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t • ; n 010 SERIES—VOL LXXXI DEW SERIES-901. XXXVIII. TEHMB. 1 UK DAILY CHRONICLE A SENTINEL, the oldest in the S mth, is published daily, * * sept ll .n'Uv. Term* : Per year, tlO; aix month*, SS; three months, $2 SO, THE TKI-WEEKLY CUBOVICLE k SENTINEL is ptibtinh-d every Towday, Tharaday and Satur day. Terms; One year, $5; aix month*, 12 50. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE k SENTINEL i pub lished every Wednesday. Term*: Oue year, $2 six months, sl. SUBSCRIPTIONS in *t| eases in sdvsnre, snd no psner continued after the expiration of the time paid for. KATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AII tran aient adver.isementa will be charred at the rate of $1 p-r a | oar- for each insertion for the first week. Advertisement* in the Tri-Weekly, two third* of the rates in the Daily; and in the Weekly, one-half the Daily ate*. Marriage and Euuerst Notice*, $1 each. S[r-cia Notices, Si per square for the first pnoiication. Special rates will be ms le for advertisements running for s month or lunger. REMITTANCES should be made by Post Office Money Order* or Express. If this cannot Is; I done, pr tection against lonic* by mail may Le I secured by forwarding s dr.ft payab'e teethe 1 Proprietors of the Chkosi clz k Skutiskl, or by j sending tbe money in s registered letter. ALL COMMUNICATIONS announcing candidate* | for office—from County Consttble to Member trf \ Congress—will be charged for at the rate of twenty cents per line. All announcements mast j be paid for in advance. Address WALSH k *WUIOIIT, Cttnoslci.r A* Skwtixn.. August*. Oa. Cfjromcle anb &nttfnel. WEDNESDAY.. .OCTOBER 14,1874. MINOR TOPICS. Homebody blundered. The codification of the United Staten nl at. litre wan tiiiinlied, and Congress made them at the last session the law of the land, but made no provision for printing them. No one knows what the law is on any given subject; it is only known that the llevised Code has neither notes, references,|nor index. There is a faint hopo that when Con gress meets it will ascertain who is at fault, and provide a remedy; meanwhile alt the De partments, and especially tho Judiciary, are Constantly in a muddle. Wo pnnt in another column a very sprightly and sensible article from the Chbonicle and Hr.s-Ti.vKi. in relation to the continued abuse by certain papers of ex Governor Joseph E. Brown. If all the stories we read of the ma chinations, plots, contrivances and future de signs of Oovonior Brown be correct, he is cer tainly the most rcm&rkabie human being now living. Time, space, the remotest past, tho moat distant future, are all subject to his mighty will; and as to bis wealth, as compared with, him, ltothschild may be pitied on account of his straitened circumstances. —Macon friar. Tory disrespectfully is General George W. Jones, of Dnboque, spoken of by a newspaper of that region. Jones had been talked of for the next Congress, but he published a card withdrawing his namo "because business mat ters called him from the State much of the time.” Whereupon the unfeeling journal said : “His absence from tho State won'dn’t interfere with the campaign miless he should atay out on election day, in which case his entire voting strength would be missing.” The un kindness of this cut was considerably more liko a serpent's tooth because it came from a news paper of Jones' own dear administration party. The umbrella may now be reckoned among the deadly weapons. At a street corner in New York the othor evening a couple of men got into a quarrel. One of them punched tho other in the eye with his umbrella and went on about his business, disappearing in tho erowd. The wounded man was taken to a hos pital, wbero he died in a few hours. It was ascertained his brain ha l been pierced through the eye. Tho umbrella man lias not yet re ported to tho policy, and there appears to be no possible clue to his identity. So many poo plo carry umbrellas, heretofore regarded as perfectly harmless, except when they are used for the first exercises in theft. A negro in Texas was lately saved from hang ing by a charm, lie had murdered a white man, and hid himself. A colored friend visit ed him in his hiding place, and offered to sell him for a ready money consideration a powder which would operato as a charm against hang ing or shooting in caso ho was caught by a mob who were after him. Tho negro invested in the powder, and believed in it too. The mob finally got him, and took him to a tree. Preparations for his hanging were completed, and when ho saw tlioro was no hopo ho took tho powdor. He fell dead almost as soon as it was swallowed. Tho mob did not hang him, and the charm against hanging proved to bo most effective. There is no doubt it would have been equally potent agaiust shooting if taken in time. A marriod woman in Mohawk, N. Y., was a prospective mother-in-law, and she wanted to find ont exactly what kind of ft chap ho was who was courting her dauglitor. So she dressed herself in male attire and went to a ball where she was certain to meet him. During tho even ing, disguised as a fashionable young fop, sho managed to get into a quarrel with tho young man himself. Lacking masculine musclo sho was worsted in a ball room scrimmage. Her now plug hat was smashed down over her face, her nose stopped a well meant blow, and her moustache was accidentally pulled off. Then the young man suddenly recognizod his pros pective mothor-iu-law, and found too late that he had boon fighting with tho wrong man. The woman was Bent homo in a carriage, and the young man has not been round courting her daughter since. Laura Berry, so our exchanges toll us, re cently fell .'aiming in the school room at Car son , Novada. There was nothing mysterious iu the origin of her swoon ; tho only wonder was that she recovered from it. She had, within three weeks, committed to memory three hundred pages of history and two hun dred of natural philosophy. The night be fore, alio and a class-mate had not gone to be st all, but studied throughout tho night, and until 9 that morning. Few pupils take at once such deep draughts at tho fountain of knowl edge as poor Laura, but an occasional great excess is not so ruinous to the health as con stant over-stimulation. There are scores of pupils iu our schools whose breakdown from excessive study is as sure, though it may not be as Midden as that of the ambitious maiden of Nevada. The greed of tho wholoßalo cigar manufac turers of New York has resorted to the estab lishment of cigar factories iu tenement houses, where tho men, women aud children work, eat and sleep, packed into the most con fined quarters, and mingling with the stench of their own filthy living, the constant pre sence of the odors arising from moist tobacco. The Cigar Makers’ Union, movod, porhapa. more by the effect of this low priced competi tion on their own wages than by any pity for the wretched and badly paid operatives, have opened a warfare against these factories on sauitary ground*. The stat® of wretchedness, filth vice and disease exposed is, however, so horriblo that, though the motive of the crusade mav not be of the highest quality, there seems to be no doubt that the interference cf the Board of Health cannot be withheld. The papers in the territories are telling little anecdotes about tbeir early raihoad experi ences, with an evident object in view. The fact that to haul a car load of fnut from Sau Fraucisco to Omaha costs a small matter of f 1.509 reminds an editor of a little incident of earlier railroading times. Ed. Kay was farm ing on a large scale in Carson valley. Nevada, aud went to Chicago on one of the first t rains of tho Uuiou Tactile Kailroad. He thought he would’take out a car load of agricultural im- pleuieuU and applied to the agent for rate#. I The agent wanted a little time to figure It up, j and the thousands of dollars it came to was j communicated to Kay in a note, to which the j Western Granger sent the following neat re- ; ply: “Dear Sir—l regret that I was not a little more explioit in my language yesterday. Your i figures would imply that you understood me as being desirous of buying-your railroad, where- ! as I wish only to hire one car one trip. When j r desire to purchase a railroad I shall hunt one j that is held at lower figures than you hold ; ‘yours. E. lUT." The railroad officials ap- j predated the keenness of their customer, and ; made accommodations easy on the ground that j he was plowing and budding up the country. | There is a paragraph going the rounds about one of the most notorious thieves m the United i States, who many years ago wanted to reform j and engage in some honest business. He told ; a gentleman, an acquaintance, of his desire, j and the gentleman, who is now a detective, tells the story of sucoess that attended his re formation. The thief got ashamed of himself ; because he had a wife and several children j whom h* loved. They had no idea of the man ner in which he obtained his living. They only j knew that he was away from home a great deal, and that his work was night work. His chil dremwere growing up. and