dis trict and their State such a disgrace. - Every Democrat is bound in honor to support Col. Trammell, the nominee of the party, and a bolter is as bad as a Radical. COLUMBIA COUNTY. Below we publish the action of one of i the largest and moat influential organi zation sos the Patrons of Husbandry in Columbia on the recent murders in that county. Every good citizen of the county will heartily endorse the words which the members of Harmony Grange have so fitly spoken. Yesterday, in com menting upon the crime of Sunday night, we took occasion to say that the people of Columbia did nbt sympathize with murderers or approve assassination, and these resolutions afford ample evi dence of the truth of our assertion. They “ cannot too strongly condemn these and similar lawless, uncivilized and savage acts;” they pledge themselves to use every means in their power in as sisting the authorities to ferret out the murderers who shoot dt-fenseless men and women under cover of darkness; and they publish their proceedings to the world in order that the world which has heard of these atrocities may also know that their perpetrators have not the sympathy of the community which they have dis graced by their bloody excesses. We predict that there will he no similar acts in Columbia, or that, if there should be, the misguided men who commit them will speedily discover that there are juries which convict and Courts which punish. The good people of the county have cried halt to violence and murder, and evil disposed men will do well to heed the warning which is so plainly and emphatically sounded. We do not need United States soldiers and United States Courts to punish crime in Geor gia. Our people are able to enforce their own laws, and Huy/) intend to do it. In the meantime every effort will he made to detect and punish the men who were the participants in the outrage committed iu Columbia last Sunday j night. Below will he found the resolu- I tions to which we have referred : Harmony Grange, ( Columbia Cos., Ga., Sept 18, 1874. i On motion, a committee of three was appointed by the Worthy Master, to which he was by vote added, to consider the conduct of certain unknown individ uals in shooting two colored persons a few days since in the upper part of the county, and to report this afternoon. The committee to whom the matter was referred beg leave to report the fol lowing: First: That we cannot too strongly condemn this and similar law less, uncivilized and savage acts. They are a subversion - of the cause of human ity and the best interest of our people. Second: That the colored people in our midst are entitled to the protection of our laws, and we pledge ourselves to use all means iu our power—not except ing our purses—in assisting the proper authorities iu ferreting out the murder ers, and call on all good citizens of Co lumbia county to do the same. Third: That these proceedings be published in the city papers of Augusta and the McDuffie Journal. J. A. Walton, E. .T. Dozier, G. A. Hill and G. W. Evans, committee. A true extract from the minutes. J. A. Walton, Secretarv. G. W. Evans, W. M. COTTON MANUFACTURING IN THE SOUTH. An advance sheet from the Commer cial and Financial Chronicle furnishes some interesting figures iu connection with the consumption of cotton hy the Southern States. The increase in South ern consumption has been as marked as it is gratifying. It lias risen from ninety thousand hales iu 1869-70 to one hun dred and thirty thousand hales in 1873-74, and hut for tlio evil results of the pauic the Chronicle thinks that the consumption would have reached nearly one hundred and forty thousand bales. The following table shows tlie consump tion and the number of mills and spin dles iu each of the Southern States : States. Mills. Spindles. Bales. Alabama. .. 16 57,694 13,773 Arkansas. . ‘2 1,256 293 Georgia 42 137,330 39,920 Kentucky... 4 10,500 4,047 Louisiana... 3 15,000 2J90 Mississippi. 11 15,150* 2,T>45 Missouri.... 4 18,656 7,288 N. Caiolina. 30 55,498 14,726 S. Carolina. 18 62,872 15,376 Tennessee.. 42 47,053 13,518 Texas 4 10,225 2,755 Virginia... 11 56,490 11,496 Total 187 487,629 128,526 From this table it will he seen that of the one hundred and eighty-seven mills in tlie South, forty-two, or nearly one- j fourth of the whole number, are operated | iu Georgia, while of four hundred and j eighty-seven thousand spindles, Geor- j gia runs nearly one-third. Her mills ] also consume nearly one-third of the ■ number of bales cotton used. It must be also recollected that two of the j largest and most successful cottou mills of South Carolina—-we mean Grauite ville aud Langley— are run principally with Georgia capital, that their offices are in Georgia, and that their chief ex ecutive officers are Georgians. There is but little reason to doubt that by the end of the next decade Georgia will rank next after Massachusetts in the manufacture of cotton, aud that Augus ta will be to Georgia what Lowell is to Massachusetts. THE RISING IN LOUISIANA. The Louisville Courier-Journal, after opposing violence and bloodshed with all its might for the past two months, now, with admirable consistency, cen sures the people of Louisiana because they submitted without a struggle to the forces of the National Government. It declared in double leads while the con flict was still pending that if Governor Penn did not “want to hang as an as sassin ha must bear himself as a hero; aud if another rebellion aud civil war is the consequence let them come.” The same article said : If Governor Penn and his advisers and followers proceeded under the idea 1 that the full power of the Federal Gov ernment would not be put forth to crush j the revolt in which the people of Louisi- ! ana arc engaged, they made a woful mis- I take. If they understood this, the logi- \ cal consequence of their movement must be a bold and resolute resistance, by j which, if they hold out long enough, ! they can force the addition of at least fifty millions to the national debt, and j may, in the end, precipitate a general j civil war. They have nothing to lose, i aud everything to gain, by carrying out | the measure of revolution they have be-! gun. If they do Hot, they are mere j rioters, exposed to vindictive proseeu- j tions for murder. * * * But, if we . are to act on a different line, let us act : together, forcing the North to recon quer us and give us a military govern ment, or else to do us justice. The ; Government we have is a farce. The whole South prefers an empire, a king; therefore, let us, if we are not goiDg to be governed by peaceful suggestions, compel the North, oy a state of war which its whole energies will be required to suppress, to change its form of gov ernment; to hold the South as a van quished province; to relinquish the revenues drawn from our prosperity, and to turn us over to the negroes, bag and baggage, body and breeches. Let us crush out the miserable lie which Radicalism keeps before the country and the world—that this is a free coun try. When the news of the surrender came the same paper denounced it as an “ignominious and absurd back-down.” These words may be very line, but they are also very foolish and it is a matter for congratulation that the people of New Orleans did not think proper to follow such silly counsel. The Courier- Journal either misunderstrnds or mis represents the motives of the leaders of the recent movement in Louisiana and the object of the outbreak. They never intended to force a conflict with the j Government of the United States, nor I were they actuated in their conduct bv any sentiment of hostility to that Govern ment or any desire to make their State secede from the American Union. They did not wish to make a forcible issue with the national authorities, and they were also very well convinced of the folly of attempting armed resistance to its power. They rose expecting to have the support of that Government, know ing full well if they did not they j could not stand for an instant. The idea of Penn and of his party seemed to be that if they were able to overthrow the usurpation and establish the legally elected government through out