Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877, October 21, 1874, Image 1

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OLD SERIES—VOL. LXUI. fIEW SERIES —VOL. IIIVHi TERMS. THE DAILY CHRONICLE k SENTIXEL, the oldest n*ra> %\*x ia th** S *uth, i* paoMid daily, *x r*\A M nJtt. Trffl* : P*r year,slo; six months, $5; throe raonSha, $2 50. THE TKI-WEEKLY CUROVICLE k SENTINEL is p lbU-h'd tt*tf Tu day, Tbarsday and Satur day. Terim : One y*"*r, $5; s.x months, f‘2 50. THE WEEKLY CHRONICLE k SENTINEL !§ pub lish *<l * vry Wednesday. Term*: Ooe year, $2 tix months, sl. HUBS yHIPTIOSS in all pao r orjtinned after the expiration of the time paid for. RATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AII tran- will be charged at the rite of $1 p*r for each Insertion for the first w-ek. Advertisement* in the Tri-Weekly, two tb rde of the rate* in the Daily; and in the Weekly, one hair the Daily afc*. Marriage and Faueral Notk*f, $1 each. Special Notice*, $1 per square for the first pu* licatioc. Special rate* wil be ma'te for advertisements running j for a month or longer. * REMITTANCES ihould be male by Poet Office 1 M ney Order* cr Kiprees. If this cannot lie j don**, )>r- lection against l**w** by mail may be ; sheared by forwarding a draft payab’e to the i Proprietor* of the Cbboxicle a SRSTnntL, or by i sending the money in a registered letter. ALL COMMUNICATIONS announcing for ofßoe— # r >rn County Const■'bie to Member of Cungr<*A-will be charged for at the rate of twenty cents per line. All announcements muat j be paid for iu advance. Addr*-* WALSH U WRIGHT, Cffftofcj.E k SEKTittVT.. Angnata. Ga. ! Ctjromcle and Remind. WEDNESDAY. . OCTOBER 21, 1874. * MINOR TOPICS. In rndianapolin barben? are not allowed to keep their shops open on Sunday, but the sa loons are permitted to do buidneea throughout the day. This statement is not necessary, bat it will relieve tlioe people who have always hail a cariosity to know why it is that India napolis men have bald heads and red noses. The new colors to he worn this year are the “Volcano," “Cardinal” and the “Flower of Sulph r.” “Cardinal” is red or scarlet, after the fashion of a Cardinal's hat; “Volcano” is designed to represent as to color the eruption of a burning mountain, and for “Flower of Sulphur,” it isn't like anything else ii the worl 1 but flower of sulphur, or a very pale canary. It isn’t a good thing to wear “ Flower of Sulphur” in the daylight, but the gaslight is a marvellous improver of its tints. According to the Posen Gazette, the Russian Government has issued an order of expulsion against the Jews residing in Warsaw who were not boro in that city and have no fixed occupa tion there. The Jewish Chronicle says: “No less than 12,000 to 15,000 Jews will he effected by this harsh decree, the truth of which re quires confirmation. We havo it on good au thority, however, that the Russian Government acts in a most arbitrary manner toward the PoUsh Jews in Western Russia.” Interesting experiments are in progress at Cincinnati in the transfusion of lamb's blood into human blood, particularly in cases of chronic autemia. Dr. Settle, under direction of Dr. Dawson, lias made several trials at the Good Samaritan Hospital. 110 lias also made use of the expedient outside. In one instance he transferred eight ounces of blood from a living lamb to a man. Tlio connection is mado between the lamb's neck and the patient's arm, and the blood of the lamb passed through short tubes—glass in the lamb and silver in the patient—connected by a rubber tube. The Now fork Times remarks that tho season has been an unusually unproductive one to the burglars, for facilities for placing valuables and furniture in safe keeping during tho absence of tho resident have increased of late, and people have wisely profited by them. The danger now is, it says, that this harvest time will merely bo changed from Summer to Win ter, so that care should be taken, as far as possible, to guard against sneak thieves and burglars. Tho duty of tho head of tho house hold to attend a little to the business of se curing tho house himself is too often neglected. The assessed raluo of the real estate in New York city, as equalized by tho State asses sors, is $812,700,047. A. T. Stewart’s whole sale dry g'iods establishment is assessed at (850,000, retail establishment $1,150,000, and the Stewart mansion $600,000, the whole pay ing a tax of $72,000. Tho assessed value of tho Grand Central depot is $1,500,000 ; Hudson River depot, $1,500,000 ; Equitable Life In surance building, $1,100,000 ; Droxel & Co.'s banking house. $1 000,000; Fifth Avenue Hotel, $1,100,000 ; Booth's Tlieatie. $400,000 ; Methodist Book Concern, $475,000 ; Western Union Telegraph building, $420,000. John W. Mason declines to he a candidate for the House’of Delegates of West Virginia. He prefers to attend to his business at homo. Stranger still, a gentleman at the North has declined an offer from his district, wherein his election was certain, to tho Congress of the Uuitod States. He gives the absurd reason that ho prefers to bo independent, and at the beck and bidding of no man or body of men. Morton, Butler, Coukl.ng and the old stagers probably believe that there is a bee in tho bon net of each of these men—the whole hive per haps in that of the last. Deelino an election to Congress! What is tho world coming to ? When Gen. Sheridan was in Washington at tending the Sherman wedding, lie. in an inter view with Attorney-General Williams, told that officer that to withdraw any of the force now under his command would tend to cripple him in his aggressive movements against the Indians. It was then tacitly agreed that he should not be called upon for auv of the mili tary in his department. As already announced in eur dispatches, however, the agreement has boon broken by Williams, the desperate for tunes of tho carpet-bag regime in Alabama re quiring. in liis opinion, more attention than the scalps of white men on the froutiors. Tho area of the German Empire is only 212.- 000 square miles, or scarcely four times that of Illinois, and on that small space dwell over 42.000.000 people, which exceeds tlio present population of tho United States, scattered over twelve times that extent of territory, and Ger many produces enough breadstuffs and meats for tho support of her population, and raises a sufficient quantity of beets from which to manufacture uearlv all the sugar and molasses consumed by her inhabitants, wher as the United States, with their great variety of cli matb and soil, expend $100,000,000 annually in the purcliaso of those commodities from tropi cal countries. Germany grows most of the tobacco consumed by her people, and they are inveterate smokers. The oup of American humiliation ia filled to the brim. Everybody knows what huge effort was made during ttie civil war to arrest the circulation of obscene books among tho Fede ral heroes on the 1 nes. and that President Lin coln in person superintended the burning of tons of them—doubtless determining their fate by sample. We also kuow. or have heard, of the efforts of tlio Young Men's Christian Asso ciations throughout the land in the same di rection. Hence it is most humiliating that the actual truth of a Brooklyn church controversy the hero beiug oue whom thousands worship is deemed too indecent to be allowed to pass over tho English wires seeing "that it must in doing so pass through the hands of a number of respeciable female clerks.” The last report of the Bureau of Statistics shows that during the past year the commerce ' of the country met that requirement of the < political economists which is held to be neces- j B4 ry to a sound prosperity—our exports ex- ] ceeded our imports. For the year ending ■ June 30, 1874. the foreign imports, less foreign i exports, were c 572.080.910. while the domestic j exports, reduced to gold value, were $629,252.- 1 15g an excess of $57,171,246. oraimost exactly j 10 per cent. About $60,000,000 of the exports j were specie and bullion, which is shore sl3,- | 000,000 less than last year; while of the net , imports, #21,524.187 were gold and silver, leav- j iug a net draiu of the precious metals of S3B.- i 175.499. against one. last year, of #63.227,637. a j gain, if we so regard it, of $25,052,138, or more ; than 40 per cent. Compared with the fiscal | rear of 1873. these figures show a remarkable i change. The imports have decreased $63.