he never wanted them to know. The gentleman thought there was honesty in bis purpose, and loaned the thief several hundred dollars with which so start business. He prospered, raised his fami ly respectably, became an honest citizen, and did many acts of unostentatious charity. He died not long since, honored and mourned by all who knew him. His children a*e doing prosperously, and could never suspect that the incident rented could have the slightest refer ence to their father. No doubt a little timely aid, involving snch faith in honest purposes, Vould save the world many bad men and women. THE BOGUS BONDS. Tho Atlanta News thinks that the Chronicle and Sentinel is mistaken in supposing that an amendment prohibit ing the payment of the Bullock bonds mast be passed by a two-thirds vote of two successive Legislatures and submit j ted to a vote of the people before it can i become a part of the organic law. That is to say, it thinks that although the amendment with reference to these bonds adopted by the present Legisla ture is insufficient and incomplete—leav ing out five or six millions of the fraudu lent obligations ignored by the Legisla ture of 1872—it may be amended by the Legislature which will assemble next January so as to cover all of the spu-! rious bonds, and then submitted to a vote of the people. In this way the News seems to think that the require inputs of the Constitution of the State will be complied with, and the status of the bonds effectually settled. The N t ews j frankly admits that at first it gave the same interpretation to the clause of the Constitntion as has been given by all of the papers which have discussed the 1 question, viz : That a valid and binding amendment would have to be passed by two new Legislatures and then ratified by a vote of the people. It lias changed its opinion because it has been shown that the old Constitution of Georgia con tained the same clanse with reference to amendments as the new, and that in 1854 an amendment abolishing elections for Solicitors General was passed by one Legislature, taken up and subjected to material amendment by the next Gene ral Assembly, aud then submitted to a popular vote. This, it thinks, is a pre cedent which would warrantsimilaraction upon the amendment now pending. We cannot agree with this view of the case. We do not think that the passage of any amendment in this way would be a con pliance with tho requirements of the Constitution. We do not think an amendment passed in this way would have any binding force. Wo think that a con-titutional inhibition framed after such a fashion would cause fully as much trouble and expose the State to just as much danger as the defective Hillyek amendment. Though we may admit the correctness of the information concerning the amendment of the old Constitution furnished the News, we do not think a precedent has been estab lished which will warrant similar action on the part of the next General Assem bly. One case does not form a prece dent any more than one swallow makes a Summer. Nor does aequiesence give validity to that which is illegal. The very nature of the amendment to which the News alludes precluded any opposi tion to its provisions. It was a matter which affected no man injuriously.— It was a matter in which no one had personal interest enough to test it before the tribunals of the country. But with an amendment in hibiting the payment of the bogus bonds the case would bo widely differ ent. Such an amendment would destroy claims against the Treasury of the State to the amount of eight or ten millions of dollars. Its would be resisted with all the energy and all the power of the Bing. Its validity would be assailed by the best lawyers which liberal retainers could command. It would be taken in to all the Courts of the country, from the lowest to the highest. It would be made to stand the most searching legal scrutiny, and be subjected to the se verest judicial tests which could be ap plied. And when years of litigation had terminated in the defeat of the State, Georgia might be under the control of a Legislature which could be induced to recognize these fraudulent obligations, and to order their payment, together with tho enormous accumulation of in terest. If we may judge of the object of a law by the language iu which it is framed, the intention of this clause of the Constitution was to preven t the adoption of any amend ment to the Constitution which had not the approval of a second Legislature just as it came from the first. If such was not its intention why should the assent of two General Assemblies have been re quired? The idea clearly of such a requirement was to prevent haste in changing the organic law; to give ample time for reflection upon any change suggested ; aDd to allow a Legislature to assemble fresh from the people before a second vote was taken upon the pro posed alteration. It is obvious that this intention is defeated if one Legis lature passes an amendment to the Con stitution which a succeeding Legisla ture can change into an entirely dif ferent thing and adopt. Where is the time afforded for deliberation ; wjiere the opportunity given the people for an expression of opinion by the election of Representatives? Take the pending amendment as a case in point. The Legislature has adopted an amendment inhibiting the recognition or payment by the State of “the bonds of any railroad company upon which the so-called endorsement of the State was made by the late Governor Bullock and which endorsement is declared ille gal, fraudulent or void by the Legisla tures,” etc. This language clearly ap plies to the endorsed bonds and to none others. The only subject for reflection and deliberation which has been pre sented since the adjournment of the Legislature is the repudiation of these endorsed bonds; the only question be fore the people in the election of mem bers of the General Assembly is the re pudiation of these endorsed bonds. Yet it is gravely asserted that the new Legis lature will have the authority to amend this amendment so as to make it include the State bonds—amounting to millions of dollars—issued by Bullock and de clared illegal by the General Assembly of 1871-’2, and then rush it before the people for final ratification ! Certainly no Court in the world would decide, j could decide, that such an amendment had been made a part of the Constitn- I tion in accordance with the requirements j of that instrument, or that it had any ! binding force whatever. An amendment j to the Constitution cannot be amen- j ded or materially changed without j snch last amendment is adopted by a j two-thirds vote of two successive Legis-, latures, and rat ified by a vote of the peo- j pie. If a simple bill is framed by the } Senate of Georgia and sent to the House i of Representatives the latter branch of | j the General Assembly cannot amend ; ! and pass it; it mnst go back to the ] | Senate and receive the assent of that j : body to the alterations whieh have been | made. How then can an amendment to ■ j the organic law of the land be subjected i j to alterations of the most important and momentous character without any j farther reference or deliberation ? The j principle is the same in both cases, al j though the proper course to be pursued |is different. The bill amended by the House must go back to the Senate; the constitutional amendment amended by the second Legislature must go to another Legislature before it can acquire the force of law. The Constitution cannot be tinkered with in the way mentioned by the yews. It can only be amended by a strict com pliance with its own provisions on this subject or by a Convention of the peo ple. We are in favor of a Convention. A Savannah youthful colored troop doctored his paternal progenitor with a j leaden pill last Sunday. THAT PRECEDENT. In the Chronicle and Sentinel, of Sunday morning, we gave the precedent furnished the Atiana News for the an tliority of the next General Assembly to 1 perfect and pass the buDgling constitu tional amendment in relation to the payment of the fraudulent bonds. We attempted to show that the General As sembly had no such power, and that wrong doing by one Legislature in 1856 j did not furnish an excase for wrong doing by another Legislature in 1875. Since the publication of that article, however, we have ascertained that the information furnished the News was not correct. Onr correspondent, “Tyrone” —whose letter appears in another col umn this morning, and to which we call the especial attention of our readers— shows, and shows conclusively, that the position taken by tbe informant of the News, by the Atlanta Constitution and by, as tho latter journal states, Gov. Smith is not tenable. He shows, and shows conclusively, that this very ques tion has already been raised in the Leg islature, and determined by that body in accordance with the views of the Chronicle and Sentinel. The language of the Legislature, as quoted by “Ty rone,” is plain aud emphatic, and will admit of but one construction. The second General Assembly cannot amend or alter a constitutional amendment adopted by the first; it must either ac