the State they would not he inter fered with By the Administration until the meeting of Congress, when they could expect a thorough investigation of their case, and a final decision upon its merits. General Grant had main tained the Kellogg usurpation, after first placing it iu power, upon the ground that it was the government de facto. He had studiously avoided giv ing any opinion as to its legality ; and Congress, following in the wake of the President and expressly declining a recognition of its rightful character, refrained from disturbing it, because it was the only government in existence and operation in the State. McEnery’s party doubtless believed that if successful in their coup d'etat the same principle would apply to them ; they would be recognized as the government dc facto if not de jure, while Kellogg & Company would he remitted to Congress for re- dress and for an adjudication of their claims. They matured their plans and j struck the blow which was to redeem them from robber rule. So far as the capture of the State was concerned, they met with complete success. But to their surprise they found that the rule which had been established and adhered to for the benefit of a usurper would not be applied to them. After driving Kel logg and his hand from the Capitol they discovered that there was opposed to them the whole armed power of the Government, and that they must either submit or else fight where they did not wish to fight, and with a force which .they could not hope to resist success fully. To avoid the unnecessary shed ding of blood they surrendered, and they were right. Their act will receive the approval of every person who is ca pable of taking a calm and dispassionate view of the matter. GEORGIA POLITICS. Iu another column] this morning we publish the letter of accceptance of Mr. Oscar Thomason, the Democratic nomi nee for the Legislature in Morgan county, which we commend to the at tention of our readers. It will be seen that Mr. Thomason places himself squarely against the payment of the bogus Bullock bonds. Messrs. Homer C. Glisson, Jos. A. Shewmake and J. B. Jones have been nominated for the Legislature by the Democrats of Burke. They were mem bers of the last Legislature, and did the State good service in the committee rooms andjon the floor of the House. We learu from the Sparta Times and Planter that the Democrats of Hancock have nominated Messrs. John L. Culver and J. R. Binion for the Legislature. Mr. Binion takes the place of Hou. Geo. E. Pierce, Jr. Mr. Culver was a mem ber of the last General Assembly, and is a gentleman of fine ability. We hope that they will be elected hy a rousing maj onty. BELLIGERENT BLUSTER. We are not at all surprised to see that an attempt is being made by the Radical papers and politicians to convince the people of the North and West that the South is rife for revolt, and that the country is upon the eve of another war. They quote the utterances of one or two fire-eating editors and orators, and hold them up as a correct reflex of Southern sentiment, knowing full well that tho men who make these speeches and pen these articles speak for few besides themselves. They quote only such utterances as are calculated to as sist their party in its efforts to retain con trol of the country and the Government. They parade in glaring head lines the ridiculous bombast of General Toombs, and say nothing of what Smith, Gor don, Stephens and Colquitt say, though they kuow that the latter are acknow ledged leaders in Georgia, while the former is almost entirely destitute of in fluence and power. One serves their purposes, the other does not; and they use that which they find serviceable. They are attempting to manage the present campaign as they have every political contest since reconstruction. They wish to ignore every issue except the one on which they hope to achieve success. They are determined, if possi ble, to fight again the “war for the Union.” The finances, the tariff, the corruption of the present Administration, the frightful misgovernment of most of the Southern States—all these dangerous questions are studiously avoided and the masses are called upon to oppose a party whose leaders in the South are proclaiming hostility to “Yankees” and advocating another war. Os course it is j useless for us to tell them that this is not j true; there are none so deaf as those who will not hear.. They point to one man in the South and refuse to see any one else. Already we have been told by the most prominent men in the Republican ; ranks what their party programme is to be. Butler iu the East and Morton in the West have both announced the new policy, or rather a continuance of the old which has defeated us in every Con gressional and Presidential election. — We hope the Democrats of the South and of the North will not suffer the issue : to be shifted in this manner, or allow a [ repetition of the disgraceful tactics which brought disastrous defeat in ISGB and 1872. Especially do we look to the i Democratic press to expose the false ! hoods and misrepresentations of the I enemy aud to give a truthful account of affairs in the Southern States and a cor rect statement of the sentiments of the j Southern people. A correspondent of the New York Herald attempted to interview Jeffer son Davis, the other day, concerning j the New Orleans troubles, but failed to elicit any expression of opinion from the ex-President of the Confederacy, eitcept that he sympathized deeply with the tax-burdened and otherwise oppressed people of Louisiana, and hoped the so lution of their difficulties was near at hand. He made no allusion to the President nor to his proclamation in favor of Kellogg. “Even were I to read from the decalogue,” he said, “any expression of mine would be sure of misrepresentation and distortion by enemies of the Southern people, and this is reason enough for my refusing to converse upon political affairs.” The Radicals of the Ninth District have nominated Jxo. W. O'Neal as their candidate for Congress. O'Neal was a member of the Bullock Legislature from Lowndes county, but moved to Gainesville recently, and has been at tempting to run a Radical paper there with indifferent success. He has about as much chance of going to Congress as Ben Butler has of going to Heaven — j and this is getting it down very fine. AUGUSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 30, 1574. MR. STEPHENS’ GREENESBORO SPEECH. We publish this morning in the Chronicle and Sentinel a full report |of the speech recently delivered in Greenesboro by Hon. Alexander H. Stephens. We take pleasure in com mending it to the careful attention of our readers. The noble sentiments ix pressed are calculated to do Georgia and the whole South great good at this critical juncture, when such a strong effort is being made to stir up anew war against the Southern States. We trust that those Radical papers which have quoted so freely the utterances of a few fiery orators and editors to our damage will have the justice to quote a little from Mr. Stephens. We cannot agree with him in his opinion of General Grant, or in the measure of responsi bility for the troubles in Louisiana, which be seeks to place upon him, hut we can and do approve everything which he has said upon other subjects. THE BOGUS BONDS. The Atlanta Constitution regrets to see such papers as the Savannah News and the Chronicle and Sentinel in anywise favoring a call for an extra ses sion of the Legislature. It pains us to have occasioned our worthy cotemporary any uneasiness, Vint then what could we do under the circumstances ? We saw that a convenient loop-hole had been left for the payment of several millions of dollars of fraudulent indebtedness, which had been almost unanimously re pudiated by one Legislature of the peo ple and which a second Legislature in tended to disown, and we were anxious that tlie mistake which had been made should be rectified. Hence we advocated the calling of an extra session of the Legislature, and brought sorrow to the breast of the Constitution. That paper says it was urged that the Governor should “run tlie State to a heavy expense by