- 1 386.726. while the exports, gold value, have in- j •reased #49.686.829. making a net difference of j #113,073.655. The great a: tides of import in : which there was the greatest falling off during 1564. were iron and steel, wool and woolens, silk. Unen. lead. tin. tobacco and watches. Thb New York Times sums up the Beecheb-Tiltox scandal. “So far as can be learned there are to be an endless series of legal actions growing out of this case, but no one knows when they are to be commenced. Mr. Tilton lias brought an action against Mr. Beecher to recover damages for the wrong al leged to have been done him; Mr. Beeches has brought an action against Mr. Tilton ; a lady has brought an ac tion against Moulton ; Mr. Bowen has brought three against the Brooklyn Eagle; Moulton threatens an action against Beecbeb ; a lady has brought an action against the Daily Graphic ; Til ton has brought an action against the World and the Tribune; a grand jury has indicted Tilton and Moulton, and Mrs. Tilton threatens to publish an other statement MASS MEETING. There will be a grand mass meeting of Patrons of the State of Georgia Wed nesday night of the approaching Fair ; week, in the city of Atlanta, Ga. j Object—“ The Good of the Order” — j hence, good of the country. T. J. Smith, M. Ga. S. G. E. Taylor, Secretary. SOUTH CAROLINA. The issue ig made np in South Caro lina. The Conservatives of the State in convention assembled have decided that ; it is inexpedient to make a nomination, and have endorsed the nominees of the independent Republicans— Greene and Delaney. This action of the conven tion seems to have met the hearty ap proval of the Conservative masses of the State and of the leaders—such men as Kershaw, Pebby, Aldrich and Rion— and there is no dissatisfaction apparent. To those outside of the State who take a hasty view of the situation, and who jndge South Carolina by other States, there is not much difference between the two parties and between the two tickets. Chamberlain is a Republican. Greene is a Republican. Chamberlain is in fa vor of the Civil Rights bill; so is Greene. Chamberlain is running on a ticket with audus supported by colored men ; so is Greene. There is so much of similarity between the nominees and the parties that many may ask why the Conservatives, as they have confessed their weakness by declining to nominate a candidate, should take any part iu the contest, or care anything for the result; why they should attempt to defeat one Republican with another Republican? A little knowledge, however, of the situa tion of affairs in South Carolina will con vince one that there is a great difference between the two Republican factions, and that the Conservatives cannot re main idle and indifferent spectators of the struggle. They have admitted, as we have stated before, that they are too weak to elect a candidate who fully reflects their own views and principles. The next thing, evidently, to be done was to elect the Republican who would come nearer representing them. Two tickets were in the field, and from these they must make their selection. One of them was headed by D. H. Chamber lain the “regular” Republican nominee. Chamberlain himself is a Northern man, a carpet-bagger, a man of talents, of good manners and pleasing address— an able lawyer and a fine scholar. So much is conceded by his bitterest oppo nents. He has not been accused of descending to the little meannesses or of perpetrating the petty villainies which have been proven upon Moses and his confederates. But there are charges of the most serious nature made against him, and we have not seen them refuted though they have been lustily denied. It is charged that as Attorney-General of the State and as a member of the State Financial Board he was cognizant of all the frauds committed upon the treasury of South Carolina; that he was not a passive spectator of but an active participant in a series of illegal and dis honest schemes which rival anything at tempted by Bullock, Swepson or Lit tlefield, and which have overwhelmed the tax payers with a mass of spurious obligations. All the bond frauds which reconstruction permitted in South Caro lina were the work of this Financial Board and Mr. Chamberlain was the leading spirit—the brains—of that body. These frauds are patent, they are ad mitted and confessed by every Republi can in the State with sufficient intelli gence to understand the meaning of “bonds” and “theft.” Mr. Chamberlain stands before tho world as particeps criminis in these dishonest transac tions and he cannot receive the support of any man of honor and integrity. So much for the candidate: now for the party. Chamberlain is the nominee of a convention which had among its lead ing members the worst men cjf the South Carolina Republicans—thieves and ad venturers who wished to change the per sonel but not the spirit of the govern ment of South Carolina. The open un blushing knavery of the Scott and Moses regimes having disgusted and enraged the Republican party of the North they discovered that it would not do to let these conspicuous of fenders remain in office. Moses was mado the scape goat, through bribery consented to the sacrifice, and Northern indignation was flanked by the nomina tion of Chamberlain. The business was to be carried on as usual, but a false sign was set up to deceive the pub lic. Moses is the ally and backer of Chamberlain. So is Scott. So is Pat terson. Sjo is Kimpton. So is El liott. So is Lee. So is Bowen. So is Wkittemore. So is Crews. The Con servatives could not expect reform from such a source as this. They very well kuew that there could only result from the election of Chamberlain a repeti tion of the shameful misgovernment of the past six years. They knew also that two more years of such an adminis tration of public affairs would rniu the State beyond all hope of redemption. In the ranks of the Republican party were a number of men who shared the political opinions of the men whom we have named, but who were disgusted with their perfidy and dishonesty, aud were determined to have a change real as well as ostensible. They were deter mined to make an effort to give the State honest government, to remove the odium which has rested upon their party in South Carolina, and which has made Republicanism in that State the synonym of infamy. These men de cided to act independently of their party after they discovered that the machinery of party was being to used to de feat their wishes, and to ask the assis- tance of the Conservatives. They put in the field as their standard bearer Judge John T. Gbeexe. Judge Gkeene is a native South Carolinian—one who before the war possessed the confidence i and respect of his people. He is a man | fully the equal of his opponent in in tellectual power, while his personal j character is above reproach. He has 1 promised if elected to give the State an | honest government, and no one doubts j either his ability or his inclination to ! redeem this promise. The Conserva tives were asked to forego a party nomi ! nation, and to choose between the two tickets. The question with them was I not a question of party ascendancy. It was not a question (of Demo cracy or Republicanism. The issue pre sented was one of honest government or corrupt government, of security or spo liation, of liberty or oppression—almost an issue of life or death. Knowing their own weakness; reduced to despair by the frightful ordeal of six years of cor rupt misgovernment; feeling every day | that t ey were being robbed in order that scamps might thrive and prosper; the question with them was not, is Judge Greene a Republican ? but, is he honest? Believing that he is, led by such men as Kershaw, and Perry, and McGowan, and Aldrich, they have de termined to give him their support. Mo such policy has ever been adopted or even proposed in Georgia, or North Carolina, or Alabama, or Texas, because in those States there exists and has ex isted a very different condition of affairs. But for this reason we should not hastily condemn the action of the Carolina Con servatives. It would be better to elect a Democrat Governor than a Republi can, but if they cannot do this they have acted wisely in preferring an honest Republican and honest government to a corrupt Republican controlled by cor rupt rings, whose motto is spoliation and whose triumph would be ruin. WASHINGTON AND THE GEORGIA RAILROAD. The meeting called by the citizens of Washington, Wilkes county, for the pur pose of reducing the rates for local freights adopted by the Georgia Rail road, was held last Monday. It was stated by Captain Arnold, one of the speakers, that it was not the intention of the meeting to war upon the railway ; but that the people of Wilkes wishes to have extended to them the same favors shown Athens, Warrenton and other points on the line. He stated that on a car load of cotton ties shipped from St. Louis the freight to Augusta was SBO, while from Augusta to Washington the freight was $67 