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About Weekly chronicle & sentinel. (Augusta, Ga.) 1866-1877 | View Entire Issue (April 14, 1875)
m> to SERIES VOL LXXXII ■hew series vol mix H thumb. ■ i \t i,v <::n. jM' m: fc-kntinkt.. Uifoldrta nMWnT Jn >u- * nitti, d* pa*>l.Vted -x --c*. ,| nut. T•*m. :Kr j*r,slo; pit mouth#, ■ $5; ttir** m *o*. 2 *. ■ K tKI-VVKI.KJ.T i IffiovicLF * HF.NTINF.L i HfpabiubM I-Tirry Tw#(Uy, Tba4y md Sat nr- Sy. Term*: Oae jmc, $5; •* month*, s3t 60. rag WEEKLY CHRONICLE Ar HRNTIXKL I* pob lwhM ewery Wedue***/. Term*: Oue year, $2 alx toonllu, sl. HATES OF ADVERTISING IN DAILY.—AII tran -7 wir advertixemenU will be cbenred at the rate * of |l * ioar* for each Insertion for the fim veek. Adr-rtiaezbent* in the Tri-Weekly, two tb'-rde of the rate* in the Daily; and in the Weekly, one-half the Daily at*-*. Marriage and Funeral Notices, fl each. Special Noti*#n, |! p*r square* for the first paoticatiou. Special rate* will t*> made for advertisements running for a month or longer. SUBS XBIPTIOMB in all raaea in advance, and no paper ix>utinoed after the expiration of the time paid for. REMITTANCES should be made by Poet Office M/mey Order* or Express. If thia cannot be done, protection against !•***> by mail may be secured by forwarding a i*ayab‘e to the Proprietor* of the CcfaoxiCLE k KE*TUr*h, cnr by ju-n ting the money in a regia ten-d letter. ALL COMMUNICATIONS aononncmg candidate* f,ft office —from County Const *ble to Member of Congress—will be charged for a; the rate of twenty cent* per line. All announcement* tuu*t be paid for hi advance. Address WALSH k WRIGHT, Ci it u r.r. k SrxTiyri. Angnwta. Q.. tttjrontclc ani> VEDNKBDAY APRIL 14, 1875 MINOR TOF|Oft. t Guild * Bt. Losia ftrscfcopr 4or 1875, jnst gvre* Jt y at four ; hundred and ninety thonsand on January let, 1875. Increase in the population einc* the centraa. flfty-eeven percent., or more than ten ! per cent, yearly. iSnsiue** and manufacture* ! of the city better in the aggregate than ever ; before, in epiteof the general prontration. ! Aiiini.il value of product* of manufacture, two | liumlro l and thirty-nine million dollar*. There is foo l for thought in thi* paragraph ; f rotr the Bouton Herald: •• Those people who think it impossible for President Grant to get a nomination for a third term have not looked i at the figure*. There will be vote* in the j Convention. Of these the 10 Southern State* ! will have 138. Grant could get all the*e to- ; day, and 48 more would give him a majority. He would undoubtedly be the *tronge*t candi date on the first ballot were ttie Convention to be held next week." An exchange *ay* : “In South Hadley, Ma**.. j recently, an absent minded man ordered a coffin for a decea*od friend, and left hi* own j u&me to be inscribed on the lul in place of that ; of the dead man. The mintake wa* not di*- , covered in season to rectify it.” Thi* wa.i Bin- ! gularly unfortunate, for *ome antiquarian, j digging around in that gravo yard a thousand 1 year* hence, and finding t\vo*ilver door-plate* I with the name name on bath, will think that j Homebody ha* lied. The Han Francisco Port give* a glowing de- j Hcriptiou of a mountain of gold quartz near Han Bemai dina. in which Budd Doble, the ! turfman, ha* an inrerent. The Nevada *ilver ) bonanza i* nothing to thi* marvelous moun- | tain, which i* one ma** of gold-bearing quartz, : four thouHaud feet long and two or three hun dred feet high. Budd Doble and hi* party had j just returned from the place, and talked about j picking up gold in bowldereized nugget*. We aro at liberty to believe a* much of thi* a* we i fet?l disposed. A descendant of Handel ha* petitioned the Emperor of Germany to name one of the Htreete of Berlin after the great compost r.— The Emperor ha* stated, in reply to thi* re quest. that anew quarter i* about to be added to the capital whose street* will all be named after Germany’s most eminent musical cele brities. and that of Handel will certainly not be forgotten. Tin* quarter will be a tilting supplement to the one iu which the troets have been by the name* of great painter*. A private dinner party, consisting of about twenty influential politician* and William Cul len Bryant, was given at the residence of Mrs. Pratt, a niece of Governor Seymour, in Albany, N. Y., on Wednesday evening. A telegram to the Now'York Sunsayn: “Mr. Bryant deliv ered a speech, closing with a toast, nominating Samuel J. Tildeu a* the next Democratic can didate for President. Thi* was drank standing and with much enthusiasm. Governor Titden responded, nei.her accepting nor declining the proffered honor, but holding himself subject to the call of hi* party.” Tho Washington Star says: Cabinet officer* agree in saying that the rush for offieo ha* never boon greater within their experience than at tho present tirno. The civil service rule* having been abrogated and the bars let down a* it were, hundred* of persons are daily making application for appointments, most of them laboring under the falliciou* notion that they have only to knock at tho doorsof the executive department* and be admitted at once, and nover dreaming that their qualifica tion* for tho positions they seek must be tested by an examination. The people of Western North Carolina have determined to colebrate in a spirited manner tho coutcnnial anniversary of the Mecklen burg declaration of independence. This anni versary is tho 20th of May of thi* year. Hon. John Kerr, of North Carolina, will be the orator of the day, and Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, of Georgia, will be chief marshal. It will un doubtedly bo an occasion of much interest.