convening the Legislature to correct its own error.” The Constitution is mis taken. The Governor was not urged to run the State to any heavy expense. He was asked to call a session for the pass- age of one bill, which would save mil lions to the tax payers—a session which need not at the outside have lasted more than a week or cost more than a few thousand dollars. Tho Constitution thinks that the Governor lias no evidence that the Legislature made a mistake, and that the General Assembly, if con vened, would feel it “due to their own dignity” to repel such an assumption on the part of the Governor, as otherwise their action would be “equivalent to a confession of their own ignorance and incompetency.” We think that the Gov ernor knows very well what the Legisla ture intended to do and we think that he will be very willing to confess the error made by himself in sign ing a bill which lie must now be well aware did not embody tlie wishes of the people. We are very confident that the members of the Legislature would have been glad of an opportunity to rectify a mistake which may he the source of much mischief. The spe cial pleading of the Constitution as to the intention of the Legislature will de ceive no one—not even its own editors. The Senator who framed the amendment has publicly confessed its insufficiency, and explained how the mistake came to he made. We think that few men, in view of the action of the Legislature upon the “compromise” offered hy the Ti.'nfy, will Dellevo Il.tvt 41.„ UtlJy intended to prepare the way for a much more liber:d settlement with that un scrupulous body. We are very well aware that it is now too late for an extra session of the General Assembly; that Gov. Smith has declined to cor rect his own mistake in signing or to give the Legislature an opportunity to cor rect its mistake in adopting such a lame and impotent amendment; that he has unhesitatingly taken tlie responsibility of postponing for more than two years an opportunity to rid the State forever of this heavy burden of fraudulent in debtedness. Governor Smith knows how near this matter is to the hearts of the honest people of Georgia. He knows how firmly they have set their faces against tlie payment of a single dollar of the debt which was created by the frauds of Bullock and his accomplices. He knows that the Ring will never cease its efforts until a constitutional amend ment is interposed between them and the door of tlie Treasury. And knowing all these things, lie has not acted. We suppose that he was well aware what, would be the consequences of his inaction; that his course was de termined upon after reflection, and that he has an explanation to offer his con stituents. In common with the rest of them, we shall be glad to hear what he has to say upon this subject. A few words more to our Atlanta co temporary. The Constitution, in its ar ticle, says: “However much we may regret, with Mr. Hillyer and with our cotemporaries, that the bill was not broader,” so as to include all the bonds at once,” etc. Does the Constitution re gret the negligence which failed to em brace all the Bullock bonds in the pro posed amendment ? If so we are glad to know it; to learn that in the future the influence of that journal aud the talent of its editor will be found on the side of the people and against the bond holders. At one time we understood it to be an advocate of the odious com promise, but we shall be rejoiced to know that we were mistaken, or else that our cotemporary has thought better of the matter. The Providence (R. I.) Journal re cords the existence in Rhode Island of Anti-Temperance Ku-Klux, who, says the Journal, “hate a temperance man as fiercely as their Mississippi prototypes hate a negro.” It mentions several in stances of advocates of prohibition being assailed and beaten by the Anti-Tem peranee Ku-Klux ruffians, and appears to apprehend that these outrages are “part of a concocted plan to overawe and intimidate the advocates of a pro hibitory law.” He-e is something for the consideration of the President and his Attorney-General. Will General Grant issue his proclamation, “cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of war ” upon these Rhode Island Ku-Klux ? Does the madman Toombs want to see General Butler again iu command of New Orleans.— N. Y. Herald. So far as we are concerned we have no objection to his accepting a command under Kellog a,pro vided General Grant will hold back the United States soldiers and give McExert and Penn a showing. Indeed we would rather like such an arrangement as we should find immediate use for a carefully written obituary of the Essex statesman which has been pigeon-holed for some time past in an ticipation of a certain event. The South pays a handsome and well merited compliment to the faithful and important service rendered by the Charleston Ncu-s and Courier to the people and State of South Carolina. It declares that it has opened the eyes of the North to the frightful misgovern ment of that State by its exposure of the fraud and corruption practiced by the domißaut party, while it has been the persistent advocate of fair dealing with and kind treatment of the negroes. STEPHENS ON THE SITUATION. Speech of the Hon. Alexander H. Ste phens at Greenesboro, September 17th, 1874, Steuotrraphically Re ported for the Chronicle and Senti nel by E. 4Y. Grant. Union Point, September 17th, 1874. A large assembly met to-day at the Court House, in Greeuesboro, iu this county, to hear Mr. Stephens, who had promised, if able, to address them on the public questions of the day. At the hour of twelve, on the adjournment of the Court then in session, it was very apparent that the Court House would not hold the multitude that had come together, and it was determined that it would be better for the speech to he made iu the Public Square—Mr. Ste phens to stand in the north door of the Court House and to support himself on a desk which was provided for the pur pose. Hon. Miles W. Lewis called the crowd to order, and stated that Mr. Ste phens was now ready to address them, styling him the “ Grtat Commoner, whose life had been devAted to the cause of humanity.” Mr. Staihens arose, tot tering on his crutches, amidst the raptur ous applause that greeted him, and spoke as follows : Fellow-Citizens— l must first and foremost express my profound thanks for this welcome. I *tinr truly gratified to see so many assembled on this occa sion. Iwo aid greatly bfeve preferred to address you in the large Court Room above, where I have so often heretofore addressed the people of Greene, but it was doubted whether it was large enough for all to hear who were present. I yielded to the suggestion that I should speak to you from this point. lam now satisfied that the opinion expressed was right. It clearly appears that the Court House would not have held one-lialf of those before me. Personal. May I not aptly, in the beginning, most reverently ask, What have you come out to see? “A reed shaken by the wind ?” Certainly something equal ly frail in body. This is the first time I have attempted to discuss great political questions in the open air for twelve or fifteen years. How my voice will sus tain me I know not. I trust most earnest ly, however, that I shall be strengthen ed, by the deep interest I feel in the great cause which prompts my appear auce, so to extend its compass that it" may reach the remotest ear. Be as sured that no ordinary motive induces me to appear before you under these circumstances. My subject to-day is my country. This above all sublu nary matters enlists my feelings. To this cause mv life has been chiefly de voted. The honor which my long stand ing friend, Mr. Lewis, conferred in his introductory remarks, in speaking of me as one whose life had been devoted to humanity, is one I have ever aimed to attain, however short I may have come in deserving the compliment. The ame lioration, the elevation and advance ment of the general interests of man kind, and especially of those of our own State, has been the work in which I have been engaged for forty years. In this cause my energies have been put forth to their utmost