23. Mr. Phillips, an other speaker, stated that he paid eighty cents more freight on a bill of goods from Augusta to Washington than from New York to Augusta. The meet ing appointed a committee to draft resolutions to be presented by the Rep resentatives of Wilkes to the General Assembly, asking the assistance of that body and protection from such onerous charges. The commitiee will submit its report to an adjourned meeting, which will be held to-morrow. GLYNN COUNTY. The indifference of the Democracy in Glynn enabled the Radicals to carry that county by more than a hundred majority, and Blue, colored, is elected Representative for the third time. After the votes had been counted and the re sult ascertained, someone stole the bal lot box and tally sheets from the Court House during the night. The mana gers, however, have sent up a sworn statement of the count and left the .question of whether the election is legal or not to be determined hereafter. We think the managers have done exactly right. If the people of Glynn county see fit to elect a Republican to represent them he should be permitted to take his seat in the Legislature. Larceny is not the proper remedy for negligence. Blue seems to have been fairly elected and it would be very', wrong to exclude him or order anew election because of an informality occasioned evidently by the fraud of a member or members of the other party. We are glad to see that the Brunswick Appeal condemns the act and states that it is denounced by the good citizens of tile county—ir respective of party# THE COTTON OUTLOOK. The Spectator, an English journal of authority, of the date of the 29th ult., has a long and noticeable article on the “Harvest of 1874.” Of course the sub ject is looked at from an English stand point, and through English glasses, but there is no reason for doubting the cor rectness of the statements, while the conclusions drawn from them have an air of fairness and candor which give them great weight. After a careful sur vey of the field at homo and abroad the Spectator is inclined to believe that the grain crops of the year will be plentiful, and that England and the world will eat cheap bread this Winter. Influenced by the first report of bad seasons there was a marked rise iu prices, but when a fa vorable change took place and continued, and it was seen that tho supply would bo large, a reaction took place which sent the market down more violently than it had advanced. Tho crops are reported good in England, good in con tinental Europe and good in America, and the chances are that the poor man’s loaf will cost less in Europe this year than it has in some time before. While this intelligence cannot fail to be very gratifying, it is not pleasant for us in the South to think of the present depressed prices of cotton, our chief staple and almost the only production which brings in money. Good corn crops save money; they keep money, perhaps, in the planter’s pocket, but— spite of the axiom that a dollar saved is a dollar made—they put none there. Cotton is our main-stay, and cotton is selling in Augusta for thirteen and four teen cents, and at much lower figures in the interior. It is hardly necessary to say that there is no profit in these prices. Were the farmers out of debt and with full smoke houses and corn cribs they might be able to make something at fourteen cents. They certainly can not do it when they are obliged to buy bacon, and are still struggling under the indebtedness of a past season. If we thought that the whole crop of 1874-’5 was to be sold at ruling quotations we should look for word to a very hard year upon mer chants, planters and every other class of our population. But we do not think that the market will continue to rule so low, notwithstanding reports of full stocks of the raw and manufactured ma terial and of reduced production iu the mills. We are told by those whose ex perience entitles them to full credit that one of the axioms of trade is : “Cheap bread means dear cotton, cheap cotton means dear bread.” The prospects for cheap bread, as we have before stated, are excellent. Cotton, Heaven knows, is cheap enough at present; but will it continue so? We think not. Every year the demand for cotton goods is in creasing all over the world and although stagnation in trade has caused the ac cumulation of large stocks in this coun try and a marked decline in values, still there is no reason for apprehending that this condition of affairs will continue. Trade will soon assume a healthier ap pearance and cotton must go to some thing like its value. We publish in another column this morning an interesting article upon the prayer test, which Professor Tyxdal ha 9 so often suggested as the best method of determining the truth or falsity of the theories propagated by his school. The story is a very pretty one, and, though somewhat ancient, will be new to people who read romances and who don’t read history. The article appears as an editorial, but the editor of the Whig, in a postscript, states that “this shaft is from the pen of a young lady— one of the most accomplished in the State—and we trust that Mr. Dana is endowed with heroism enough to bear the thrust as becomes a true knight.” The metaphor is a little mixed, but the fact remains patent enough that there are delicious and accomplished young ladies in Virginia who write brilliant editorials and present them to over worked or lazy editors. Who would not edit a paper in the Old Dominion. There are accomplished young ladies enough in Georgia God wot, but they give no assistance to the journalist, and though some of the State papers may be edited by old women, these make but poor substitutes for young ones. The Savannah Advertiser says the contest for Governor lies between CoL Hardeman and Gen. Colquitt. The Advertiser favors Hardeman, and says that he will receive the support of the First Congressional District in his can didacy. AUGUSTA. GA.. WEDNESDAY MORNING. OCTOBER 21, 1874. THE BOGUS BONDS. The Brunswick Seaport Appeal says, with the Atlanta Constitution, that it sees no reason for thinking that the Leg islature did not adopt just such an amendment in relation to the bogus bonds ns'jt wished to adopt. This ques tion is such a plain one, and has been already discussed so fully, that we see no necessity for writing anything more upon the subject. Those who wish to believe that the Legislature was opposed to the payment of any of the fraudulent bonds disowned by the Legislature of 1871-2, and yet that it intended to adopt a constitutional amendment which left a loop-hole for the future recognition of more than five millions, are welcome to their belief. They will find but few who will agree with them in accusing the General Assembly of such gross incon sistency. The Appeal goes on to say : The amendment repudiates and for ever prohibits the payment of all of the fraudulent bonds issued by Bullock, to which every good and honest man says amen. They would even have it include all fraudulent bonds, by whomsoever is sued. But not one iota farther will the honest men of Georgia endorse any ac tion which aims to include bonds legally issued, no matter by whose administra tion. We hope to see the Legislature, when it assembles in Jaauary, amend the amendment prohibiting the payment of all fraudulent bonds issued by any offi cials of the State, and pass it unani mously. This done, we hold it to be the duty of the Legislature to join in the appointment of a committee of the most learned and honest men, whose duty it shall be to declare which bonds are legal and which are illegal. The great State of Georgia cannot afford to do less. We do not exactly comprehend the point made by the Appeal when it says that good and honest men wish all the fraudulent bonds included iu this amendment, and yet asks for the ap pointment of a committee to decide which bonds are fraudulent; but, as language to the same effect has been employed by a Georgia daily which at one time advocated the compromise ap proved by the ring, we presume that this kind of talk foreshadows the line of policy which the bondholders have determined to adopt. The Appeal would have the amendment! include “all fraudulent bonds,” and it lays such stress upon these words that one is tempted to inquire what they mean. Do they mean that any attempt has been made, that any proposition has been suggested, to disown bonds which were not fraudulently issued? If so, we confess ignorance of the, fact. All that the people of Georgia ask is, that the fraudulent bonds shall be ignored. The only complaint which they make against the amendment adopted by the Legislature at its last session is, that it does not place all the fraudulent