— The people of North Carolina patriotically keep alive tho memory of their early stand for independence, their ancestor* having antici pated by more than a year tho common stand taken by the colonies. The Semaphore, a well known Marseilles journal, by do means addicted to the publica tion of canards, announces that the sovereign of Japan intends paying a visit to Franco, will start at tho end of August, with throe ships and a numerous suite, and will come by way of Suez and Marseilles. If auy one had predicted twenty-five years ago, I efore tho late Cornmo- j doro Perry visited Japan on a diplomatic and 1 commercial mission from tho Uuited States, that it* sovereign would bo so far advanced in civilization as to undertake such a journey as ! this, ho would have been as much disbelieved ; as poo{ Cassandra was during the famous | siege of Troy. To a young sovereign (for the Mikado will not bo twenty-three years old un til next September) k visit to the Old World must be a source of wonder and delight. The best books drift to the second-hand book stores when they aro no longer wanted for display. An old copy of llaliam’s Middle Age*, bought at one of these places the other day. seems to illustrate this sad fact. The covers look as if they had passed six mouths in a nursery, and one of them shows unmistak able marks of having beeu used by the head of the family as a hone for his razor. Inside, however, this book could hardly be cleaner and clearer if it had but just come from tho press. In the best part of it a number of the leaves have never been cut at all, aud are as well pre served as if the original purchaser had stood over them with a shot gun loaded to the muz zle with death. Mr. liallam evidently com mitted a great financial blunder when he de cided not to devote his life to Indians and pirates. From returns published in the New York i Bulktin, it appears that during the months of j January and February of this year the exports i of iron aud steel rails from Great Britain to j Russia fell off from 6.524 tons in 1874 to 1.023 ! tons iii 1875, and to the United States from ! 16,978 tons to 4.931 tons. The three .countries ! taking the largest quantities of rails in 1375 j were : Australia. 13,480 tons; Peru, 8,952. aud ; British India, 7,306 tons. The total exports of j iron fall off from 96.311 toua in 1874 to 71,257 | in 1875, and the declared value from $6,552,100 to $3.683,725. In the two early mouths of 1873 i the total value of the exports of British pro duce and mannfictures of a ! l kinds was $203,- j 150,000. For the same months in 1874 it was $188,500,000, while for the same period in 1575 it shows a further decline of $173,200,000. it can thus be seen that the condition of business and trade in England is no befter than in this country, while the prospects are not more on- ' couragiug in the near future. Miners and toilers in manufactories are out of eniploy ploymeut. while capitalists are receiving but a small, if any. returns for their funds invested in certain lines of business. I. J. Milliken. one of the wealthiest mer chants in Sacramento, took for a second wife a young octoroons. She was very pretty, well educated, and her African blood was barely perceptible. The marriage was opposed by the children of the first wife, who would have no acquaintance with their step-mother. A short time ago Milliken died. Having made no will the octoroon wife could only claim the wife's usual share of the property. The estate was worth about a million dollars. The children are contesting her right to anything, basing their suit on the fact of Mrs. Milliken being pan negro, the California law declaring that • ‘all marriages between white persons and ne groes or mulattoes are illegal and void.'' The evidence shows that during the years of Mr. Milliken's wedded life with this second wife she was received in good society, although her taint of blood was well known, and that his affection and respect for her were sincere. The defense is that the law particularly designates “negroes and mulattoes" as ineligible for mar riage with white persons, and that the wife in this instance was neither, being only one eighth negro. A decision has not been reached. CROP PROSPECTS. Oor advices from the country are to the effect that planting operations of every description are unusually back ward. Com which is generally planted from the third to the tenth of March is now just being pnt in the ground. A ma jority of the farmers have not yet had their land broken up, and the work of February must be done in April. Bad weather has been tho cause of this de lay. During the past three months we have had rain almost without intermis sion. Plowing was rendered an impos sibility, and the farmers now find near ly all of their work before them. "Old planters prononnee it the most back ward Spring which lias been expe- j rienced for more than forty years. A j great deal of cotton land will be thrown out iu this State on account of the fail ure of farmers to procure advances of j money aud supplies, and tho chances seem good for a greatly reduced crop. I THE STATE TREASURY. The Atlanta New# gives a statement, apparently by authority, concerning the ! stoppage of the interest on gold quarter ly bonds and the subsequent resumption of payment 4 “Soon after Capt. .Tones entered into office he discovered that the Fourth National Bank of New York was paying coupons of gold quarterly bonds, whose owners had not complied with the law of the State requiring affi- 1 davits, showing the validity of the bonds. At any