cept it just as it was transmitted or else must j reject it. Our correspondent also proves that there was no alteration of the amendment in re lation to tho election of Solici tors-General, and that it was not necessary, under the Constitution of 1798, to submit changes in the organic law to a vote of the people. PARALLELS OP LATITUDE. The Philadelphia North American styles the Chronicle and Sentinel a “White League” organ in noticing a recent article in this paper on the sub ject of Northern and Southern Ku-Klux, and declares that there is no parallel be tween the outrages committed in the two sections. It also says that there is a wide difference between slaying sheep in Colorado and human beings in Louisiana. We believe that the North American is inclined to be fair if it could, but it cannot avoid misrepresent ing the South and the Southern people, no matter how faithfully it tries. We quoted the disturbances in Colorado in order to showliow a difference in latitude made a difference in crime; that that which was a local disorder on the forty first parallel, was insurrection and civil war on the thirty-second. In Colorado ♦here is a bitter and deadly feud existing between the sheep farmers and cattle raisers. Large bands of disguised men range the country at night, attacking farms, breaking open sheep-folds and cattle-pens and slaughtering dumb ani mals by the lmudred. These troubles, as the American naively remarks, have not proven “serious enough for the Northern journals to pay any attention to them.” This is a “local disorder” on the forty first parallel. In Edgefield county, South Carolina, a large band of negroes, armed with guns of the most improved pattern and make, assemble and de clare that they intend to wage war upon the whites in revenge for a certain injury, real or imaginary, done their “Captain.” The whites, after remon strance and reasoning had failed, hastily organize with such weapons as they were able to procure, to protect their homes from the torch of the incendiary, and their wives and children from the bullet of the assassin. Instead of promptly attacking, as they might have done, and as most people would have said they were justified in doing, their leaders carefully avoided bringing on a collision, temporized and treated for days with the savage and blood-thirsty foes who confronted them until a com pany of United States soldiers could arrive on the scene, whose commandant compelled the negroes to surrender their arms and disperse. Such an oc currence is trumpeted through the North and denounced in journals like the American as an act of war, as a renewal of the conflict which terminated at Ap pomattox. This is civil war in the low latitudes. In several instances recently mobs have attempted lynch law in Penn sylvania ; these were local disorders which must be dealt with by local au thorities. In several instances recently mobs have attempted lynch law in Ten nessee and Kentucky ; these were acts of “rebellion” which could only be sup pressed by the strong arm of the Govern ment—the army of the United States. Parellels of latitude make all the differ ence in the world. BACON VS. SHAKSPEARE. The New York Herald having exhaust ed and Beecherism, and Pe destrianism, has taken up the case of Bacon vs. Shakspeare, and given noto riety to a discussion which has been go ing on for some time, but which has not obtained much publicity. As usual, interviewing has been resorted to for the purpose of ascertaining public senti ment on the question of the paternity of Hamlet and Othello. It is a little sig nificant that so far none of the actors in terviewed have taken sides with the Baconians. The knights of the sock and buskin stand manfully by the old belief aud refuse to allow that the plays of Shakspeare were written by any other Shakspeare. Mr. Dion Bouci cault, who has taken many liberties with the divine William and his plays, refuses to admit the claim set up by the admirers of the Lord of Vernlam and scouts the ingenious reasoning and re fined subtleties by which they seek to convince the world of the correctness of their position. Even the negro min strels are found fighting for the honor of the Bard of Avon aud against the literary ghouls who wish to win dis tinction by robbing the dead of long worn laurels. Billy Birch, having been subjected to the pump of the in terviewer, thinks “that the sainted Shakspeare has been most vilely sland ered in this respect,” and that “the man who would lift his hand against the bones of the immortal William is a j dastard and a slave whom it would be a benefit to mankind to cremate in a boiler . for the novelty works.” The indig | nant ministrel swears that he had J “ rather be an end man and live on the | vapors of Swiss cheese than stand by and see this great man receiving as many ‘ back caps ’ as he has heard about i the Bard of Avon this two days past.” ’ Charley Backus says if they sell pools he is bound to “ buy Shakspeare against the field, welter weights or any other way.” Nelse Seymour stands | ready to “ heel for William ” and Dan Bryant proclaims that he will “ vote the same ticket.” In the meantime, the Herald having exhausted the field of burnt cork, and found sentiment unani mously in favor of the divine William, is extending its researches into other quarters where the feeling is more par tial towards the “claimant.” People generally, however, we think, will en dorse the views, if not the language, of Messrs. Birch, Bryant and Backus, and the Baconlan idea will scarcely find many supporters outside of the literary few who .delight to construct in genious but fine-spun theories on such AUGUSTA. GA.. WEDNESDAY MORNING. OCTOBER 14, 1574. , themes as the identity of the Man in the Iron Mask and the author of the | Letters of Junius. • COL. JAMES GARDNER. The annnonneement of the death of Colonel James Gardner will be read with feelings of deepest regret by the many friends and admirers of the de ceased in this city and throughout the State of Georgia. For many years of his life Colonel Gardner held a very prominent position in public affairs, and exercised a marked influence upon the politics of his State and section. As editor of the Constitutionalist, which was under his administration the lead ing Democratic paper of Georgia, he achieved a reputation as a journalist second to that of no man in the South. He was a writer of wonderful force and vigor, and stood almost without a rival in the field of political controversy. His party services were so valuable and so highly appreciated that before the war a formidable movement was started for the purpose of making him Governor, which only failed of success by a few votes in the nominating convention of party. His connection with the press ceased some years ago—with the exception of a short period after his return from New York—but he continued to take an active in terest iu public affairs up to the time of his death. The heartfelt sympathy of many friends will be extended to his family, which has sustained so keen a bereavement in his death. THE CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL AND MR. STEPHENS. We find the following in the Tele graph and Messenger, of Sunday: The Chronicle and Sentinel, refer ring to Mr Stephens’ opinions with re gard to Grant’s position toward the white people of Louisiana, says: “The Democrats of the Eighth District have eaten none of Mr. Stephens’ broiled buz zard, either on toast or off toast, and they cannot be held responsible for his strange appetite.” Rather strange from a paper that is heartily favoring the election of the gentleman with the taste for buzzard to Congress. We fail to See anything strange in the language used by the Chronicle and Sentinel. This paper has supported Mr. Stephens since his nomination by the Democratic party just as it would have supported any man who was made its nominee. But we wished it to be distinctly understood that the Conven tion which nominated Mr. Stephens, the newspapers which support and the peo ple who will vote for him as the nominee, do not endorse or approve his views upon the salary grab or upon Grant’s support of the Kellogg usurpation. We see nothing strange or inconsistent in the course pursued by the Chronicle and Sentinel. INSANE HOMICIDES. Chancellor Peyton, of Jackson, Mis sissippi, has delivered au interesting de cision bearing upon the disposal of mur derers alleged to have been insane. A law had been enacted by the Legisla ture providing that whenever, on the trial of any person charged by indict ment with murder, manslaughter, or assault with intent to kill, a reasonable doubt may arise as to his sanity, the Court must order a jury to be empan elled to inquire into the fact, and all other proceedings mast be suspended until the question of sanity be deter mined by the verdict of tho jury. If the jury find the defendant insane, the Court shall order that he be confined in the lunatic asylum for a term not less than ten years, under restrictions proper to dangerous insanity, and it shall not be competent for any Court or Judge to deliver such person from confinement under a writ of habeas