extent, until I am now worn and wasted as, you see me. If in like efforts I should now, or at any time fall, or “die in the harness,” as my friends at the late Convention in Au gusta virtually expressed their wish that I should, then be assured nothing of an earthly nature could be more agreeable to me. America and Rome. If an old Roman could give a true ut terance of his emotions in the senti ment “dulceet decorum cst, pro patria rnori,” “it is sweet and honorable to die for one’s country,” with how much more emphasis should an American citizen repeat the same ? Wliat did this Roman mean by country ? Was it the Tiber— was it the beautiful plains and broad valleys of Italy, consecrated by the Tus can remains and monuments which gave renown to the land—wasittlie Appenines or thundering Vesuvius and its occa sional outbursts of earth’s internal fires— or the glimpses of the glaciered tops of the distant Alps, or the placid waters of the Mediterranean or Adriatic seas that, wasnecl tne snores ui m. vey oisula—or the cerulean sky above? Was it for these he thought it so honorable to die ? Far from it, I ween. It was doubtless for the preservation of the politi cal liberties and that high order of civilization which sprung from the institutions of Rome. How much more majestic are our rivers, how much gran der our mountains, how much more ex tensive and fertile our plains and val leys, how much more numerous, wider and out-stretching our lakes; the clear blue sky also which this day canopies us is equally calculated to stir witfiiu us profoundest emotions of admiration and adoration. In natural surroundings we have far more to admire and to be de voted to than had the Romans. Then again how much grander and more glorious are our institutions than those of that renowned Republic. But here as there it is not “the land that makes the mail,” it is “the man that makes the land.” For centuries before Rome was planted Italy was inhabited by bar barians; for centuries unknown in num ber prior to the coming of our fore fathers to this Continent it was in like manner inhabited by roving depredatory tribes over all that vast region now oc cupied by the peoples of the United States. During all this time there were the same rivers, plains, mountains, val leys and sky, which give it its present loveliness. All those wonderful changes which have been effected since the settle ment of the British colonies on the At lantic coast within the last three hun dred years—all that high order of civilization which now places this country in the front rank of all coun tries ; everything which lias made the wilderness to blossom as the rose—all our commerce, borne by tlie power and speed of steam, up and down our rivers, and over the sixty thousand miles of railroads which skirt the valleys and pierce the mountains in every direction, as well as across the Atlantic and Pa cific Oceans—all our schools of learning, common schools, Sunday schools, col leges and universities—all our churches, with their numberless spires pointing heavenward—all our cities, towns and villages—all our public buildings and temples of justice—all our indu-tries, and everything which gives ns the high position which the United States had attained before the late conflict of arms, sprung solely from their institutions, moral and political. As Borne’s great ness sprung not from the land, hut from her institutions, so did ours not from the land, but from our institutions; and as our institutions were founded upon principles superior to those of Rome, so will our greatness be superior to hers in the very acme of her renown, if these principles are adhered to. It is to the maintenance of these principles that my life has been devoted, and for which I am willing to die, if it so please God. American Liberty. It is for the purpose of saying some thing, though feebly, in defense of these institutions, and the principles upon which they were founded, that I appear before you to-day. Be it known to you, then, be it impressed indelibly upon your minds that the germ, the seminal principle from which have sprung all our institutions, all that happiness, thrift and prosperity which have hereto fore so marked the career of our past in tellectual, moral and political progress, was the great and inestimable right of local self-government by the people. Not by monarchs or kings, or oligarchies, or aristocracies, but by the democratic masses, uudar such constitutional re straints as they themselves for their pro tection may impose as chains upon their rulers. Let this truth be deeply im pressed not only upon your own minds, but upon those’ of your children. Let it be taught at the fireside, in the schools, the colleges and the universi ties. This principle carries with it the great fact that all rulers, in all separate States and Commonwealths, derive their just powers only from the consent of the governed. It was for the purpose of es tablishing these facts and truths that our ancestors left the various monarchies of Europe and planted separate colo nies ou the shores of the Atlantic.— It was for these objects the colony of Virginia was planted ; it was for these objects the Pilgrim Fathers settled at Plymouth—for the same objects New Hampshire, Maryland, Bhode Island and Connecticut were planted—for the same North Carolina and South Caro lina and Georgia, the last and youngest, were planted. They all brought char ters securing to themselves, in different forms, this great right of local self-gov ; eminent in all their internal affairs aud domestic relations. Virginia had noth } iug to do with the internal concerns of Maryland, Massachusetts, or any other i of the colonies ; so of Rhode Island, j Connecticut, New Hampshire, and all | the rest. Each was a perfect political organism within itself, with all the right ful functions of government over inter nal affairs within its limits ; and with these charters the colonies grew and be came prosperous. The forests of centu ries yielded to the axe ; the aboriginal red man receded to the west ; trade and commerce gave life to growth and de velopment. The British Parliament be came fearful of the rising power of the colonies. War was made upon their chartered rights; finally, the charter of Massachusetts was virtually abolished. This caused alarm in all the colouies ; they saw that if Massachusetts was de prived of the right of local self-govern ment the same fate might await all in turn. It was then that Virgiuia raised the cry that “the cause of Boston is the cause of us all.” A call for a Congress of all the colonies, to consult for the mutual safety of all, was made. This Congress assembled iu Philadelphia in 1774. The result was that by a similar Congress the ever memorable Declara tion of the Fourth of July, 1776, was proclaimed to the world. This was no declaration of American independence, as it has often been styled ; it was the declaration of the independence of each of the colonies. By it tlie link that bound each to the mother country was declared to be severed forever. They mutually declared themselves no longer to be colonies, but States, with all the powers which do of right belong to separate Commonwealths. Their title was changed from the United Colonies of America to the United States of America. They soon thereafter formed what was known as their first Constitu tion, that is the articles of confedera tion by which they bound themselves to make common cause for the defense of the separate cause of each, to main tain their sovereign power of local self government in all their internal affairs respectively. The object was to main tain and defend tiie seminal principle from, which all their happiness and prosperity had come. I have not time or strength to go through with all the details that marked this period in the progress of our institutions. Suffice it to say, a bloody war ensued that lasted for seven years, which ended in the ac knowledgment by Great Britain of the sovereign independence of each of tlie original States by name. The Articles of Confederation, or the first Constitu tion framed, were upon the model which united the separate ancient Grecian