rate, the Treasurer had no knowledge that the law h*td been complied with, and as it was imperative in its action, he ordered payment stop ped until compliance with its terms was made. Col. Sneed, as he under stood it, was employed by the holders to receive these affidavits from onr foreign consuls and transmit them to the Treasurer. This he did and the Treasurer having evidence that the law had been complied with gave orders to resume payment of the coupons.” MR. ELAINE'S HOPES. The country is informed that Mr. Ex- Speaker Blaine has “ hopes.” He thinks the Republicans have fair pros pects of success in the next Presidential campaign. This will doubtless be cheer ing nows to the Republican party, which has had so little cheering information recently. To be snre times have chang ed somewhat since Mr. Blaine was last upon the stump in Connecticut. He was then Mr. Speaker and not Mr. Ex- Speaker, as at present. He was then the leader of a two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives. Now the Republicans have little more than one-third of the votes of that body, and even in this small faction Mr. Blaine will find wide divisions and emphatic protests against his claims to leadership. Then the Republicans had three-fourths of the Federal Senate. Now they lrave a bare, and an extremely uncertain, ma jority. Then twenty-five out of thirty seven States were controlled by the Ad ministration. Now twenty-one States out of thirty-seven are in the hands of the Opposition. Then the Republican party was organized, united and power ful. Now its power is departing, it is torn by internal dissensions and weak ened by the fierce conflicts of rival chieftains for the mastery. Yet stili Mr. Blaine has hopes, which he is not backward in proclaiming to the country. It is somewhat notable, however, that all of Mr. Blaine’s hopes are fpunded upon the mistakes which he affects to think will be made by his opponents. He does not claim that there is virtue enough in the Republican party to save that organization from defeat.— He thinks that success will come through tho vices of the opposition. He as sumes that tho constitutional amend ments and the reeoustruetion laws will be made the principal issues by the Democrats in the next campaign, and that upon such a platform they will be defeated as easily and decisively as they were seven years ago. Mr. Blaine and those Republicans who think with him are evidently reduced to the last ex tremity when they cling to such a straw as this for safety. They forget that the reconstruction laws and constitutional amendments, infamous as were those measures and mischievous as they have proved, not to the South alone but to the whole country, have about spent their force and exhausted the venom with which they wore so highly charged. In 18fi8 they were living and vital issues; they were throttling a whole people and placing one section of the country un der the dominion of ignorance and malice. In 1875 there are but two Southern States which have not shaken off Republican earpet-bag rule, aud one of these—South Carolina—has expe rienced a wonderful change for the bet ter —has been touched by the first rays which precede the coming of the dawu. Why should the South insist upon the Democracy warring against the disabled monster of reconstruction who can now do them no harm, and who sits in his •ave like the giant mentioned in the al legory bitiug his nails iu impotent ma lice at the passers-by ? Has Mr. Blaine discovered any reason for believing that the Democrats will attempt to retrace their steps, to make those things issues in 1876 which they formal ly abandoned in 1872 ? Does he not know that we are fighting obnoxious legislation in the Courts and with every prospect of success ? He will discover i at the proper time the fallaciousness of ' his hopes, the folly of his expectations. He will find in 1876 a united, thorongh ; ly organized and well disciplined oppo sition marching against the enemies of ; free government aud their leader, whether he be Grant, or Conkling or : Blaine, and he will learn, too, that such a party—numbering not alone Demo | crats in its ranks but, as well, the best men of the Republicans—is invincible; that to it will be intrusted the govern j ment of the country and the welfare of the people. Our Atlanta correspondent seems to j think that the race will be close in the j Ninth District between Mr. Bell and Mr. Hill. We are inclined to believe i that he is mistaken. Our information j indicates that Mr. Hill’s chances are j excellent, and that it is almost certain j he will receive the nomination. It is j certainly very magnanimous of Mr. W. i P, Price to say that he will come down ! in the event of Mr. Bell’s nomination. | As he does’nt stand the ghost of a chance of election, and hasn't strength enough to hurt Mr. Hell or anybody i else, it is not a matter of much conse- j quenco whether he comes down or goes up. His declaration, however, exposes very effectually the animus of his can didacy. What is known in South Carolina as the Bonanza bill, whieh was passed by means of Speaker Elliott’s arbitrary rulings over Governor Chamberlain’s veto, is to be tested in the Courts. Mr. J. O. Mathewson, of this city, a stock holder iu the Graniteville Manufactur ing Company, has filed a bill in the i Federal Courts restraining the Commis sioners appointed under the bill from | attempting to carry out its provisions, • and also restraining the Graniteville j Company from paying the taxes levied i by the Bonanza. B WARD ON GRANT. Senator Bayard has been doing yeoman’s service for the Democracy