bonds beyond tho possibility of recognition. No one wishes, no one asks, the Legis lature to go farther than this. No honest man in Georgia desires to impair the obligation of a legal debt. There are but few, we hope, who would like to see the payment of illegal indebtedness. The people of the State are opposed to the payment of any State bond illegally issued by Rufus B. Bullock, and they are equally opposed to the recognition of any railroad bonds illegally endorsed by Rufus B. Bullock. They are op posed to the payment or recognition of any bonds which were investigated and disowned by the Legislature of 1872, to-wit: the recognition of the State’s guaranty upon the bonds of the Bain bridge, Cuthbert. and Columbus Rail road; upon the bonds of the Cartersville and Van Wert Railroad, and also upon the bonds of the Cherokee Railroad; upon the bonds of the Brunswick and Albany Railroad, issued under act of March, 1869; tho State gold bonds issued to the Brunswick and Albany Railroad in exchange for the second mortgage bonds of that company ; the quarterly gold bonds which were found in the hands of Henry Clews & Com pany ; the currency bonds issued under the act of August, 1870 ; and the bonds of the Alabama and Chattanooga Rail road Company. The constitutional amendment adopted last February only excluded the State bonds illegally issued. We wish a Convention of the people which will frame an inhibition against a recognition of the illegal en dorsements on the railroad bonds as well. They have all been declared fraudulent, and the constitutional amendment should embrace both classes alike. The Appeal goes on to say : Men who admit that they failed to word the amendment as they intended are certainly not the men to decide the important question as to which are legal and which are fraudulent. By all means let men learned in law and language settle this important question upon the broad principles of right, and not in the interests of passion and prejudice. We have an abiding confidence that tbis course will be pursued—and here let the matter rest for the present. The “men who admit that they failed to word the amendment as they intend ed” have not attempted to decide which bonds are legal and which fraudulent. These questions have been already de cided—decided justly,decided satisfacto rily. The Legislature only wished to include all the disowned bonds in the constitutional amendment, and this, through palpable mistake, was not done. The proposition to haye an examina tion of the bogus securities by “men learned in the law” is not anew one. It is the'old cry of the bondholders, the old suggestion of the advocates of the compromise. It has that fine flavor of the “equities” about it to which we have all grown accustomed. “Equity” is the shibboleth of the Ring. There is no necessity for an examination by men learned or unlearned in “law and lan guage.” There never was a question which was examined more thoroughly and more fairly nor where the decision arrived at met with such general ap proval. Over six months was consumed by the ablest lawyers in the General Assembly in hearing testimony and examining the law. Their conclusions were submitted, fully discussed and almost unanimously endorsed. We give the Appeal full credit for honesty of purpose in the expression of its opinions, bat we do not think that its sentiments will meet with the approval of one tenth of the people of Georgia. We have answered it at length because its article appeared to embody the views and to foreshadow the programme of the bondholders. The people will not con sent that the matter shall “rest here for the present.” We have not the slightest doubt that the bondholders would like to have it rest where it is, and trust to time to give them a Legislature which can be influenced to yield to their de mands. They wish their pear to have time to ripen; but they will not get it. A Convention will stop the growth of this poisonous fruit, and when such a body frames and adops a constitutional amendment which does cover all of the fraudulent bonds, then “the matter will’ rest,” but not before. Another Southern newspaper has suc cumbed for want of patronage. The Charleston Sun was forced to snspetid last Tuesday. The editors of the paper refused to sell out to the Radicals, and the Conservative patronage was not suf ficient for its support. There is some talk of reviving it as a Republican pa per, but we are assured that if this is done its late editorial writers will have no connection with it. ILLINOIS AND TENNESSEE. Every ju3t man will see that- the Gov ernor of Illinois is right in his demand upon the Governor of Tennessee for the men who went from Tennessee into Illinois on a kidnapping expedition, and they should be given up to stand a trial for their unlawful act. Governor Brown urges that the man whom the Tennes seeans abducted was guilty of a most atrocious crime, and was a fugitive from justice. These statements do not alter the nature of the case. The law on this subject is plain and simple enough. There is no pretense that the State of Illinois shelters criminals, or that the Governor of the State has ever refused to surrender fugitive criminals. There is no excuse .for the act, and its perpe trators should receive the punishment which they deserve. With Georgia and South Carolina the case is widely dif ferent. Moses will not give up men who commit crimes in Georgia and flee to his State for protection, and in order to pro tect themselves Georgians have to cross the river occasionally and bring crimi nals to justice. But such a course is only excusable upon the sovereign plea of necessitv. THE WAR IN ALABAMA. The Administration is determined that Alabama shall go for the Republican ticket if there be any virtue in force and violence. Troops have been concen trated in the State—drawn from the plain, where women and children are daily falling victims to the bullet and scalping knife of the cruel savage in order to intimidate and destroy the freedom of elections—and put at the disposal of unscrupulous political par tisans. Rendered desperate by the pros pect of defeat, the Republicans of that State have determined to employ foul means for carrying the election, and their schemes of violence receive the ready and willing support of the Presi dent of the United States. Federal cavalry, prostituted to the service of party and directed by Radical politicians in the guise of United States Marshals and Deputy Marshals, are harrying the country, depriving citizens of their pro perty and liberty without authority of law, and striking terror to the hearts of delicate women and children. Where arrests are made the prisoners are taken a hundred miles from their homes for examination, and, by the direction of Attorney-General Williams, are not permitted to give bail. In fact, as a Radical leader in the State has .admitted, there is “war in Alabama.” The Federal Government is making open war upon the people of that State at the bidding of irresponsible and desperate adventurers, for the purpose of perpetu ating the power of a political party. The outrages perpetrated in South Caro lina two years ago are beiDg repeated in Alabama. The people will be plundered and oppressed, the jails will be filled with innocent prisoners, men will be forced to fly from their homes and a reign of terror will be inaugurated. As soon, however, as the election is over this violence will suddenly cease. The cavalry will make no more raids, the soldiers will be sent back to the frontier, the prisoners will be discharged without being prosecuted or tried, the Radical' politicians will cease to cry for help and there will be nothing more heard of “ White Leagues” and “outrages upon the colored people”—until the next elec tion. Gen. Grant’s administration, is the first which lias made use of war to carry elections and employed the troops of the Government to intimidate voters, and as it has been the first to do these things, it is to be hoped, for the honor of our country, that it will also be the last. A GOOD ENOUGH MORGAN. The Republicans North and South seem to have adopted the maxim adop ted by the opponents of Masonry many years ago in New York, that any dead body which might be discovered was a “good enough Morgan until after the election. ” The report then was that the Masons had abducted and murdered Morgan for betraying their secrets, and the enemies of the Order were running on the “outrage” schedule. When a dead body was found which was said to be that of the missing man some one who knew Morgan asserted that it was not at all like him. “Never mind,” said a veteran politician (Mr. Thuklow Weed, we think,) “it is a good enough Morgan until after the election.” The Radicals are playing the same game in the South. They, too, are running the outrage schedule, and there is no story too wild, absurd or improbable for them to seize hold of and eagerly repeat and publish. No matter how palpable the lie- it is a good enough Morgan until after the election. The New York organ publishes a letter from “a prominent colored man of the Ninth Congressional District of Georgia,” which commences: “ I sit this cloudy and rainy night “ and expect the band of midnight as sassins at any moment. The colored “people generally have been warned not ‘‘ to take part in the forthcoming elec “ tion of this State by the Democrats. “ They state as their reasons that ‘there “ will be fighting on that day,’ and if “ they are there 'they will be killed.’ I “am teaching a country school and “conld inform you of many facts. I “ can say- to you that ro colored man “ breathes the air of his Divine maker “ without feeling himself a debtor to “ the Ku-Klnx for life long enough so “ to do.” Every one who knows anything of Georgia knows very well that there is no prominent colored man in the Ninth District; that there are very few colored men of any kind in it; that there are no Ku-Klux in it, and that there was no in timidation practiced before or daring the recent election. But no matter how flagrant the falsehood it is “a good enough Morgan until after the elec tion.” Some other Radical paper says that the negroes in Richmond were pre vented from voting—a statement which every colored man in the county will pronounce a falsehood. Another one states that outrages on Republicans in Augusta have stagnated trade to such an extent that the Street Railroad has been compelled to discon tinue running its usual number of cars. The North Carolina Radical organ gravely asserts that the Democrats kill a hundred negroes daily in Georgia. The Chicago Inter-Ocean instructs its Louisiana correspondent to give it ac counts of outrages. The Secretary of the Republican Central Committee sends circulars to all the Radical papers of the conntry, asking them to give special prominence in their columns to South ern outrages—until after the election. This is the key note of the campaign. Alabama, Tennessee, Georgia, Louis iana, Texas, Arkansas, are all jepresent ed to be in a state of almost open revolt. The triumph of Democracy means mas sacife and ruin. The Republicans, only, can save the Union and the country. The people are to be frightened with raw heads and bloody bones into the support of Republican candidates. Any thing, no matter what, is a good enough Morgan; anything, or nothing, will do for an outrage—until after the election. Frost.— There was a white frost in the vicinity of Augusta last Monday night Potato vines and other tender plants were nipped. MORE RECONSTRUCTION. A Washington dispatch to the New York World states that there are un mistakable indications that a plot is on foot, farthered by the most influential Republicans, “to adopt bolder, more Radical and sweeping measures of vin dictive reconstruction at the South than those embodied in the acts of 1867 and the so-called Ku-Klnx or Enforcement statutes of 1870 and 1871.” The Wash ington Chronicle and several other Re publican journals have recently pub lished articles declaring that recon struction is a failure, that the “ char acter of the white population of the South renders them unfit, for a share in the government of the United States, and that Congress must guarantee them a Republican form of government ” The National Republican, which is more peculiarly the organ of the Ad ministration, censures | Kellogg for making any terms with MoEneky, and declares that Federal power must estab lish a Republican government in Louisi ana pending an election. The speeches of Dawes and Butler in the East, and of Morton ia the West have the same tone. The Republican party is losing power so fast in the South that it must be strengthened by another course of reconstruction. The army is to be increased, and a military oc cupation of the South ordered, which will intimidate the whites and prevent them from, voting. Presi dent Grant is said to favor the move ment because ho thinks it will strength en his third' term scheme. He thinks that the Southern people are sick of re construction and carpet-bag government, and will bo glad to accept an empire or its equivalent of military government instead. We have no doubt that the more ultra men of the Republican party will attempt a second reconstruction of the South when Congress assembles, and we have no doubt that General Grant will give his influence and his support to this policy, j But we do not believe that it will be successful. We think that the masses of the North and West are as sick of reconstruction as the people of this section, and that they will refuse to follow their leaders in a new crusade against the South. They have commenced to discover that trouble in the South means trouble at the North, and that when ourprosperity is destroyed theirs vanishes also. They are growing sick of the negro question, sick of mili tary government, and, we hope, sick of military Presidents. We need not fear any further reconstruction, though we may expect it to be attempted. Some people complain of the Jenkins ism displayed by the newspaper corres pondents who gave such lengthly ac counts of the Fitoh-Bherman wedding. The Baltimore American very properly suggests that if any persons are to be blamed they should be the bride’s relatives and not the correspondents. Does any one suppose that the reporters could have gotten, unassisted, the faith ful description which they gave of the decorations, the dresses, the bride’s trousseaux and her presents ? Where could they have seen the letter convey ing the papal benediction, and the letter containing the congratulations of Lady Herbert, the English peeress, unless the papers were furnished them by General or Mrs. Sherman?! Jenkins is a dis gusting fellow, but he is not always to blame. There are people who ask • the assistance of his pen to give themselves and their families notoriety. Ths sooner Count Yon Arnim gives up the official documents which he has secreted the sooner; he will regain his liberty. Bismarck has wonderful de termination, and will never yield until his point is carried; Of the nature of the papers two stories are told. One account says that when Yon Arnim was ambassador to France he assisted in the overthrow of Thiers and the elevation of MaoMahon. His conduct was dis approved by the 'Berlin Government, and Bismarck explained the reason of his disapproval ip several long dis patches, which are ; now said to be miss ing. Another report says the stolen papers relate to the establishment of a new government in France, and to Ger man interference in Spanish affairs. Though che Democracy carried nearly every county of the first Congressional District in the recent election for mem bers of the General Assembly, the Re publicans have not givon up all hope of carrying it in November. They are working industriously, and the Demo crats will have to; bestir themselves in order to avoid defeat. The Savannah Advertiser gives publicity to a simple scheme which Bryant has concocted for carrying Chatham county. A posse of two hundred Deputy Marshals will be be placed on duty at the polls the day of election, with instruction's to bring on a collision if possible. When this oc curs the colored voters will retire in a body, declare that they were prevented from voting, and Bryant will contest the election on the ground of “force and fraud,” etc. The usual tactics are being resorted to by the Radicals in Louisiana. Because the conduct of Kellogg and his band of plunderers has disgusted the colored people to such an extent that they re fuse to give him support he tries to make it appear that the Democrats are practicing intimidation and calls for assistance. Why not get landaulet Wil liams to issue an order declaring that all colored men shall register whether they wish to or not, and shall vote the Republican ticket despite any objection which they may have to endorsing theft and corruption by their ballots ? This is the simplest plan for carrying the election. A few weeks since the city of Macon voted to assist the Street Railroad Com pany by endorsing twenty thousand dol lars of its bonds. Last Saturday some of the citizens applied for an injunction to prevent the contemplated loan of credit. The Jndge granted a temporary order restraining the issuing of the bonds until the Supreme Court can pass upon the question. The Louisville Courier-Journal is complaining that s. man in that State who murdered his mother-in-law was only sentenced to live