re publics. It is common with many peo ple to say, and some historians join in the same assertion, that this Confedera tion was a failure. It was no such thing; but the statesmen of that day, at the head of whom stood Jefferson—one of the greatest political philosophers »f any age or clime—conceived that an improve ment might he made upon the model confederations of the past. According to the Grecian, and all other models, whatever measures the States in Con gress assembled adopted to carry out such powers as were delegated to them, in raising money, or making other pro visions for the general welfare, had first to be submitted to, and have the sanc tion of, the States severally before they could go into effect. This required time and delay; besides, under this first Constitution each State had retained to itself the right to regulate commerce with all foreign nations, and its own system of naturalization laws and laws of bankruptcy. The Constitution of 1787. This worked some confusion. It was thought best that these powers should also be delegated to the General Govern ment in their Constitution. A call was made for another convention of the States to remedy these evils. This call was responded to by the assembling of the most notable convention of States ever assembled on the Continent. It met in May, 1787, at Philadelphia.— Washington presided over its councils; the result was a thorough revision of the Articles of Confederation, with a delega tion of the new powers asked for; but with a change in the structure of the Federal organization which constituted an entirely new feature in Federal re publics. The idea of this new feature, which raises our Federal Republic to tlie grandest type of government ever witnessed on earth, originated in the puiiusupuioai Drain ot Jenersou. He was not iu the Convention; ho was then Minister to France, but gave the idea in a letter to Mr. Madison. Tho idea was this : So to change the structure of the Federal head as to make this conven tional State perfect within itself, so as to perform all the functions of a govern ment within its limited sphere, just as the States performed their full sovereign functions over all their internal affairs. This required a division of the delegated powers in three departments—legisla tive. judicial and executive—just as the retained sovereign powers of the State were divided. Under the first Consti tution of the United States nearly all the delegated powers were executed by one body—that is, by all the States in Congress assembled. Mr. Jefferson’s suggestion was that the Federal Gov ernment, in the execution of its limited powers, should be organized as the States were; that the Congress of the States should constitute the legislative department, and that a judiciary and ex ecutive department should be created to perform the functions belonging to those departments within their prescribed sphere. In this way the General Gov ernment would become a perfect State within its limited sphere by Federal compact, as the separate States were per fect States, each within itself, by what is known as the social compact; all the sovereign powers not delegated to the Federal Government being still reserved and retained by the States severally. This new Constitution, so framed aud submitted to the States, was subse quently ratified by all of them. There was in it no change of the essential prin ciples or character or nature of the Federal Government. In it was pre served, as the life and spirit of the whole, that seminal principle of which I have spoken. The Grandest of Governments. The whole fabric was based upon its preservation, and I say to you, my countrymen, to-day what I have often said before, that it is the grandest sys tem, or systems rather, of governments ever instituted by man. Under this system the number of free co-equal States has increased from thirteen to •thirty-seven. It preserved the United States as a republic—not a single re public, but a Federal republic—a re public of republics! Hence the motto, “ E Pluribus Unum,” “one of many.” It presents a government of the highest type. It is, indeed, not only a nation, but a nation of nations ! Nothing of the sort seems ever to have entered into human conception before, unless the Prophet Ezekiel got glimpses of it, in his great vision, as to the future. It is not my purpose to assume the province of expounding the Prophets; but I can not refrain from repeating an illustra tion of the character of this grand sys tem which I gave many of you twenty years ago in the Court room above, and have given on many occasions since elsewhere, by referring to this vision. Ezekiel, you remember, in his most notable vision, saw the wonderful specta cle of a number of distinct beings or living creatures, each witH a separate and distinct organism, each having the lull functions of life within itself; all being alike in external appearance, and all at the same time mysterious ly connected, with one common animating spirit pervading the whole, so that when the common spirit moved they all moved, as it were a wheel in the middle of a wheel; and whithersoever thecommon spirit went thither the others went, all going together; and when they thus went he heard the noise of their motion like the voice of great waters— the voice of the Almighty. Whether in his vision he got glimpses of this model Federal Republic of ours, instituted by our fathers, or not, I will not under take to say, but the system completely fits the vision. Under the system, each State is a perfect, distinct, living, politi cal organism, with all the functions of perfect government within itself. In this respect all the States are alike. The Federal Government, so created, is also a dfctinet political organism with all the functions of a perfect Government, within its prescribed limits, its chief ob jects and designs being confined to for eign and inter-State affairs. It, too, in its structure, is exactly like the States which formed it. It embodies the com mon spirit of all the States, so that when all things move smoothly and harmoni ously, in accordance with the principles animating the whole, whithersoever the common spirit goes, thither all go. So that for seventy years in our history the motion of their progress might well be characterized as the “noise of great wa ters,” or even without blasphemy, as the voice of the Almighty, since God directs the destiny of nations as well as of men singly. It was so in all the great events that marked our career, during that period; it was so in the 1 threatened French war in 1790; it was so in the second war with Great Britain in 1812; it was so in the Mexican war iu j 1846 ; it was so in all our great achieve j ments, and it will be so still, in that , grander career in future, which may be | attained, if there be a return to those ; original principles on which the whole i R y s tem rests. This is but au outline of I the past. The Source of AU Our Woe. All our recent troubles have sprung from a departure from these principles. It is not my purpose on this occasion to speak of the late war between the States, that terrible and most lamentable shock, by which the previous general harmony j peace and prosperity was interrupted. I will now only say I was seriously ap prehensive during' the conflict that the whole system would be subverted. These apprehensions were greatly increased when, after the remedy of secession had been abandoned by the Southern States, that second war against the essential principles of the Constitution, known as i the reconstruction policy, was com menced by Congress. The war was waged by ihe Northern States avowedly for the sole purpose of a restoration of the Union of the States, or, as Mr. Lin coln styled it, a restoration of all the States to their “practical relations to the Union.” This restoration, it seemed to me, was complete when the seceding States abandoned their cause and re assumed all their duties and obligations under the Constitution. When this was done they were certainly entitled to all their rights ns members of the Union under the Constitution. The reconstruc tion policy was directly