in Connecticut. One of his most effective speeches was delivered in New Haven a lew days ago. It was a merciless arraignment of Grant and Grantism. Senator Bayard is not one of those who begs us for Heaven’s sake to sav noth ing against Grant. He knows that the President has been the active anl bitter euemy of free government and he is bold enough to charge him with the crimes which he has committed. Sena tor Bayard declared there were two elements at work in this country which if not destroyed themselves would de stroy the nation. The first one of these is force; the other fraud. One difficulty in the present Gerernment was that at the head of it was a soldier who didn't know the first or any other of the princi ples of republican government. Arguments he had none, and his acts were like his mind; his notions were bold, fearless, uuconciliatory, and he had never sought to enlarge them by advice and counsel. His policy was that of a soldier. Losis XIV. once said that “artillery was the last argument of Kings,” which meant that force was the last argument after reason and justice had beeu exhausted; yet what was the last argument with Kings had been the first aud only farce employed by the President of this United Rtates. They had seen intelli gence degraded, and ignorance aud brutality encouraged. The speaker defied any man to point out a single case in General Ghaut's administration where an official, no matter how much evidence of his malfeasance had beeu Lronght forward, had been removed be cause of such evidence. Regarding the Louisiana troubles, Mr. Bayard does not find that Grant was j simply “enforcing the law.” The cause of the troubles in Louisiana in ! 1872 and of all the later troubles in that State he traced directly to the Pres ident. He said it is generally believed that General Grant was at the Capitol during the debate upon the Force bill, and intimated that those Congress men who wished to retain his favor must vote in favor of that infamous measure. He exposed the Arkansas message, which the President sent to the House of Representatives, and de clared that the Executive not only claimed the right of deciding whether Baxter or Brooks was Governor, but the right to enter a State and overthrow any government that he thought unlaw ful. We are afraid that Mr. Bayard is very impolitic. Does he not know that the true line is to say a good word for Grant on every occasion and to reserve all his thunder for those Republicans who .voted against the Force bill and against overthrowing the legal State government of Arkansas ? Impolitic Bayard! MAGNIFICENT PAUPERISM IN THE SOUTH. The New Orleans Picayune is publish ing a series of articles in tho hope of doing something to lead the planting class out of what it calls the present slough of despond. During the past three years, the editor reminds them, the Southern States have produced large crops of cotton, and sold them at good prices. Putting the incoming crop at only 3,650,000 bales, and the total pro duction the laet three seasons reached tho enormous aggregate of 11,750,000 bales, worth about §725,000,000. The av erage crop for the ten years preceding the war was 3,545,000 bales, worth §178,000,- 000. The average of the last three years is 3,916,000 bales, worth §234,960,000. Yet, notwithstanding all this, the Pica yune says, the Cotton States are in a de plorable financial condition. They have scarcely any money and their credit is almost gone. They have gone on pro ducing cotton and purchasing supplies, apparently doing a prosperous business, only to find that each year leaves them deeper in debt. Now the merchants re fuse to advance the means to put in large crops, and the planter begins to realize how desperately poor he is. More than one remedy may bo requisite for this condition of things, but one of the most effective of these would be a greater diversification of agricultural in terests, to the end that the planters may live more within their own resources than heretofore. THE VICTORY IN CONNECTICUT. The official figures of the Connecticut election are given this morning, and they make the victory even more com plete aud overwhelming than at first an nounced. The news has grown better, and the official count has swelled in stead of reducing the majorities. The vote polled was the largest ever cast in the State, and this fact shows how great the exertions and how thorough the can vass made by both parties. The total vote is 100,714 against 91,476 last Spring, and 86,845 in 1873. • Ingersoll (Dem.) received 53,784; Greene (Rep.), 44,256 ; and Smith (Prohib.), 2,674—making In gersoll’s majority over Greene, 9,528, and over both combined, 6,864. Last year his majority over the Republican candidate was 6,994, and over Republi can and Prohibitionist, 1,809 —thus giv ing a real gain in the State of Jive thou sand votes. For years past the Demo crats have only elected one member of Congress out of four—this year affairs are reversed, and the Republicans elect only one out of four—making a gain of ! two members for the Democrats. In the First District Landers (Dem.) de- I feated Hawley (Rep.) by 488 votes ; in 1873 the Republican majority in this j District was 1,260. In the Second Dis ! trict the Democratic candidate is elect j ed by 1,500 majority; in 1873 the Repub ! liean majority in this District was 588. 