corpus until the term of ten years or more has expired. A man named David Roach had been sentenced under its provisions in 1871 to twenty years’ confinement in the Mis sissippi State Lunatic Asylum, a jury having decided that he was insane at the time of the homicide, though sane when on trial. Last week he was brought before Chancellor Peyton on a writ of habeas corpus , and his release ordered, on the ground that the Legislature did not have the authority to confer such extraordinary power upon Courts. The same question may some day arise in our State. The law of Georgia provides that where a plea of insanity is filed in behalf of the accused and a special jury shall find it to be true the . Court shall order the defendant sent to the State lunatic asylum, there to remain until discharged by the General Assembly. In the event of a recovery of reason and the failure or refusal of the Legislature to order his release, the Courts would be called upon to grant a discharge. The “ Grant Club ” in Atlanta— which organization, we believe, is com posed of Samuel Bard, Postmaster, President; C. W. Hubner, Deputy Postmaster, Secretary, and Messrs. Bard and Hubner members—has writ ten a letter to Hon. Henry W. Hilliard asking that gentleman for his legal opin ion upon “the legality of President Grant’s action in the ease of Governor Kellogg and the recent troubles in the State of Louisiana.” The “Grant Club” was evidently in trouble about this “recent action” of President Grant, because they say—in small oaps—in their note that this request is “ made in behalf of the National good,” and they “respectfully beg” Mr. Hil liard not to “ decline onr solicitations.” Mr. Hilliard has yielded to the request, and given to Messrs. Bard and Hub neb —in their threefold Gov ernment officers, citizens and Grant Club—his legal opinion, which is te the effect that the “recent action” of Presi dent Grant “is in strict aceordhnce with the laws and the Constitution of the United States, and entitles him to the respect and support of the whole country.” We are afraid that the Presi dent will not get what he is entitled to unless Sam Bard aDd C. W. Hubner present him with their respect and sup port, which they can well afford to do on their present salaries. Most people in the South will agree with Mr. O’Conor rather than Mr. Hilliard, and they will not think General Grant entitled to much respect or support for sustaining a most infamous usurpation—which he had put in power at the point of the bayonet—when it reeled and fell beneath the blows of an outraged and indignant people. Mr. Andrew Johnson is running a lightning schedule in Tennessee. He made a speech in Chattanooga last Sat urday, in which he announced himself in favor of the repudiation of the entire i bonded debt of the United States aud of ! the State of Tennessee, on the ground j that the bondholders have already re | ceived more interest than they paid for I the bonds. He wishes all the National banks abolished, greenbacks issued to replace their currency, and then a re ! sumption of specie payments. W. B. I Stokes, a prominent Radical of the same i State, followed Mr. Johnson, and also ; declared himself in favor of the repu diation of the National debt unless the Government agrees to issne two thou sand millions of bonds to the Sonth in payment of the emancipated slaves. The Gainesville. Eagle is still com plaining of “hard times,” which is simply a force of habit. THE CONSTITUTIONAL AMEND MENT QUESTION. Editors Chronicle and Sentinel : In your issue of the 4th insk, you say in speaking of the position of the Atlanta News on the bond qnestion: “The News frankly admits that at first it gave the same interpretation to the clause of the Constitution as has been given by all of the papers which have discussed the question, viz : That a valid ana binding amendment wonld have to be passed by two new Legisla tures and t hen ratified by a vote of the people. It has changed its opinion be cause it has been shown that the old Constitution of Georgia contained the I same clause with reference to amend ! meuts a3 the new, and that in 1854 an amendment abolishing elections for So licitors-General was passed by one Leg islature, taken up and subjected to ma terial amendment by the next General Assembly, and then submitted to a popular vote. This, it thinks, is a pre cedent which would warrant similar ac tion upon the amendment now pending. We cannot agree with this view of the case.” Taking’itthat you apprehend the posi tion of the News aright, you are cer tainly correct in dissenting from its views. It is notijthe case that “the old Constitution of Georgia contained the same clanse with reference to amend ments as the new,” nor is it true that “in 1854 an amendment abojiphing elec tions far Solieitor-Gaaerala was passed by oue Legislature, taken up and sub jected to material amendment by the next General Assembly and then sub mitted to a popular vote.” The old Constitution of Georgia, by which I pre sume is meant the Constitution of 1798, offeree in this State up to the adoption of anew organic law in 1861, made no pro vision for submitting any proposed amendment to the popular vote for final ratification, confining its requirements to an adoption by a two-thirds vote of ach House on three several days; a publication of the amendment so passed for six months previous to the next elec tion for members of a General Assem bly, and then a readoplion by the new Legislature by a two-thirds vote of each House on three several days. (See Const., 1798, art. IV., sec. 15.) As early .as 1811 the meaning of these require ments came into question, aud the point was referred to a joint committee, which reported as follows : “ As inconvenience may result, and in fact the objects of the Constitution be de feated by amendments to the same, dif fering from each other, in two different sessions, they recommend that the fol lowing rule be adopted by both Houses, viz : That when an alteration or amend ment to the Constitution has passed during one session of the Legislature, the same bill, with the seal of State thereunto affixed, shall be introduced for its final passage at the, next, and that no other bill be received in lieu thereof ” —which was adopted by joint resolution of December 16, 1811, and has been the rule ever since. As to the alleged alteration of an amendment respecting Solicitors-Gen eral in 1854, the facts are that that amendment underwent no alteration whatever from first to last, but was adopted iu strict conformity to the con stitutional rule as above laid down. The Constitution of 1798, provided, Art. 1., sec. 3, that “There shall be a States Attorney and Solicitors, appointed by the Legislature," etc. An.amendment to strike out the words “appointed by the Legislature,” and insert iu lieu thereof the words “elected by the persons en titled to Vote for members of the Legis lature, at such times and in such man ner as the Legislature shall or may by law direct,” passed the first time Feb ruary 7, 1854 (Ga. Laws, 1853-4, p. 24), and the second time December 12, 1855 (Ga. Laws, 1855-6, pp., 105-6), ipsissimis verbis. No change whatever was made, but what the News seems aiming at is this, that in 1855 a second Legislature omitted to pass one part of an amendment (re specting the legislative power) which had been passed by its predecessor. Though the matter never came into the Courts, the validity of this action seems to have been questioned, since in 1860 we find the Legislature proposing an other amendment to the same end (Ga. Laws 1860, p. 26). In the light of these facts it can be seen that the’ constitu tional law of Georgia offers small ' en couragement to the view that a second Legislature may lawfully vary a consti stitutional amendment proposed and passed by its predecessor. The desired alteration must stand or fall as first framed. To this it may be added that the act proposing the amendment now in ques tion begins thus: “That as soon as this act shall have passed by two successive Legislatures and been ratified by the people,” etc., and “that so soon as this act shall have been passed by the re- . quisite vote,” etc. Now if it be not this act but some other act—and any the least alteration makes it another act— that is passed by the Legislature of 1874-5, it is evident that the Legislature , of 1874-5 has passed one amendment, whereas the Legislature of 1873-4 passed another aud consequently that the con currence of two successive Legislatures on the same amendment has not been obtained. Tyrone. The Judge That Couldn’t Bee the Blind. It is absolutely necessary in Montana that a Judge should know something of cards. If he does not he is always lia ble to have the gravity and dignity of his Court disturbed by a scene similar to one which happened to Judge Servis, Associate Justice of the First District Court. It was a case of a quarrel over cards and an assault and battery, and the first witness was one Bob Gibbons. The Witness—“ Well, we sat down to the table; Anderson sat there, Parks here, aud I there (making a diagram on the Clerk’s table); Parks dealt the cards; I went blind; Anderson