opposed to this restoration, for which so much treasure had been spent aud so much bloodshed. By the boldest acts of usurpation upon record ten of the Southern States were denied readmission into the Union ex cept upon terms requiring a total sub version of their previous organic laws, and an entire change of their internal policy. These terms were exacted by duress and force. But an important and notable laet attending this process is, that even in these most glaring usurpa tions obedience was formally rendered to the requirements of the letter of the Constitution. Not one of the advocates of the 14th and 15th Amendments to the Constitution claimed that they would have any validity, unless ratified by the States to which they were so submitted and carried. Os course their validity depends upon the decision of the ques tion whether any measure or act can ho valid which is exacted by force. Enough on this point now. This is a question not so appropriate for the hustings as for the Courts. Under these exactions so made, and these measures so carried, all the States are once more recognized as members of the Union, and have their proper representation in the House and Senate in tiie Congress of the States. Whatever injury some of the States may have received iu the process it is a great fact that the old system is now recognized in form at least to be in operation again. Breaches have been made in the outer wall, but the old in ner temple of our liberties still stands without any essential impairment of any of the parts of its structure. This is so by the admitted theory of the recon structionists, and it is for us and the friends of constitutional liberty in nil the States to see to it that this theory shall be established by the future prac tical workings of the 'Federal Adminis tration. In all human governments the struggle has ever been, and now is, be tween Power and Right. Our grand system so instituted has not been exempt from a like conflict. The struggle here has been from the beginning between cen tralism and constitutionalism. This conflict is still going on. The practical issue it now presents is the all absorb ing question of the Civil Rights bill, so called. Civil Rights Bill. On this point I wish to address myself specially to my colored friends who are present on this occasion. I thank them for their attendance and the close atten tion they have given to all I have thus far said. It shows a laudable desire on their part to gain information upon subjects upon which iu the present state V ,r “: “ r v,H R much interested as the rest ot us. t „„j, r * n,,... 1 entertain towards them not the slightest feelings of prejudice on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. Your emancipation, however you may value it as a boon, was not ono of the avowed objects of those who waged the war on the part of the Northern States. It is true it was a result of the contin geuces of the war, under the providence of God. To Him, therefore, it should be attributed. Whatever of good or evil may attend it will depend mainly on yourselves. Your duty to yourselves and your posterity is to prove that you are worthy of it. The question which now so agitates the public mind, as 1 have said, is the Civil Rights bill, so called. This bill professes to be es pecially for your advantage. It is a hill introduced aud now pending in Con gress. It is a measure which I do not think is for your benefit.— I am opposed to it and I wish you to understand the reason of my opposition clearly and distinctly. The leading ob ject of tho bill is to compel all the States to make their public schools mixed schools, that is to compel colored chil dren and white children to attend the same schools. One reason of my oppo sition to this measure is that Congress has no rightful power to pass *mch a law. You have heard what I have said about the nature of our Government and the powers of Congress. I hope you understood me. Your liberties as well as the whites now depend upon the preservation of the harries erected by the Constitution for the protection of all, and I have shown you that unless these questions of education and others like it are left to the States to regulate for themselves, our whole system of free government, instituted under the Provi dence of God, will end necessarily in a common despotism, in which your liber ties as well as tlioso of the whites will be lost. But lam also opposed to this measure because, as I have said, I do not think it for your benefit. I think it is wrong in principle, and that in prac tice it would work disastrously. You do not want mixed schools. You do not want to send your children to the same schools with the white children, nor do you want white children sent to your j schools. Wliat you do want, what you are entitled to and what I am for is that you J have an equal, proportionate and just I share of the public funds of the State set apart for educational purposes. I am in favor of your education. I was so before your emancipation—before the war, and am so still. Justice to all is my motto, and the principle by which I am governed. I say to you, as I have said elsewhere, and all my life, that I believe in the great truth uttered by Mr. Jefferson, the “great apostle of liberty,” and to whom we are, perhaps, more indebted than to any other one man for all our free democratic in stitutions on this Continent, that all men are created equal. This announce ment by him has been a puzzle to many. It seems to be like some of the preach ing of Paul, hard to be understood. In the face of innumerable surrounding facts apparently in direct contradiction to it, some have thought that Jefferson, in uttering it, only gave expression to a meaningless, glittering generality. Far from it. In uttering it he gave ex pression to a great truth, as he always did in his utterances upon matters of government. Os course he did not mean that men are equal in size, or form, or color, or in intellectual or moral worth. We see and know that some men are larger than others. Most, for instance, weigh from 130 to 160 pounds; some go to two and three hundred, and even more, while I at present weigh only seventy-eight, having gained seven in the last seven weeks. Some are tall and some are short of stature. Some are light-colored, some brown, while others are black. In these respects, and many others that might be named, men are not equal. But in one thing they are equal, and that is their equal right to justice in the administration of the law in all governments. This is the right of the humblest as well as the highest; the right of the poor as well as the rich; the right of the black man as well as the white. In all the grades of society and differences betw< en men, either as to race or color, or in other respects, the administration of justice according to merit is the great law which produces peace, harmony and prosperity in all States and Commonwealths. To the vindication of this principle my en ergies have ever been devoted. Even these differences among men, however, as to color and race, made by God in His wisdom, fit as tongue to groove when harmoniously worked as they should be. Why God made one star to differ from another in magnitude and glory, we know not. But we know that together, moving harmoniously in obedience to the simple law of gravity, they produce the grand symphony of the spheres. So we know not why, in His wisdom, He made the different races of men so unlike in many particulars, but we do know that by the simple law of jus tice, general harmony iu all States and Commonwealths prevails in like manner. Your interests and wel fare, my colored friends, fit as tongue to groove with the interests and welfare of your white neighbors. Let no one guilefu ly tempt you to entertain a con trary belief. The apparent and known inequalities among men, either as to color or race, should be no cause for dis cord among them. The first great dis cord in Heaven, Sin, came from a diso bedience, or indisposition on the part of malcontents to conform to those ine qualities which God had created among those who surrounded His immediate throne. There are