years’ imprison ment in the penitentiary. If the editor of the Courier-Journal were a married man he might think that this punish ment, instead of being too light, is un reasonably severe. The result of the contest at Creed moor between the muzzle-loading and breech-loading rifles has established the superiority of the former as a long range target weapon. The trouble with the breech-loaders seems to be that they foul too easily. The Conservatives have made two splendid nominations in South Carolina: General J. Bj Kebshaw is their nominee for Congress in one District, and Gen. Samuel McGowan in another. We sin cerely hope that both of them will be elected. The Republican Convention of the Third District of New York passed reso lutions unalterably opposing the third term. CRUSHING OUT LOUISIANA. A GRIME FOR WHICH GRANT DE SERVES IMPEACHMENT. The Facts of the Louisiana Conspiracy The President, the Attorney-Geu eral and Congressmen Acting with the Conspirators. [From tho New York Tribune.] The documents captured in Mr. Kel logg’s office at New Orleans have made it as clear as noonday that the installa tion of Kellogg was tho result of a con spiracy iu which local politicians, offi cers of the Federal Government, and members of Congress were equally im plicated. That there were frauds in the election of McEnery we have unfortu nately no room to doubt; nevertheless, McEnery was elected. The lawful Re turning Board properly awarded him the office, and the close of November, 1872, saw the Administration threatened with the loss of Louisiana. A Bcbeme was then contrived by Wm. Pitt Kellogg, S. B. Packard and J. F. Casey, aided by certain high functionaries in Washing ton, to reverse the verdict of the elec tion. The first step was to engage Judge Durell to put in motion the machinery of the United States Court for the pur pose of ousting the Returning Board and setting up in its stead a fraudulent and collusive body which should count in Kellogg and an Administration Legislature. The next was to procure troops to execute Durell’s expected de crees. Accordingly, on the 3d of De cember, at a time when there was no disturbance, nor threat of any, the At torney-General launched this dispatch to Marshal Packard like a thunderbolt out of a clear sky: “You are to enforce the decrees and mandates of the United States Courts, no matter by whom re sisted, and Gen. Emory will furnish you with all necessary troops for that pur pose.” Two companies of the First Ar tillery were ordered from Florida to New Orleans. They arrived on the night of the sth. Judge Durell immediately ap plied to himself at his own iodgings, shortly before midnight, without the presence of the counsel on either side, for an order in the case of Kellogg against Warmoth, commanding the Mar shal to take possession of the State House. < marching on thb state housh. Armed with this void mandate, Mr. Packard, who happened, of course by the merest accident, to be present when the Judge moved himself to grant it, marched the soldiers to the State House at two o’clock in the morning, prevent ed the Legislature from assembling, and gave time for his illegal Returning Board, assisted by further void orders from Judge Durell, to set up a pretend ed Legislature in its place. The pre tended Legislature, resembling under protection of the Federal bayonets, re moved Gov. Warmoth by a pretended process of impeachment, rushed through contrary to law in the course of two or three hours; installed Pinch- back, aud then waited for a response from Washington. “The decree, if enforced,” telegrapLed Casey to the President, “will save the Republican majority, and give Louisiana a Republican Legislature and State Government.” “Our members are poor and adversaries arc rich. There is dan ger that they will break our quorum. If requisition of Legislature (for troops) is complied with, all difficulty will be dissipated, the party saved, and every thing go on smoothly.” “Democratic members of Legislature taking their seats. Important that you immediately recognize Gov. Pinch back’s Legislature in some manner.” So the next day At torney-General Williams, who had meanwhile been in telegraphio commu nication with Marshal Packard, sent a dispatch to Pinch back: “Let it be un derstood that you are recognized by the President as the lawful Executive of Louisiana, and that body assembled at Mechanics’ Institute is the lawful Leg islature of the State.” To a committee of citizens, asking to be heard in behalf of the legitimate authorty thms out raged, Mr. Williams replied: “Your visit with a hundred citizens will be un availing, so far as the President is con cerned. His decision is made anti will not be changed.” hiding congressmen. The plotters in New Orleans and the plotters in Washington having thus per formed their respective parts, it resulted that Kellogg was thrust into the Gover norship, and there were two Legislatures and two persons claiming admission to the United States Senate. This threw the controversy into Congress, and it became important for Mr. Kellogg to make sure of friends in that body with out a moment’s delay. One of the most important persons at the capital, owing to his official relations with the Admin istration party, was William E. Chand ler, Secretary of the National Republi can Executive Committee. Kellogg hired Mr. Chandler’s services, and paid for them without any circumlocution, giving him at the start a retaining fee of SI,OOO, with the understanding that he should have more whon he he had earn ed it. Chandler exerted himself zeal ously among the Republican Senators and Representatives. The Attorney- General took care of the Executive branch of the Government. “Chandler has worked with us nobly,” writes Kel logg’s lawyer, Mr. Billings, “and more effectually than any one, except Wil liams. ” Kellogg did not trust, however, entire ly to the influence of Chandler, His op ponents had applied to the United States Supreme Court for a writ of prohibition to check the outrageous orders of Judge Durell. It was not an alarming move ment, for repeated declarations of the Court had settled the point that an ap plication of that sort oould not be grant ed. Nevertheless it afforded Kellogg an opportunity to retain several persons of influence. Caleb Cushing received $2,000, one-half of which he “found it desirable to deliver to Mr. Chandler,” leaving certainly a generous fee for his own easy service. Mr. Carpenter, the most important man in the Senate after Morton (whom Kellogg had already) was retained at the suspicious and wholly disproportionate price—he says of $3,- 000, though Congressman Sypher calls it $4,500; and at the other end of the Capitol Kellogg purchased the services of Mr. Benjamin F. Butler. After these investments Kellogg remained undis turbed through the whole of the session. There were several resolutions in the House of Representatives for the inves tigation of Louisiana affairs, but they never came to anything, Mr. Butler staving off action on the plea that he intended to bring in a. bill for anew election, which he failed to do. The Judiciary Committee took the case into consideration, but Mr. Butler was the most influential member of that commit tee (practically its Chairman) and it made no report. In the Senate, how ever, there was more trouble—and this brings us to the most remarkable chap ter in the whole story. kellooq’s great blundhb. Kellogg made one great blunder. He was not good pay. Mr. Chandler, for instance, was highly dissatisfied with his compensation, and wrote to the Gov ernor in a strain of menace : “ I have learned what you have done for other counsel here during my absence, and am very much gratified that you were able to respond to their demands. You must not now forget or neglect me, but must make me a remittance, and it ought to be as large as you send or have sent to anybody else.” “Candler wished me to write to you about his fee,” says Bil lings. “I would arrange the matter with him at the earliest moment possi ble.” There was the same difficulty with Mr. Carpenter. Mr. Carpenter received half his demand on account. At first, when the Louisiana case came into the Senate, he stoutly defended the usurpa tion, taking precisely the same stand as Senator Morton. Then the matter was referred to a committee of which he was a member. With his claim against Kel logg still unsettled, he made his cele brated reporta month afterward, recom mending anew election and the re establishment of the defunct Warmoth administration ad interim ; but as if un willing to push his client too far, he con sented to an amendment which virtually recognized the Kellogg government. The bill was lost. Even after this warning Mr. Kellogg