went blind over me, and Parks could not see him.” The Judge, who is a little deaf, was in the habit of making an ear trumpet of his hand, and throwing his head a little for ward and sideways. Having gone through this pantomime, he interrupted the witness by asking him : “What was the reason that Parks did not see Anderson?” The witness re plied: “I don’t know, but he would not see him.” “Proceed,” said the Judge. “Well, I saw him, he saw, and just at that minute”— “Stop, sir,” said the Judge, throwing himself into a hearing attitude, “Did I understand you to say that you went blind ?” “Yes, sir, I went blind, and Anderson he went blind, and Parks would not see him, but I saw Anderson, and then he saw”— “Witness,” exclaimed the Judge, striking the bench with his clenched fist, “do I hear you right, sir. Do you say that you went blind, and then you saw ?” ‘“Yes, sir,” replied the witness. “I saw Anderson, and Anderson saw, and just at that”— “Stop, sir,” said the Judge. “Mr. Clerk, fine the witness §SO for contempt of Court, and direct the Sheriff to take him to jail, and there to keep him until he receives further orders from the Court. Call up the next case, Mr. Clerk.” Bob Gibbons was dumfounded, and did not awake to a reality of- his condition until the Sheriff laid his hands on him, when he exclaimed : “Good gracious, Mr. Judge, what have I done tfiat I must go to jail ?” The Judge, who was purple with rage, did not deign to reply to poor Gibbons, bnt reiterated the order with increased vehemence, and the members of the bar, who had anticipated the fix that Bob would eventually be placed in, were con vulsed with laughter, which increased the rage of the Judge to the highest pitch. The prosecuting attorney en deavored to enlighten the Judge and eventually succeeded, but not until he had produced a pack of cards, and after dealing out three hands made the blind as clear as day to the Judge. The fine and imprisonment were remitted, order was restored in the Court and Gibbons was allowed to proceed with his testi mony. Boiler Eyplosion. Last Monday morning, about 8 o’clock, the boiler at tached to an engine used to run a cotton gin on the farm of Mr. Jesse M. Tur pin, two miles from the city, exploded and hurled an old negro man named Al fred Harper, who was running the en gine, some distance. He was scalded so badly and injured otherwise to*such an extent that he died at 10 o’clock, Mon day night. The explosion was caused by too great a pressure of steam. Two other negroes, who were near by just be fore the accident occurred, warned Har per that he was getting up too great a head of steam. He paid no attention to them, however, and they left, tearing an explosion, and the result showed that they were justified in their fears. [New York Tnbune.] THE CAMPAIGN WAR DANCE. It was an impressive moment for Gloucester, for Essex county, for Mas sachusetts—why not indeed for the country and the world ?—when on Fri day last, at a soldiers’ reunion in Glou cester, Mr. Benjamin F. Butler made public announcement that he had in formed General Belknap, the Secretary of War, that he might call on him for five thousand troops in thirty-six hours to put down the new rebellion in Lou isiana. We are not aware that Gloucester or any other neighborhood, seaport, lake port, inland town, fishing village or wood station, was standing with great cold drops of perspiration on its back in a shiver of terror and dread at the pos sibility of another war; nor have we heard that the fishing smacks of Glou cester, descrying war clouds on the horizon, have come flying into port, quivering from truck to keelson with apprehensions of new Alabamas, Talla hassees and Shenandoahs, or that the affrighted villagers have begun to throw yip earthworks or dig canals. But even if these things were happening we should rest assured that the voice of Mr. Butler and the prom ise of five thousand men would calm the whole perturbed coast and drive back the rebellion to what the en thusiastic Patriot calls its “Lair.” It has already been related how Mr. Butler, having disposed himself for retirement from polities and a restful remainder of life, was turned from his purpose by the reports borne to him on Southern breezes of bloodshed, outrage, drawn daggers, Ku-Kluxes, raw heads and bloody bones and murder in the bush. How he buckled on his sword and said, “ The crisis calls for ME !” how he put all other considerations behind him, as usual, and said, “ I will continue in the service of my country at any cost—to the country;” how he looked three hun dred Gloucester people in the face—as near as they could judge—and said, “If the mere fact of Democratic success in New Hampshire and Connecticut has ex cited this new rebellion in Louisiana, what bloody work would follow if 1 should be defeated !” and how he of fered then and there not to be defeated if they would stand by him at the polls, has already been told. On Saturday last he gave Gloucester another sensation. Addressing the army reunion referred to, he said : “I have come from Washington as fast as the train of cars would allow me to. lam here now to say to yon what I told the Secretary of War. I repeated to him what I told you on the field of Framing ham. I said, Don’t bother about call ing your troops from the plains. Don’t trouble yourself to take away the fron tier’s protection against the fighting savages. Send us an order. Send Gov; Talbot an order, and in thirty-six hours 5,000 troops as good as the sun ever shone upon, or as ever stood in array, shall be in Washington. If you send to us, as soon as the trains can carry us we will be in New Orleans, Texas and Ala bama. And as I got tip I added: One other request—ln God’s name, Mr. Se cretary, if you do call Massachusetts troops into the field, don’t for get to ask me to go with them.” We do not remember to have heard before of “ the field of Fram ingham.” Doubtless it is the scene of one of Mr. Butler’s many triumphs, and he repeated to the Secretary some stir ring general order of li;s on the occasion of a Republican caucus. But how it must have encouraged Secretary Belk nap to have Butler take this whole busi ness off the shoulders of the War De partment. And how it must have thrilled the heart of tho soldierly Secretary when Butler “added” as he “got up”—and he is one of the most remarkable men in this or any country for adding as he gets up—his “one other request”—“in God’s name if you do call Massachusetts troops into the field don’t forget to ask me to go with them.” We suspect that all Massachusetts, unless it may be the troOps themselves, will join most .cor dially in the “one other request.”- We ought to be very grateful to this able ”4ied warrior—and wo hope we are— for hurrying home “as fast as the train of cars would.ailow him to”—queer that neither the traanp of his iron heel nor the jingle of his spurs was heard as he rushed through New York—to tell the Gloucester people what he had done, and reiuvigorate an otherwise dull can vass. But Mr. Butler is not alono in his de sire to serve the country. Other ardent patriots have been springing up for the past two or three weeks in various parts of the country whose cries were warlike and their breath'sulphurous. They have for the most part harangued Con ventions and kindled with their burning words the souls of delegates from the rural districts, who are not permanently aware of the cessation of the war. These are major generals and brigadier gene rals, men whp were never known to shrink from the gaze of a Convention or hesitate to encounter storms of popular applause. The number who are willing to raise 5,000 men to put down a rebel lion a thousand miles away that has al ready surrendered can hardly be com puted. They pack the platforms of po litical assemblies and address, their fellow-men with great energy, earnest ness and fluency. There are more men willing to raise brigades than there are brigades willing to be raised. Most of the willing leaders, whose souls are in arms and eager for the fray, have an idea that the way to begin sub jugating the rebellion is to send men to Congress whose names will strike terror to the hearts of the rebels, and they are quite desirous of beginning in that way. Not all, however, are ambitious in that direction. Here, at the Utica Conven tion the other day, was' Brigadier-Gen eral Woodford, who has just resigned his seat in Congress—a position in which he showed wisdom and sense that noth'? ing he ever said in a convention or on a stump gave any promise of—and he, warming himself up with the suggestion of anew rebellion in Louisiana, fairly howled himself red in the face with tem pestuous threatenings of what this great nation would do if rebellion should “ raise its armed hand” or do some other such rhetorical thing against the peace and contrary to the statutes. Ft is very impressive, all this, of course. It warms the blood of the patriot, sweats the ora tor and makes him thirsty, and makes a lively campaign. And yet—and yet—we venture some what timidly into the society of these warriors and the charmed circle of the war dance—but may we not suggest