differences and ine qualitieseven in Heaven, from Arch-augel down. Your allotment under Provi dence, ns ours, is upon these lands. Let us all, according to the universal fitness of things, do the best we can for the common welfare. The principle upon which this is to be worked out is that announced by Him who “spake as never man spake,” “As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise.” This is the Divine utterance of the law of justice. It does not mean a reversion of the natural order of things ; it does not mean that the Judge should change places with the culprit, or that the parent should change places with the child, or the teacher with the pupil. It means simply that each should do his duty according to his position. Tho great businesses of life consist at best in the discharge of mutual duties and obligations. Tho performance of these is nothing but an interchange of recip rocal services. This is true from the highest to the lowest ; lawyers, doctors, merchants and governors are ns much servants of others, in one sense, as the man at the plow or the anvil. Tho true honor of tho service does not depend so much upon its character as the manner of performing it. Tho sentiment of Pope sets*forth the right principle : ‘‘Honor anil sluinio from no condition r ho. Act well your part, there all tho honor lion.” This, my colored friends, is applicable to you ns to all tlie rest of us. If wo all shall but act on this principle we may yet work out a glorious destiny. To my white friends, 1 say, we have passed through a terrible crucible. It seems, in the providence of God, that great sacrifices are necessary for the at tainment of the greatest ’ good. Ad versity is ever a crucible in which Ihe metal of human nature is tested. The past, should make us cling the closer to those great principles of constitutional liberty—the inestimable right of sep erate State government established by our fathers. This is the Ark of the Covenant. Let it be preserved forever. Louisiana. I have been asked what I think of the stirring movements in Louisiana. On this point I can now only say I am not sufficiently acquainted with all the facts to express any opinion, except that tile oppressed people of Louisiana have my profoundest. sympathy. But I gravely doubt the expediency of the remedy they have resorted to. Arms should ever he the last resort against bad government, and not till all peaceful modes of re dress become hopeless should they bo appealed to. I am for law and order. By law, I here mean what the Courts so hold to he. If tho Courts decide wrong ly, then I am for the other peaceful in strumentalities of the Constitution as the best mode of redress. In this mat ter, however, I will say I do not think General Grant is justly censurable for the state of things existing in Louisiana. I am aware that many of our people think he is. Ou this point I differ with them. I kuow General Grant aud will do him that justice to which he is en titled. In my opinion all these troubles are rightly chargeable upon the recon struction acts and policy of Congress. They are tho results of that war upon the Constitution hy wl;ich a restora tion of the Union was prevented after the war of secession had been abandoned hy the Southern States. They are due to tlioso monstrous usur pations of Congress known as the “Re <*.Onstril<‘f.H' n Actft. * L.nO W, MUI tlio country knows, that General Grant was for the immediate restoration of the Union at the close of tho war waged for that object. He w r as opposed to that policy by which ten States were denied readmission into the Union. He was for allowing the Senators and Represen tatives of the Southern States to take their seats, which Mr. Seward had declar ed were ready aud awaiting them. Many of those who were engaged, directly or indirectly, in tho late Louisiana move ment were either active projectors or sauctioners of that reconstruction policy by which ten States of the Union— Louisiana among them—were throttled and compelled by violence to re-enter tlio Union oil terms dictated by Con gress. These troubles are but the le gitimate fruits of that policy, and the men in Louisiana who then favored it, and now look aghast upon its results, are not unlike the “great arch fiend,” according to Milton’s description, when on his way to Eden, he met on the con fines of hell the hideous monster sin, his own off priug. The True Remedy. The true remedy lies not in the bayo net, not in the arena of arms, but in the forums of reason, right and justice; in the Courts, from the lowest to the highest, as well as in the. Legislative Halls; if these fail, then the ballot box. The remedy lies in adhering to the time honored .principles of Jeffersonian De mocracy. These rest upon the mainten ance of the majesty of the law, as expounded by the Courts. If the laws be bad or wrongly construed, the proper remedy lies not. in censuring those who execute them, but in the peaceful in strumentalities of the Constitution for a correction of the evil. The first speech I ever made was for the maintenance of the majesty of law. In the most gene ral classification there are but two kinds of government—one is a government of law, the other is a government of bayo nets. I prefer the former. This is in accordance with true Jeffersonian prin ciples. In 1798, when the Centralists, then in power in Congress, passed, by usurpation, the ever infamous Alien and Sedition acts, open resistance was coun selled by many. Jefferson, the great leader of the Democracy of that day, advised obedience to the decisions of the Courts, with an appeal to the liberty loving masses at the polls as the proper remedy. This was looked upon as vain and illusive by many. For at that time there were but two States, Vir ginia and Kentucky, with their four Senators, who agreed witli Jeffer son as to the unconstitutionality of these iniquitous acts. In the House there were not over thirty mem bers of Congress who agreed with Jef ferson. Out of the two hundred politi cal newspapers of that day only twenty sustained Jefferson. A hundred and eighty were on the side of centralism and despotism. To contend against such odds many thought useless and hope less. Mobs were raised in many places to rescue prisoners, victims of these odious acts of usurpation. Jeffer son, however, was unmoved by these odds. He still advised obedience and acquiesence in the decisions of the Courts. His remedy was to arouse the masses of the people to a sense of their danger and a rescue of their lib erties at the ballot box. These counsels finally prevailed. Never, before or since, have the masses of the people been so thoroughly awakened in all the States of the Union. The result was the most signal triumph of Constitutionalism over Centralism—of right over might in a civic strife—in the annals of history. The usurpers were hurled from power with a popular condemnation from which they have never recovered. Our strength (and by our I mean to include the friends of constitutional liberty in all the States) consists now, as then, no s in violence—n9t in bayonets—but in the power of truth upon the liberty-loving masses throughout the land. If the people here and elsewhere will pursue the same line of policy, in this most perilous crisis, I can but believe that an equally glorious triumph will crown their efforts, and that all the States, once more erect and untrammel led in the exercise of all the functions of local self-government, may ente upon a still higher career of glory and reni wn than ever before attained. The theme, fellow citizens, is inexhaustible, but I am not. I must close. May Heaven’s blessings rest upon you all, and upon our common country. Mr. Stephens took his seat, as he rose, in the midst of the general ap plause of the assembly. The above report has been submitted to Mr. Stephens, and is approved by him as bein substantially correct. E. W (Inavr, Stenographer. The people of Griffin have great faith in their mineral spring. NUMBER 40. COTTON FIGUHES Editorn Chronicle and Sentinel : la it not a striking fact that since the I war—in the last nine years- the cotton I crop lias not reached four millions