1 In the Fourth District the Democratic ; majority is increased from 1,764 in 1873 Ito 2,235. In the Third District the Re ! publican majority is reduced from 1,764 I to 791 votes. The House o£ Representa- I tives is largely Democratic, and in the j Senate the Democrats have fifteen out of tweutv-one members. Well done, Con ! necticut! The New York Bulletin makes bold to say that “the time is close at hand when six per cent, must be accepted as the governing rental” upon real estate in New York. Considering the complete security of an investment in a business block on one of the principal streets of the metropolis, and that four or five per cent, is the average rate on similar property in London, this is not, per haps, extravagant. The World says that, along Broadway, from Bowling Green to Fourteenth street, eight hundred and fifty street numbers, there are two hun dred and eighty which display the card “To Rent,'* there being many whole stores and buildings vacant. The vete ran real estate broker, John Lloyd, “never knew so dull a season,” and is making no loans at all, declining to offer any but temporary engagements at the present rates, which are from thirty to forty per cent. off. From Chambers street to Union Square are many whole stores, and (parts of stores, which have waited from one to six years, without a tenant. A loft, which has been rented in past years for 818,000, is now refused at 810,000. The Monroe Advertiser favors the policy of giving the Western Democrats | the candidate for President and the Northern Democrats the Vice-President. Thurman and Tildes- are its favorites. INot a bad ticket; nor one which the South would find it difficult to support. AUGTJSTA, GA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, APRIL 14, 1875. i WHSt THE CONNECTICUT ELEC TION MEANS. Many of the Democratic journals were as much surprised by the result of the recent election in Connecticut as the | Radical papers were. They all seemed to think that the Democrats would do well if they succeeded in carrying the State, though by a reduced majority— retaining control of the Legislature, and the Congressional District represented by Mr. Barnum. They knew that all the power and patronage of the Admin istration was being used against the Democracy; they knew how formidable these influences were; and would have been well content to hold their own. Contrary to their expectations the gains have been large; the victory has been complete and overwhelming. In the largest vote ever polled in the State the 1 Democratic majority has been increased fully one-third; the party has a hand some majority on joint ballot in the Legislature, and the Republicans have carried only one Congressional District ont of four, and that one by a largely reduced majprity. A great deal of significance attaches to the result of the contest in Connecti cut. The Democracy , there made a square fight against the Administration and its policy; against Grant and Grant ism. The real candidate defeated last Monday was General Grant; the real policy repudiated was the policy which was embodied in.the Force bill, in the Arkansas message and in the “banditti” dispatch. The Republican candidate for Governor was known to be the warm approver and endorser of all these mon strosities; and iu order that there might be no doubt whatever as to his senti ments he, as Mayor of Norwich, ordered a salute of one hundred guns to be fired when the news of Sheridan’s telegram proclaiming tho people of Louisiana banditti, and General Grant’s approval of his course, was received. His candi dacy embodied General Grant’s policy of war against the South. His candida cy embodied General Grant’s policy of additional reconstruction for those Southern States which have thrown off the yoke of Radicalism. His candidacy embodied Grant’s war upon the Consti tution and upon free government. The candidate has beeu ingloriouslv routed; the principles which he represented have beeu repudiated by an overwhelming majority. The people of Connecticut have spoken, and their voice has given no uncertain sound, on Grant and Grantism. THE MISTAKES OF THE TRIBUNE. The New York Tribune copies some re marks complimentary to Hon. L. Q. C. Lamar, which recently appeared in the Chronicle and Sentinel, and alludes to them as giving that gentleman “a boost towards the Presidential nomina tion.” The Tribune is very much 'mis taken if it supposes that Mr. Lamar is seeking the Presidential nomination or that tho Chronicle and Sentinel prais ed him as a prospective Presidential candidate. Mr. Lamar knows very well that no Southern man will seek or receive the nomination, and if he did not know this he is too patriotic to sacrifice his country to his ambition. We believe Mr. Lamar to be a man of signal ability, and we have a firm fuith in his integrity and his patriotism. We believe that he is working faithfully for what he con ceives to be the good of liis country an& the welfare of liis people. We do not believe that his conduct is actuated by a single selfish motive, and we do believe that his only ambition is to free the South from the shackles of ignorance and oppression. We believe that lie has done us great good in the past, and that, if spared by Providence, he will render yet more valuable assistance in the future. So much for Mr. Lamar. The Tribune is just as badly mistaken when it assumes from our praise of Mr. Lamar that the Chronicle and Senti nel is opposed to the nomination, in 1876, of a Democratic candidate upon a Democratic platform. As the Chroni cle and Sentinel has often said before, we favor the nomination of a Democrat ic candidate upon a Democratic plat form, and we have as little doubt that such a nomination will be made as we have that the sun shines in the heavens. The Chronicle and Sentinel favors, and wo believe that every Southern man and Southern press