in some moment’s pause in the clank of saber and sword, the hoarse cries of quartermasters, and the rallying shouts of sutlers—that as a matter of fact— mere matter of fact—there’s nobody in arms against the United States Govern ment, nor anybody anywhere threateu ihg it, or dreaming of doing so. The people of Louisiana did rise up and throw off the government which in their opinion and the common belief is in il legal and unwarrantable usurpation ; but when the Federal Government com manded that the Kellogg government be reinstated, they obeyed without the slightest show of resistance. The spec tacle of warriors girding themselves for the fray and preparing for the distribu tion of army contracts is always an in spiring one; but there comes a time when the observant citizen turns from the din of martial preparation to see what enemy is in the field. The ab sence of any enemy whatever withdraws an essential element of the sublime and is very liable to expose the demonstra tion to the ridicule of the frivolously in clined. We may be pardoned, we hope, then, for suggesting to the warlike spirits who are just now engaged in electing themselves to Congress to put down’ a new rebellion that there is not so much as a triggerless musket in the field against them; that the only people who have made any disturbance pet up their hands for manacles at the first word from the United States Government, and offered no resistance, and that the only uprising contemplated by anybody is a peaceable one at the ballot box against bad men of all parties, who for selfish purposes conspire to perpetuate misrule. And there be those who, seeing how complacently these ardent patriots have sat and looked upon the wrongs and rob beries to which the people of Louisiana and other Southern States have been subjected, and how calmly and lazily they have considered the subject and postponed consideration of it, cannot but wonder at the eagerness with which, in the midst of a political campaign, they hasten to take up arms and raise troops when the people rise up and re move their oppressors. Lieut. St. Schult, Company A., 18th United States Infantry, fell dead at the car shed in Atlanta Sunday night. Epi leptic fit. C. H. Carter, of Baraesville, Ga., and quite a young man, dropped dead in an Atlanta bagnio Tuesday night. [From the Atlanta Constitution.] OBITUARY. Death of David G. Cotting. Mr. David G. Cotting, who has been suffering for some time from a complica tion of disorders, died on Sunday night. The immediate cause of his death was pneumonia. Judge Cotting was born in Delham, Massachusetts, on the 28th of September, 1812, and was therefore over sixty-two years of age. After graduating he devoted four years to the study of Greek and Latin. He moved to Wash ington, Wilkes county, in this State, where for a short while he was engaged in school teaching. He was the editor for several years of the News and Plant er, published in Washington. On the 13th of December, 1845, he married Miss Frances L. Beazley, of Washington. In the early part of the wal he was one of the editors of the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, and in 1861 became one of the editors of the Augusta Evening Dispatch. In 1860 and 1861 Judge Cot ting, while conceding the right of seces sion, contended that to secede was sui cidal and against our best interests. At the close of the war he advocated the holding of a convention by the white people, urging that the negroes would .hold one and make a Constitution inimi cal to us. Most of the present constitu tion was, wo are informed, framed by him. In 1868 he was elected by the Legislature Secretary of State. Gov. Bullock, however, never consulted Judge Cotting on any of his measures, except when ho was called as a member of the State Board of Education to decide on text books. Then Judge Cotting voted against the books of Northern publish ers which contained in them allusions to “ the rebel Lee,” “ the rebel Johnston,” etc. Judge Cotting was a man of ripe scholarship and strong integrity of pur pose. During his life his honesty and uprightness were never questioned, for all who knew him had the fullest confi dence in him. While the stress of cir cumstances aligned him for the time being with Bullock and his crew, Judge Cotting never participated in evil practi ces or endorsed their wrong doing. A NICE STATE OP AFFAIRS IN ALABAMA. Citizens Arrested Without Form or Warrant—A Reijrn of Terror. Montgomery, October 6.—A letter to the Advertiser from one of the most prominent and reliable citizens of Sum ter county says: “The United States Marshals avo very actively engaged here, and martial law in point of fact exists in Sumter. Houses are entered by United States soldiers without the form of cere mony. Private property is taken and carried oft’ without leave or license, and private citizens, against whom there is no show of charge, are arrested without warrant or process of law. A few nights ago the whole body of the Democratic and Conservative Convention was put under arrest until the Deputy United States Marshal saw proper to release them. On the next night a squad of Federal soldiers went into the country, went to a hpuse and not finding the owners at home, took into their posses sion guns and pistols belonging to dif ferent parties. At one of the houses, in charge of a negro man, who was sleeping in it with his little son, in attempting to surround they awoke the little boy, who became frightened and started to run. He was shot at eight or nine times, but whether wounded or not I am unable to say. The next night Marshal Randolph, with soldiers and a detective, went to the house of one of the most quiet and respectable citizens and surrounded his house. When he got up in the morning he found that his premises were guarded all around. As soon as he dressed he opened the doors, and Randolph, the soldiers and the detective went in. The gentleman was ordered to cross his hands so that he could be handcuffed. He demanded their authority for his ar rest. The United States Deputy Mar shal significantly tapped his musket and remarked, ‘This is my authority. ’ An other old man started early to town. The United States Marshal with his squad met him, told him he was out too early and arrested and held him several hours. The Marshals appear surprised to find no White Leaguers in the coun try.” Mobile, October 6. —Messrs. Penfroe, Bullock, P. A. Hillman and Childs, the gentlemen charged with the murder of W. P. Billings, in Sumter county, ar rived here Sunday evening. They were interviewed this morning. The accounts they give of their sufferings and the bru tal hardships they had to endure are dreadful. Handcuffed and chained to gether after the arrest was made, they were put in charge of a guard of Fede ral soldiers, < who had instructions to shoot them on the slightest provocation. They were carried to a train at Demopo lis, and along the entire route to Mont gomery were the subjects of curses and abuses from negroes and scalawags, who were freely admitted to the cars. When remaining over at any station they were thrown into the vilest dens, reeking with filth, were denied water and meals, and prohibited from communicating with their attorneys. The Marshal who arrested the prisoners had a war rant for William Hillman. P. A. Hillman demanded the authority by which he was arrested, and the Mar shal replied, “It don’t make a damned bit of difference, I will take you along” now and get William some other time. The trial is still progressing before Com missioner Gillette. Three negro wit nesses were examined to-day. Their testimony was incoherent, showing that their lesson was not well learned, as they contradicted themselves frequently. , CENTRAL AMERICA. Cession of the Darien Region—A Great Earthquake in Guatamala—Loss of Life and Destruction of Houses. Panama, September 2G. —A bill has been introduced in the Assembly au thorizing a cession of the Darien region to the National Government. It passed its first reading, and was referred to a committee, but is likely to meet with strong opposition when it is again brought up for discussion. ' The United States flagship Richmond is here. A correspondent of the Star and Her ald, writing from Antigua, Guatamala, under date of the 4th inst., reports an earthquake took place there the evening before, at 8:30, p. m. Without any pre vious warning a strong earthquake shook the ground violently in the direction from west to east. The movement was a series of strong vertical and horizontal impulses com bined. The wave, like undulations on the surface, rose and fell at least a foot. This acting alone, with the above men tioned vertical movement, made it al most impossible to move about without being thrown to the ground. Added to. this there were the piercing cries of the populace, creaking and cracking of walls, loud sounds like thunder from the earth beneath the rattling noise of tiles, houses and walls falling, which alto gether formed a hideous concert which can never be forgotten. It was very dark, too, and every visible object was in violent motion. Long after the first shock had