did not pay. Three months afterward Mr. Carpenter went to New Orleans and made a curious speech to the people—a speech which Senator Morton declared he could not understand, because it must offend both sides. But we are tempted to conclude that Kellogg under stood it, for the same day he paid Mr. Carpenter SSOO, and two days afterward he paid him SSOO more. Mr. Chandler had good reason to write to Kellogg in December, 1873: “I have learned what you have done for other counsel here. The largest demand, whether reason able or not, it was expedient for you to meet, as yon did. M**h wcli have been saved if it had been responded to a year ago, according to my request.” Whereupon Kellogg sent Carpenter an other check for 8500. Mr. Butler was put off with $1,000; and when the next session of Congress opened in Decem ber, 1873, Mr. Kellogg, a year after his intrusion into office, was still beset with troubles. THE PRESIDENT STANDS WITH THEM. The prospect at first, however, was not discouraging. Mr. Butler forced the admission of the Kellogg claimants to the House of Representatives by a vigor ous use of tho party lash. “It was a strict party vote,” wrote Billings, “and meant a determination to recognize at all hazards your government.” ' “There is no possible chance of a decision which cun be adverse to our interests,” exclaimed vigorous Congressman Sy pher. “The case is dead—dead as hell, and the man who attempts to raise it is damned.” Mr. Morton, fortified by briefs from Chandler and Billings, was working for the admission of Pinchback to the Senate. The Attorney-Generai was zealous in the same cause, aud though there had beeu rumors that Gen. Grant was weakening, Senator West (to whom Kellogg sent during this month a check for $1,000) wrote: “I had a very pleasant and liberal conversation with the President; ho stands square up to us.” For the use of Messrs. Chandler and Morton, in the vhnv, Iw-fetre the Senate, Kellogg had sent to Washington the ex- State Register of Voters, B. P. Blanch ard, who had confessed to the perpetra tion of gross frauds in the interest of tho Fnsionists (and to whom, by a sin gular coincidence, Kellogg’s check book showed four payments of money), and the conspirators had their choice of sub mitting this man’s testimony to the Sen ate Committee, or trusting to decisions of the Louisiana Supreme Court, which had been manufactured by wholesale ever since Kellogg’s installation. “Wil liams had no doubt,” writes Billings, “the examination of Blanchard might turn out badly, so I have prepared a brief solely on the decision of the Su premo Court, so as to be ready-to sub mit the case on that point alone at first if Morton finds the temper of tho com mittee will allow. I think if the matter is pushed to an immediate vote, on just enough of a case, we shall win.” As for Mr. Carpenter, “he is not with us,” writes Kellogg’s Assistant Attorney-Gen eral, “though is willing to be convinc ed.” It was a few days after this that Kellogg sent Carpenter the third check for SSOO. Senator Morton carried out the plan agreed upon in concert with the Attorney-General, and made his ar gument entirely upon legal grounds, ig noring Blanchard and his budget of frauds. A CURIOUS CHANGE. But suddenly, about the middle of January, a curious change occurred in the position of affairs. Tho President, as the Tribune dispatches of that date revealed, became earnest for anew elec tion, and the President’s friends changed their course. Mr. Mortou stopped ac tion in the case of Pinchback. General Butler became clamorous for the im peachment of Durell. “Butler says he had instructions from the White House to make the move,” writes Congressman Darrall. At that time General Grant had gone so far as to prepare a special message recommending anew election. Why ? Was ho at last convinced of the knavery of his Louisiana friends ? Was he satisfied that the people had beeu wronged ? No; the disclosures of the investigation had not moved him; but he wanted his brother-in-law Casey in the United States Senate, and to get him there he was ready to overturn the entire government which he himself had set up in Louisiana, to dismiss the Legislature he had called into existence and give the New Orleans Custom House the chance to manufacture anew one 1 “The President is quiet,” whites Darrall, “but not letting down. If Pinchback is not seated I judge we will have a message, or at least to fight the influence of the Administration. You have heard what has probably changed the President’s mind. I have it from the very best autority that in caso of a new election Casey would come to the Senate and you can see if there is, as seeme to me, a move for the third term. The President would like to have him there. Then yon know the family influ ence. * * Bring any aud all in fluence to bear on the President you can think of at once. Can’t you get up a solemn protest from merchants and others, and get the Harwigs to urge on Casey a change of tack ?” BAYONET RULE. Whether the influence which Kellogg was able to wield changed the Presi dent’s purpose wo can only conjecture, but for some reason the scheme was laid aside, and tho mesage, after beiug con sidered in Cabinet, was suppressed. Whatever the cause there came a great calm in the Louisiana trouble. All pro jects for a change were quietly post poned. Tho session rolled by ; the com mittees kept on considering; and when thf’s adjournment came Durell had not been impeached, Pinchback had been neither admitted nor rejected, and Kel logg still ruled at New Orleans—by the aid of bayonets and check books. In all this disgraceful history—dis graceful to no one more than the Presi dent of the United States, who seems to think it his privilege to set up and over turn governments as may best suit the caprices of his ambition —the one ray of light is the belief of the conspirators that the majority of the members of Congress of both parties were too honest to take part in the fraud, if they only knew what it meant. Grant, Williams, Kel logg, Morton, Butler, Chandler, all ap pear from first to last in the attitude of hoodwinking Cougress. Is it too much to hope that their successes to that line are at an end, and that when Congress next assembles a searching inquiry will be made into the scandal and a prompt redress found for the cruelly outraged State of Louisiana ? THE RAILROAD WAR. The Port Royal and Street Railroads. Some time since the Port Royal Rail road Company purchased the property between Washington and Twiggs streets, known as the Metcalf warehouse. Mon day a track extending from the Cen tral Railroad track on Washington street, between Taylor and Hale streets, into this lot, was completed by the com pany, and an engine run into the yard. Soon after the completion of the track notice was sent to Capt. Fleming, Super intendent of the Port Royal Railroad, by Maj. Geo. T. Jackson, President of the Augusta and Summerville Railroad, directing him not to drive another spike in the track. The “last spike,” how ever, had already been driven. A reporter of the Chronicle and Sen tinel called on Major Jackson, Presi dent of the Street Railroad, yesterday to obtain the facts In regard to the mat ter. Major Jackson stated that the ac tion referred to above had been taken for the reason that the Port Royal Rail road had no right to effect a connection with the track on Washington street, which belongs to the Augusta and Sum merville Railroad, without first making some arrangement with the latter. This arrangement, satisfactory to both par ties, would probably be effected imme diately, and the Compress Company would obtain the right to haul cotton to its warehouse from any of the depots, at six cents per bale, the same price being also charged for hauling it out. Major Jackson further stated that he might be compelled to carry the “war into Africa,” and institute suit against every member of Council who voted for the “Hillyer Ordinance” in April last. He did not desire to do this, but if the opposition to the rights of the Street Railroad was carried much farther he would be compelled to adopt such a course. It was clear that that ordi nance had greatly endamaged the Street Railroad. After its passage both the Georgia Railroad and the Charlotte, Columbia and Augusta Railroad refused to make aisy further payments to the Street Railroad under their contracts, and the stock of the road had been greatly depreciated, as was evidenced by the fact that it had twice been offered for sale at public outcry at the Market House, and found not a single bidder. The members of Council who voted for the ordinance are Messrs. Meyer, Thompson, Sibley, Barrett, Evans, Hill yer, Bennett, Doris, Jones and Car wile. Messrs. Philip and Poumelle voted against it. If these suits are instituted a lively time may be expected. Constantinople, October 13.