favors, the adoption of such a policy as will bring every honest Republican, every Republican of liberal views, under our standard. We need the assistance of such men, and we expect to make them friends and allies. We have little doubt that the Demo cratic National Convention of next year will adopt a platform upon which all the lovers of free government and all the enemies of centralization can rally. There may be a few Grant men in dis guise among us who will oppose any plan which has for its object the defeat of the present occupant of the White House and the repudiation of personal government, but there are not enough of these to make them an element in the contest. If we are to attach any meaning to the colloquy between the Attorney-General of the United States and some of the Judges of the Supreme Court which took place last Friday during the hear ing of what are known as the Grant Parish cases, it would seem there are good indications that the Enforcement act will be declared unconstitutional by the highest judicial tribunal of the country. The questions propounded by Judge Bradley, Judge Clifford and Judge Strong appear to show very plainly the bent of their minds, and neither of the three can be justly ac cused of any leaning towards the Demo cratic side of the question. If this odious law, passed by Congress at the instigation and express request of Gen eral Grant, be declared void, one of the strongest agencies of the third-term will be destroyed and we may expect a measurably fair election in 1876. We publish in another column this morning an article from the New York Herald on the third term, which speaks of General Gordon, of Georgia, having been in the Grant “ring. ” We do not believe, and shall not believe until some evidence is offered in support of the charge, that General Gordon had any thing to do with so disgraceful a trans action. His acts and words have both given the lie to this accusation. We are confident that General Gordon is bat i tling as earnestly and effectively against ! the re-election of Grant and the suc ! cess of the infamous policy of fraud and i force which he represents as any man in the country. Gordon is not that kind of a man Mr. Herald. The telegraph last night brought the somewhat astonishing tidings that Hon. Benjamin Conley, of this city, was yes [ terday appointed Postmaster of Atlanta, ; vice ex-Gov. Sam Bard, removed. The j cause of the removal is not given, and as Mr. Bard has been such a loyal | Grant man for the past eight years, it : is hard to conjecture why he should have been turned adrift Mr. Conley, i as our readers well know, is a most pronounced Republican, but lie has the reputation of being a man of the strictest integrity, and is one of the few who were not tainted with the rascali ties of the Bulloch regime. BTEPHENS SPEAKS. j Letter from Hon. Alexander H. Steph ens to the Savannah News. IiiBEETf Hall, j Crawfordville, Ga., > March 31, 1875.) Editor Morning News : My attention has been called, by the kindness of a friend, to an editorial in your paper of the 22d inst., and a com munication in the sameliasue, over the signature of “Philokris,* each contain ing strictures upon my j course in Con gress, which, I am informed, some of your readers think jamght not to permit to pass unnoticed, it is due to myself, as well as to the country'll am told, that I should authoritatively rcspoud to these grave, public charges agipnst my fidelity to the cause of constitutional liberty. The copy of the paper referred to was received several days agoi bat my time since then has been too iiiuch occupied with company and other business of pressing importance, for me, at an earlier day than this, to give the subject that notice which its character, iu the opinion of others, seems to demand.— You will, therefore, please allow me the privilege of now expressing through your columns, as briefly and pointedly as possible, and also in language inten ded to be entirely respfeotful, my un qualified protest against the misstate ment in matter, and what lean but look npon as the disingenuotispess in tone, which pervade both of tl use articles. As fair specimens of tkjuJftlyr, as well as the? tone, whiisft- !Baraet*“iJ~i>isCT?' from their beginning to their end, the following extracts —one from each—may be given. In the editorial, for instance, you say : “It has been with extreme reluctance and only from a profound sense of duty that we have expressed onr dissent from the course of Hon. A. H. Stephens in upholding the usurpations of President Grant, by which constitutional govern ment has been virtually overthrown in the State of Louisiana and a military despotism established in its stead. In the confident expectation that Mr. Ste phens would in his place on the floor of the House, at the proper time, give the country his views of the policy of the Administration towards tho people of Louisiana, and that he would make known the reasons which impelled him not only to justify the Kellogg usurpa tion, but also to approve the subsequent military intervention for its mainten ance, we refrained even from an expres sion of our surprise at his course, :o widely at variance with the known sen timents of his constituents and of the constitutional Democracy of the Union. When, however, he not only failed to raise his voice in denunciation of a de liberate and persistent system of usur pation and outrage, such as lias never before disgraced the annals of even the Radical party, but by his vote in the last hours of Congress contributed to defeat the parliamentary tactics of the Democ-ats, the object of which