of i bales but twice ? In 1879-71 we raised I 4,352,817 and 1873-74, 4,170,388 bales— i i. c., in every four years we make a full [ crop. What a comment upon free labor. And we must not overlook the fact, that j the great yield in both of these two | ydnrs was largely due to favorable crop conditions and the use of fertilizers. Whenever these adjuncts to a largo crop are wanting, as is the case this year, there will be a large falling off in the totality of the yield. Another strik ing fact, in five of the nine years we made but a fraction over 2,000,000 bales, Those, therefore, who speak of a steady increase in the cotton crop of the South ern and Southwestern States of this Union have not matured their opinion upon a careful review of the cron statis tics for the last nine years. The only j hope for the South is to become a j manufacturing people, raise all her own | supplies and lay less stress upon the precarious uncertainties of a cotton crop. Planter. MOHUAN COUNTY. Mr. Thomason’s Letter of Acceptance. Madison, Oa , Sept. 14, 1874. Messrs. T. 11. .V, Jirohston, V. II Har row, 7’. S llurnei) : Ge'-tlkmun Your note conveying to me official intelligence that I had been selected as the standard-bearer of the Democratic party in the approaching election, is just handed me, and I need not say 1 am profoundly impressed with a sense of the honor bestowed, and whit a I am constrained to believe was more on account of party necessities and the too zealous partiality of my Mends than any personal merit of my own. 1 accept the high trust reposed in me with a full knowledge of its responsibilities, and if lam elected no act of mine shall ever cause the party to regret its choice.' The coming election is without doubt the most important one to us since the war, for reasons local and State. The result will have a local moral effect, which cannot be measured by ordinary consid erations and which will be felt in many successive elections. Our onehiies are well organized and will make a vigorous effort to regain their lout ascendancy, and it behooves ns uh a party to make a vigorous canvass before the i lection, exercising caution and moderation, to the end that we give offense to none, while encouraging our friends. The question as to the payment of the eight million of repudiated bonds will doubtless be before the next Legisla ture, in some form or other, for its ac tion. I have no doubt that an effort will be made by the holders of these illegal bonds to by up in their interest a ma jority of that body. If they should bq successful a heavy and burdensome in crease in taxation would be the result.. Taxation is a question of vital import ance to every man, woman and child of both races, for it affects, either indi rectly or directly, not only the wealth of the country, but the very sources of wealth, not the least of which iH its la bor. It becomes very important then that the people, of whatever race or color, should unite in a determined effort to send as their representative a man who will not and cannot be bought. I need not say that if I am elected I shall oppose their payment with all the zeal of my nature and whatever ability I possess. Thanking you for tlni courteous tenor of your note, and assuring you of my hearty sympathy and accord with all the principles espoused and maintained by our grand old party, I remain your ob’t serv’t, Oscah Thomason. THE MEETING IN MAKIETTA. Marietta, September 21, 1874. To the Editors of the Chronicle and Sen tinel : By appointment and in the prosecu tion of his campaign in the Seventh Dis trict, Hon. L. N. Trammell, the nomi nee v * me Democratic party for Con gress, visited Marietta Saturday, die 19th iust. He was accompanied by <sov. Smith and other prominent gentlemen. Mr. Trammell’s audience was not as large as it would have been had a more extended notice been given of the pro posed meeting; still a goodly number of citizens assembled in the Court House, and by 11 o’clock every seat in the spa cious Court room was tilled and many persons were standing in the aisles and about the doors. The meeting having been organized by the eh etion of Judge D. Irwin as Chairman, and W. I’. Me Clutching, Esq., as S eietary, the object of the meeting was stated by Col. J. D. Waddell in a brief but forcible and elo quent speech Col. Waddell is one of the.chosen and gifted few who.-.e ideaH, evolved from a mind grand in its powers of conception and comprehensive in its range of thought, are clothed in words that charm with all the In up ties oi a cultured die ion, and are delivered with all the force of a graceful and impressive oratory. In listening to him one rea lizes the truth of the oft quoted ; eying: “Words mean something when there is a man behind them.” Alluding with inimitable grace and pleasantry to hit own defeat at Calhoun, lie introduced Mr. Trammell as the standard bearer of the Democracy if the Seventh District. For two hours Mr. Trammell held the attention of his audience. Always earn est and at times earnestly eloquent, bringing out his points with great force, and giving the history of his political career with remarkable dearness of de tail, he succeeded in doing away with much of the prejudice against him, and convinced the major part of his au dience that he is both a true Democrat and a much slandered man. I say ti e major part, of his audience, for there are some men who, morninp, noon and night, ought to put up the fraycr of the old Scotchman, “Lord grant that 1 may be right, for Thou knowest if I am wrong, there is no chance to change mo." Mr. Trammell was followed by Gov. Smith, in a long and vigorous speech, full of earnest appeals, tilling anecdotes and logical arguments. lie deprecated the tendency to forcible resistance and violence that is manifesting itself in many parts of our country, and showed that we could gain nothing by force. Our only chance is to stand shoulder to shoulder in the great light t hat Democ racy is waging against these giant wrongs. There is no hope for the South outside the Democratic organiza tion. He said that lie did not appear among the people of Cobb as a partisan of any man; he only wished to utter his solemn protest against a division at a time so ominous of evil to our beloved South. At the conclusion of Governor Smith’s address the meeting adjourned. There is little doubt that a good work was thus begun in the county of Cobb that will eventuate in her people meeting the is sue squarely, and by an overwhelming vote sustaining the regular candidate of the Democratic party. Only in this way can they keep up the untarnished record of the county, and put an end to inde pendent candidacy—that pernicious pest, that spawn of selfish detnagogiiisui which in the name of honesty and under color of truth, wHle pretending to fight against rings and war upon corruption, would foist upon the people as repre sentatives men whose only chance of ele vation and whose only hope of emerging from merit and obscurity lies in the di visions and differences in the ranks of a great, conservative and useful party. Hikmh. Mr. Beecher Makes a fepeech- New Your, September 23.—A special to the Sun, from St. Johnslmry, Ver mont, says Rev. Henry Ward Beecher made a speech at the Caledonia lair to day. Subject: “What I Don’t Know Abont Farming.” About 8,000 persons were present. Mr. Beecher vas greeted with cheers, and his speech was fre quently interrupted with applause and laughter. Large numbers crowded around to shake hands with him on his departure. _ A meeting of cotton buyers was held in Koine on the 19th, and a resolution passedJguoring the light of the ware housemen to charge for the deli cry of cotton alter sale of the same to the buyer The resolution closes as follows: And we do hereby oblitigato ourselves to buv no cotton from said warehouses except upon the express and positive condition that it be delivered to us en tirely free from all charges, and we bind ourselves by this obligation not to violate the same, either in person or through the agency of ntliei Win. L Ezzeil, it Citizen of Floyd county, committed suicide mat .Satur day, at his mill near Rome, by hanging himself,