—The Government has withdrawn its prohibi tion in regard to the transmission of cypher messages on the Kligh lines in Tiukey. NUMBER 43. STEER HUNTING ON BROADWAY. A Sunday of Terror In New York Tho roughfares. {Prom the New York Tribune, October 5.] While a small drove of Texas cattle were quietly plodding through Bleeoker street between Broadway and the Bow ery last evening, about 7 o’clock, Officer Wayne, of the Fourteenth precinct, on post at the corner of Elizabeth and Bleecker street, observed that they were without a driver. At the corner of Elizabeth street something startled the steers, and two of them ran down Eliza beth street. Immediately a crowd of men and boys started in pursuit of them, shouting and gesticulating violently. Others made similar demonstrations to ward the rest of the herd, who had con tinued their way toward the Bowery, and they, too, became excited and wild. At the Bowery, where another noisy demonstration met them, they scattered in all directions, each pursuing his ca reer with uplifted tail, plunging head, and fiery eyes. The crowds increased behind each one as his antics became more exciting. Policemen and privato citizens with an armory of weapons sprang at once to the front and began plyiug the luckless steers with lead and steel. Some persons even attacked them with bayonets and swords. But their tough hides appeared to be impervious to such onslaughts, and thoroughly maddened by so vigorous and unpro voked an attack they began tossing and goring all who opposed them, and for a time rendered the precincts which they invaded remarkably lively. Two took their way up the Boweryandinto Fourth avenue, being smartly chased by a demonstrative crowd; one turned on'his pursuers about Fourteenth street, and after receiving four shots from Officer Broderick rushed toward East river. Two others turned out at East Houston street, dashed through that narrow thoroughfare to East river, broke through the gate of the Williamsburg ferry house, plunged together off the pier, find were drowned. At the corner of Reade street one of the animals tossed Officer Byan, of the Fourth precinct, who was trying to shoot him. The other, in chargiug up Centre street, knocked Irving Orace, an orderly of Park Hospital, down into the base ment of a lager beer saloon under the Staats Zeitung office, breaking his arm and thigh. Ann Gallagher, an old woman, was khocked down and bruised in the head by a kick at the corner of Elm and Worth streets. At Grand and Baxter streets Morris McGonnigle, aged twen ty-four, of No. 135 Baxter street, was gored iu the neck, receiving a severe wound, and Eugene O’Hara, aged four toen, of No. 472 Pearl street, was severe ly injured by the same animal. Another of the infuriated brutes, alter spending an hour on the pasturage of the City Hall Park, continued his mad course to ward West Broadway, and was killed in West street by Officer Henchy, of the Twenth-seventh precinct. On the route he badly bruised Alice Crawford, aged fifty, of Albany street, and John Quinn, of No. 272 West Tenth street. Robert W. Foster, while in pursuit of him, was shot in the hip by a ball intended for the steer. Officer Donavan, of the Sec ond precinct, recklessly attempted to take one of the bulls by the horns, and was tossed high in the air and severely injured, but Sergeant Maloney, who had chased the bull from the Bowery, suc ceeded in cutting his hamstrings, and subsequently killing him. The Sergeant was knocked down and run over. Ten bulls altogether were shot. The series of scenes produced by the chaso after these wild animals wherever they appeared were very stirring. Tbe crowds of men and boys, with the ex ception of the policemen and occasion ally a daring citizen, kept well out of reach of the threatening steers, but kept up a cheering, evidently enjoying the fun. The street cars would be stopped by the crowd, and the drivers, conduc tors and outside passengers usually crowded themselves rapidly inside. Ouo passenger in a Third avenue car, having a little girl with him, was dreadfully ex cited at his danger, and seeing a church door open ran there for safety. An other passenger opened fire on a passing bull, and was warmly berated by passen gers for his temerity. In many instances the daring citizens who volunteered to empty their revolvers into the bulls’ hides emptied them instead into the crowd. Between tw'enty and thirty per sons were injured, a few severely, al though none have died. Tbe list in cludes policemen, citizens and women. DISTRESSING CASUALTY. A Shocking Accident to Senator Perry —Amputation Necessary—The Sad Surroundings—llis Affianced Bride. [Macon Telegraph aDd Messenger.] The writer, an old friend of this un fortunate gentleman, was summoned to his bedside last night by a special mes senger, who informed him that he had been run over by a locomotive in the car-shed, and terribly if not fatally hurt. Hastening at once to the Brown House we found the sufferer providentially un der the care of skillful and experienced surgeons, who had already successfully amputated the left leg just below the knee. Dr. Mettauer operated, assisted by Dr. Holmes and Dr. Buchan, of East man. Their patient exhibited the most heroic fortitude, and submitted to the terrible ordeal without a groan or com plaint. We found him calm and cheer ful, and from his own lips received the following account of the catastrophe: Mr. Perry was on his way to Savannah to claim as his bride on Thursday next Miss Anna Harrison, the charming daughter of Gen. George P. Harrison, one of the best and most influential citi zens of Chatham county. At the time that the accident occur red he was engaged in earnest conversa tion with a friend at the depot, when suddenly the Savannah train moved off. He followed as fast as possible in the hope of overtaking it, and when run ning rapidly and blinded by the glare of the lights, encountered the locomo tive of the Augusta train as it entered the depot. When too late to escape, ho had the presence of mind to throw his body as far as possible from the track, but alas, one leg was caught beneath the ponderous wheels and crushed al most to atoms. The physicians, as stated, decided that immediate amputa tion was necessary, and the operation was speedily and skillfully performed. At his request General Harrison was telegraphed for, and it is probable both he and the affianced of Mr. Perry will arrive to-day. Seldom have we been called upon to record a sadder incident. When we left Mr. Parry he was quite cheerful, but insisted, as his injuries might prove fatal, that his constituents should be informed that it was and is his intention, should he be permitted to take his seat in the Georgia Senate, to vote for the constitutional amendment forbidding the payment of the bogus bonds, and is the warm advocate, also, of any additional legislation that may be needed on the subject. It was really affecting to see how anxious he was to vindicate his fair name from the asper sions which had been cast upon it by his opponents during the late canvass. Meeting of Railroad Directors. The regular bi-monthiy meeting of the Directors of the Georgia Railroad was held at the Company’s Bank in this city yesterday morning, at eleven o’clock. Only one Director was absent. The business transacted was of a private na ture. The following resolution of re spect to the memory of Judge Eugenius L. King, late book-keeper at the bank, was unanimously adopted : Resolved by this Board, That we have heard with much regret of the death of late our book-keeper, Eugenius L. King, whose faithful services to this company and pleasant intercourse with this Board endeared him to us all. Before an election to fill the vacancy was entered into the Board resolved to reduce the salary from SI,BOO to $1,500 per annum. Five members of the Board voted against a reduction. The election was then proceeded with. There were several applicants for the position. Mr. Charles H. Ballard, of Madison, Ga., book-keeper at the National Exchange Bank, was elected. He is in every way qualified for the position. Meeting of the Peabody Trustees. New Yore., October 14.—The annual meeting of the trustees of the Peabody educational funds was begun to-day. Among members present were ex-Gov. Clifford, of Massachusetts; ex-Governor Graham, of North Carolina; ex-Govemor Aiken, of South Carolina; Wm. M. Evarts. Judge S. Watson, of Nashville; Hamilton Fish, and Surgeon-General Barnes, U. S. A. The meeting was se cret. The annual statement will not be given the press until the close of the session.