was to prevent the endorsement of the Kellogg usurpation by the- Radical majority in that body, we were constrained, more in sorrow than in any spirit of fault find ing with our distinguished Representa tive, to express our dissent from his course. ” In the communication referred to, signed “Philokris” (and which from its position and the leaded style iu which it is put up, may be considered as sent forth with editorial sanction), the writer, after stating that what he had said in a previous article about “the distinguished author” of “the War Be tween the States” “was in sorrow, not in anger,” goes on with the following language: “And some people entertained un bounded confidence in his resources, power and influence. They looked on him as the Moses who was to lead us through the wilderness of difficulties in which we had become involved safe to the Canaan of restored positiou and weight in the administration of the affairs of this country. They looked on him as the greatest living Apostle, the very Paul of State sovereignty. And what was the sequel ? What has he done ? How has he defended State rights ? What has been his course ? He has defended back pay, supported Grant, voted with Radicals against Democrats ! Oh ! what a falling off ! How have we found our idol, clay !” First, • then, as to the matter of the above extracts, against which I enter my unqualified protest. Whpn and where, iu what word, or by what deed have I ever “upheld,” “defended,” or “supported” any act of “usurpation” by General Grant or anybody else, either in low or high official position ? I join issue with you directly aud squarely upon tho facts on which your accusa tions are based. You say farther in your editorial that you expected me, in my place in the House, to make known the reasons which “impelled” me “ to justify the Kellogg usurpation.” When and where, I ask, did I ever by word or deed justify auy usurpation of Kellogg? I aver that no “reasons” nor powers have ever yet “impelled” or induced me to justify or sanction any usurpation whatever, and never will so long as I re tain the faculties of my mind. This statement, that I have by some act or word justified the K'‘llogg“usurpation,” you will please allow me most respect fully to say, is as groundless in point of fact as it is injurious in force of terms. My life has been devoted to the main tenance of right against wrong—the rights of individuals as well as the rights of States against all abuses of power which tend to oppression and tyranny; and you are most respectfully asked to specify, if you can, a single word or act in that life* private or pub lic, at variance with this averment. You have the record of forty years before you. If I have ever said or done anything in relation to any act of General Grant which is not maintainable upon the im mutable principles of right, truth and justice, you will do me a favor by nam ing it. Again, you say in effect (and must have meant to be understood by so saying in terms, if you meant any thing) that my vote, “ in the last hours of Congress,” to take up the report of the Committee on Louisiana Affairs, enabled the Radical majority of the House to endorse the Kellogg usurpa tion. Allow me to say to you, as be fore, that this statement, if you intend ed it, as I suppose you did, is utterly erroneous. My vote did not enable the Radical majority of the House to do any such thing ; nor did that majority do any such thing. There was no endorse ment of the legality of Kellogg’s elec tion, nor of a single act of his adminis tration. But my vote did enable a ma jority of the House to put their explicit condemnation upon the huge iniquity of the Radical Returning Board in Lou isiana, by which the Democracy of that State had been defrauded of the majori ty in the House of Representatives of the Legislature, to which they were rightfully entitled. By my vote, which turned the scale, and decided the ques tion of taking up that report, this con demnation was secured—a condemna tion the more signal from the fact that it was unanimous—every Radical, as well as every Democrat, in the House voting for it! This grand result, which never would have been attained without my vote, however you and others may look upon it, I regard as the greatest triumph in the vindication of popular rights and State rights achieved on the floor of Congress for the sixteen preceding years. It opened the way, too, for another like vindication on the Arkansas question, which soon followed. But in voting, as I did, to take up the report of the com mittee, I was found voting with Radi cals, and “against the parliamentary tactics of the Democrats,” whose object, you say, was to “prevent the endorse ment of the Kellogg usurpation !” That is, the “tactics” I did not yield to —it seems, were planned with a view to pre vent what no one ever proposed to do. Wise and sagacious leaders of the “De mocracy of the Union,” think you, were those who planned such “parliamentary tactics ?” Heaven forbid that I shall ever be found following such leaders, when public liberty is at stake; and Heaven forbid that the cause of the true Democracy of the United States shall ever be committed for guidance and control to the hands of the authors of such “tactics!” My great offense,, then, consists in giving a vote by which no change was effected as to the status of Kellogg, but by which the crimes of the Returning B'oard against the rights of the people and of the State of Louisiana were unanimously condemned by the House of Representatives in Congress; and by which, through the peaceful instrumen talities of the