passed there was still the noise of walls falling, more or less dis tant, and suddenly arose the sound of hundreds of voices chanting hymns to the Creator for mercy. Shocks fol lowed during the night of vary ing intensities, every one of which gave rise to new alarms and new im plorations for mercy. Night seemed an age in length. Fortunately no rain fell. About two dozen houses that were in habited were destroyed, causing, as far as could be learned, a loss of thirty-two lives. The number of houses damaged and which will have to be taken down will be found to be considerable. The Indians say that three villages at the foot of the volcano have been de stroyed, though this wants confirma tion. All squares and open places’are cov ered with tents and other modes of pro tection. The inhabitants fear the ap proach of night, expecting a repetition of the earthquake at the same hour. Even carriages and carts serve as tempo rary abodes. The sale of the Macon and Brunswick Railroad, which takes place, by order of the Governor, on the second Tuesday in December, is attracting a good deal of attention. The people of Macon are in mortal dread that the Central will bny it, tear up the track, and close up the entire concern. The Macon Star ad vises the Macon and Augusta and Geor gia Roads to bid it off “and thus open a new route to the West from Savannah.” Let’s see how that looks : Distance from Savannah, via Macon and Camak, to At lanta, 406 miles. From Savannah, via Macon and the Maeop and Western Road, 295 ! In favor of the present route, 111 miles. 1 RAILWAY ROMANCE. THE STREET RAILWAY VS. CARL TON HILLYER. Yesterday morning the Chronicle and Sentinel stated that the Augusta and Summerville Railway Company had brought suit against Mr. Carlton Hill, yer, Auditor of the Georgia Railroad and Member of the City Council, to re cover fifty thousand dollars damages for defamation of the company’s title to the exclusive use of steam power on Wash ington street. The following is a copy in full of the petition filed by the attor neys of the corporation in the office of the Clerk of the Superior Court: Chapter I—Which Tells of the Former Prosperity and Happiness of the Street Railway. State of' Georgia—Richmond County. To the Superior Court of Said County : The petition of the Augusta and Sum merville Railroad Company slieweth, that Carlton Hillyer, of said county, has greatly damaged your petitioners, for that whereas heretofore, to-wit: On the 4th day of Juue, 1873, the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company having no authority by law to connect with any other railroad at the city of Au gusta, and desirous of making through connections, entered into a contract (hereto the Court shewn, and a copy of which is hereto annexed as a part hereof), whereby they contracted to make payments to your petitioners on the Islh day of each month thereafter, at the rate of ten cents per passenger and three cents per hundred pounds for all freight by them carried over the tracks of your petitioners, to their depot, in their cars, from any depot or warehouse in the city of Augusta. And your petitioners aver that since the making of such contract no such payments has been made except for the months of October, November . and December, 1873, and January, Feb ruary and March, 1874, and that there is due, therefore, upwards of twenty thousand dollars which the said Georgia Railroad aud Banking Company refuse to pay, and for which separate actions are now pending in this Court. Chapter ll—Showing that the Naugh ty Hillyer was an Auditor and a .Stockholder. Your petitioners further shew that at the making of said contract the said Carlton Hillyer was the auditor of said Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, and as such it was his duty to make and render payment, and statements to your Eetitioners under said contract. That e rendered no monthly statement nor made any payment under said contract until after suit was brought by your peti tioners against the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company for whut was due under said contract, to September 1, 187S, of which suit the said Carlton Hillyer had notice, and well knew at iihe time that the same was due to your petitioners from said Georgia Railroad and Banking Company. That also at the making of said contract said Carlton Hillyer was a stockholder in said Geor gia Railroad and Banking Company to the amount of thirty-one (31) shares, of the value of thirty-one hundred dollars. Who Envied the Happiness of the Railway, And for the purpose of avoiding said contract and to benefit thereby the.said Georgia Railroad and Banking Company and himself as such stockholder, he wilfully, maliciously and without prob able cause conspired to throw a cloud upon the title of your petitioners to the franchise possessed by them, and to render the same valueless by exciting public prejudice against them, and cause them thereby to surrender the benefits of Baid oontract and to depre-/ ciate their value in the market to your petitioners, and in furtherance thereof published anonymous communications in the public prints of Augusta, defam ing the rights and franchises of your petitioners, so that their stock was re duced from one hundred and one dol lars per share, to forty-six 23i-160'dol lars per share and their title to their property doubted, their creditors pre vented from paying them, and they sub jected to counsel fees and costs in prosecuting their rights. And Gories in the Rttin He Has Wrought. All which results the s!i;ct 'Carlton Hillyer has since claimed to have accom plished. Your petitioners further ; shew that prior to the acts hereinbefore' set fbrth they were a corporation holding and exercising the right, by legislativo enactment, of running horse cars through Broad and other streets of the city of Augusta and engines propelled by steam through Washington and other streets, which last described right Was for a valuable consideration to them farmed out as authorized by law to other roads. Chapter III —In Which He Arrays Public Opinion Against the Rail way, That by reason of the arrangement made with other roads, to pass their freight and passengers through Augus ta, your petitioners were enabled to es tablish their credit firmly to meet all their liabilities, and to repair the losses sustained by running their horse cars. That the said Carlton Hillyer being the auditor of the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, and a large stock holder therein, applied to your peti tioners to reduce the rates contracted to be paid then by the Georgia Railroad and Banking Company, which was declined; when wilfully, maliciously and without probable cause he de famed the right and title of your petitioners under said contracts, and on’ divers occasions, by declariug them valueless and threats of arraying public opinion against your petitioners in con junction ivith other persons, has so affected the good name and title to your petitioners’ franchises as to render the stock which previous thereto' sold for one hundred and one dollars per share worth now forty-six 231-100 dollars per share, has subjected them to the neces sity of instituting suit for Jwhat is due them under their contract, and to re duce the amount of traffic over their city lines, thereby greatly injuring them. Chapter lY- In Which He Is Requested to Step Up to the Captain’s Office and Settle. All which is to the damage of your petitioners fifty thousand dollars. Wherefore your petitioners pray pro cess may issue requiring the said Carl ton Hillyer to be and appear at the next Superior Court for said county, to an swer your petitioners in an action on the case. Frank H. Miller, McLaws & Gauahl, Plaintiffs’ Attorneys, To this the articles of agreement be tween the Georgia Railroad and the Au gusta and Summerville Railroad are an nexed. Suits Against the Railroads. The Augusta and Summerville Rail road has instituted suit against the Georgia Railroad for $20,000, and against the Charlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad for a large amount, stated to be due under contract existing between the Augusta and Summerville Railroad Company and said railroads. These suits are made returnable to the next term of Richmond Superior Court New York Episcopal Convention. New York, October 7.—The Protes tant Episcopal Convention began this morning in St. John’s Chapel, Varick street, where religious services of the body were held. The chapel was filled almost to its doors by the congregation, and the aisles and passages were packed with people encroaching on the open space in front of the communion rail. The morning service and communion service of the Episcopal Church were celebrated, many prominent divines par ticipating. Bishop Selwyn, of Litchfield, - Eng land, preached the sermon. Bishop Lee, of Delaware; Greene, of Mississip pi; Atkinson, of North Carolina; Potter, of New York; Clark, of Rhode Island, and McCoskey, of Michigan, also took part. At a meeting of members elect of the House of Deputies held this morn ing, the following officers were elected: President, ; Secretary, Rev. W. M. Stevens Perry, D. D., Diocese of Georgia; Assistant Secretary, Rev. W. M. C. Williams, D. D., Diocese of Georgia; Second Assistant Secretary, Rev. George A. Mallory, D. D., Diocese of Connecticut; Third Assistant Secre tary, Rev. Charles L. Hutchens, D. D., Diocese of Massachusetts, and Treas urer, Mr. Mathew Mathews, Diocese of Massachusetts. Dr. James Craey, of Kentucky, was elected delegate; W. S. Perry, Presi dent; Henry C. Potter, of New York, Secretary House of Bishops. The Atlanta papers devote a great deal of their space to the coming State Fair. The preparations are announced as com pleted and the managers are sanguine of its great success. NUMBER 42. MASSACHUSETTS REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. The Nominees for Governor and Lieu tenant-Governor—Char acteristic Speech of Dawes —Southern Atro cities—The Civil Rights Bill a Sacred Legacy. Boston, October 7.—The Republican Convention nominated Talbot for Gov ernor. The ballot resulted: Talbot, 755; Loring, 198; Chas. Devens, Jr., 51; John E. Sanford, 20; B. F. Butler, 16; Hoar and Dawes each, 1. Horatio G. Knight was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor. The resolutions reaffirm devotion to the principles upon w'hich the Republi can party was founded; declare that a sound currency is indispensable to the nation’s prosperity, and that to this end the nation must make its demand promises to pay equal to gold. Boston. October 7.—Dawes, who in the balloting for Governor received one vote, in his speech said . “The spirit of rebellion is always sleeping so long as Republican rule seems.secure, but instinctively waking into animate feroci ty at the faintest promise of a return of the Democratic party to power. It has been deluded by the Spring 'elections, and has also come out from its lurking place, full armed, to hunt and murder loyal citizens, whom it hates. At such a time Massachusetts cannot afford to break her front and give a single voto to that party 'with which, by somo strange instinct, he and Ku-Klux ally themselves, and refuse to be shaken off. There is not a Demo crat in Massachusetts I know whose soul does not revolt at the atrocities daily committed on defenseless South ern citizens, and who would not shun their perpetrators as he would a leper. And yet the inevitable tendency of . things is stronger than good resolutions; political allies must be political friends until the humblest American citizen in the meanest hovel, though his face be as black as the heart of his persecutor, shall be armed with all legal weapons to defend himself in the enjoyment of every civil right to which the' Constitu tion entitles him. “ There is no room in the Massachu setts delegation in Congress for a single Representative of that party whose votes are uniformly withheld from such legislation. Massachusetts has a sacred legacy in the Civil Rights bill, which she cannot barter away nor entrust to any unfriendly keeping. Tho recent outra ges upon the homes and lives of colored citizens at the South are shocking to the heart of fhe nation and all attempts to overthrow constituted authority in South ern States are filling it with serious fore bodings. But these violent demonstra tions are premature and will defeat their ends. They have taught the people, be fore it was too late,to withhold confidence from mere professions and to devoutly thank God that Grant and not Buchanan yields the power of the Government. No more than in Civil Rights can Mas chusetts Republicans abate their seal in the maintenance of public faith ehdang ed by false theories of finance, and open assaults against which the Executive whom they support has interposed as a shield, the just exercise of his consti tutional perogative. They will stand by the Government bf thmr .choice in this controversy so longosßThpm shall exist opposition to the. Restoration of gold and silver as only J®fie basis of currency^” The President on Louisiana Affairs* Washington, October 7.—The follow ing special to the Herald rejects the views of the President. It qbmes almost directly from him : Washington, October 6. —The opinions of Reverdy Johnson and Charles O’Con or, with the rejoinder of Mr. Johnson, on the Louisiana question, have called attention to an important principle in the political government of the country, viz : The right of the President to re view his dwn acts. The President re cognizes the, necessity of having this subject settled without delay. The views of both Johnson and o’<Jsonor, published in the Herald , have boen carefully read by the President. He does not agree with Johnson that either Kellogg or McEnery were elected, but equivocally declares that the elec tion in 1872 was a mockery, and that his only motive in recognizing Kellogg was to save society in Louisiana from an archy. He does not consider either Kellogg or McEnery the lawfully elected Governor of Louisiana. On Friday last, in conversation with a Southern gentle-' man, he intimated that this would Ko his position in his next message to Con gress, and that he should ask that pro vision, be made for a free and fair elec tion* at the earliest possible day, and should give emphasis to what he had already declared, that it was time for the the Republican party to unload Louis iana. Augusta Ingenuity. —Probably it is not generally known that Augusta is about to present to the world one of the most wonderful specimens of automatic work in existeuce, combining art, science and ingenuity. By tho courtesy of the inventor of the work, Mr. E. 8. Bleak ley, we were enabled yesterday to obtain a view of it. It is the representation of a mountain landscape in miniature, and presents a view forty-eigk't feet long and twelve high. Every detail, from the boldest precipices glittering with gliding rivulets and rippling cascades, down to the fairy island dotted with tranquil lakes, on the waters of which sailboats and swans move “asnatural as life,” is true to natuße. Nearly in the. centre of the scene a locomotive, draw ing a train of cars, emerges from a tunnel and sweeps around a curve, the whistle . blows and the train stops, leaving the spectator aston ished at the natural effect produced. Near by is a country graveyard, and not far off, by the side of a brawl ing “stream, a saw mill in full operation with a water wheel scattering spray upon the foliage beneath. Upon the left of the scene is a handsome villa with terraces and serpentine walks, over which a boy may be seen propelling a velocipede, while fountains play in differ ent parts of the grounds. A grist mill and coal mine are on the right, and in numerable grottos and caves about the mountain fastennesses. The machinery which moves the automatic work is hid den away in the centre of the mountain, and is a combination of hydraulics and electricity. The work is the result of some five years design and labor on the part of Mr. Bleakley. We under stand that the inventor intends to ex hibit his work as scientific curiosity and will first present it to the public at Barnum’s Hippodrome in New York City. [ The great ally of the United States, the Czar of Russia, not only refuses to recognize the Spanish Republic, but has sent an autograph letter to Don Carlos expressing sympathy with his cause. While the Czar could afford to amuse the people of this country with pretenses of friendship when he could do them no harm, he finds a Spanish Republic too near the despotism of Russia to be com fortable. He has no fear of a Republic that is about 4,000 miles distant and is accommodating enough to take tllfe va cant outlot of Alaska off his hands for $7,200,000 in gold, in consideratiQn of his cheap expressions of friendship and good will. . " . Capt. S. H. Hill, agent of the South ern Express Company at Columbus, is dead. Apoplexy. “Since 1865 Columbus has ware housed 51.7,530' bales of cotton, which have sold in that market for $43,990,020, and yet, plaintively remarks the En quirer, the county is poor.” Hero is a big truth in a very small shell of a nut. Rev. Wesley Prettyman now says he not only didn’t steal any money from the Marietta post office, but when he made his last payment he threw in nine dol lars for good measure! As Radical office holders are habitually doing that sort of thing, we believe every word of this. The historical bam of the lamented Bullock, which was erected for the pur pose of gamering fodder and other roughness upon which to fatten Radical calves, is still standing, though its pro jector and builder has departed. “On the Bth inst. a ball and supper will be given at the Bullock barn, to celebrate the finishing of the grading of the Ma rietta and North , Georgia Railroad,” says the Journal, The Griffin Messenger announces that General Toombs will make a speech at that place during the present month, and very impudently says in advance that “his speech will do no good and perhaps some harm.” “As the people,” it says, “of this section have long since learned not to run off after men and false and ruinous ideas to impoverish themselves and the government, it is more than likely that Gen, Toombs’ speech will do but little damage in this community."