Constitution, that State has been relieved from the terrible scourge of military interference, and the whole country relieved, temporarily at least, from the anguish of one of those virulent cankers upon the body politic growing out of the reconstruction usur pations of Congress, against which I j have ever warred and ever shall war. This, forsooth, is my blunder, my crime, my worse than archangel fall ! It is for this “Philokris” exclaims: “How have we found onr idol, clay !” In this con sists my desertion from the principles taught iu the “Constitutional view of the war between the States ?” Excuse me, Mr. Editor, for saying that all who thus really think, if any such there be, have my sincerest pity and profoundest commiseration. Be assured, however, that a majority of my constituents, and a majority, I trust, of the Democracy of the Union, are not in that class. Your assertion iu this particular is, I ween, as gratuitous as in others. You and “Philokris” would do well also to re member that it was not Moses who fell, but those who “departed” from the true faith, and erected iu its stead a molten calf as their “idol,” before which they bowed down and worshipped. Hence, their troubles and sufferings. So much as to the matter set forth in my double arraignment before your readers. Secondly, then, with your indulgence, I have a few words to add as to the tone of that arraignment. On this point you must allow me most respectfully to say that as it seems to me both articles evince an object or purpose not unlike that of the wolf in the fable, that was bent upon a quarrel with his intended victim—/as aut ntfas. When the charge of muddying the waters in the stream above him by the one below was too flimsy a pretext to justify his ulte? rior designs, another one more specious, Wanf^rasaricif^o^ in this case, if it really be as it appears to me, will be similar to that in the fable, time must disclose. But if this case is not as it seems to me (which you know best); if the real object and pur pose of these imputations against my fidelity to true Democratic principles be not barely a prelude to a contemplated open war upon me and my known posi tion iu the coming great struggle be tween constitutionalism and centralism in the United States, why, let me ask you, am I not only thus assailed iu your paper npon charges so gipundk-ss, but also made tho special object of assault for my course upon the repeal of the act of March, 1873, increasing the pay of members of Congress ? Was my position on that question different in any respect from that of both of our distinguished Senators, Gordon and Norwood ? If I voted against the repeal of that act, did not they both do the same ? Is it not well known that General Gordon was in Washington 3d March, 1873, and ur-ed his friends to vote for the increase, though lie had not yet taken his seat ? Nay, more, did not Senator Norwood not only vote for the increase in March, 1873, but also receive and retain the “backpay?” If I defended those who, like Senator Norwood, voted for and re ceived the “backpay” against the charge of being “public robbers,” or being guilty of anything illegal or immoral for so doing, showing, as I did, that the ablest, truest and purest men of the country from the beginning of the Gov ernment had received the “back pay” on the increase of salary, does that justly subject me to be singled out and de nounced for my course on this subject ? Does this thus singling me out for reprehension iu this matter look much like being “constrained” in the expres sion of your dissent from my course “more in sorrow than in any spirit of fault finding?” To me it looks very much as if your purpose was the same as that of the wolf. I speak in perfect candor and frankness. What view others may take of it I know not. I speak only of myself on this point. In regard to your “sorrow,” and that of your correspondent, allow me to as sure you and him that I feel duly thank ful for your uuited sympathies, but think you and he better reserve them for more appropriate bestowal. In the near future if you, he, and a majority of the Democracy o< the Union, shall still adhere to the worship of your “idol” ' erected in Baltimore in i.872, your present sorrows may be greatly in creased, but even then, if in life, I shall say, as now, to you, and all who de nounce me for what I have done in Con gress, and shed tears of “sorrow” over it: “Weep not for me, but weep for yourselves” and for your counti-y— --brought to ruiu by the friends of the Constitution being guilefully induced to follow those whose “tactics” lead in evitably to defeat, disaster and destruc tion. Very respectfully, Alexander H. Stephens. THE SHAME OP THE AGE. Tlie Richmond Enquirer on the Beeeh er-TiJtou Trial. The Tilton-Beecher trial Still drags its slow length along, and daily are the American public served with their feast of scandal. To our mind this is the “great crime of the age.” What would our fathers or their fathers, or their father’s fathers, have thought of such a thing? What would the people of an cient times, the good citizens of Baby lon or Nineveh, of Palmyra or Jerusa lem, of Thebes or of Athens, of Rome or of any other enlightened place in the, antique world have thought of it had their morning papers—their Tribunes, Times, Sum, Stars and Worlds —come to them daily at breakfast with whole pages of silliness ? We imagine we see the good people of ancient Rome picking up a Tribune and taking hold of the supplement, with the intermin able questions and answers at the trial of some noted augur or priest accused of taking unwarranted lib erties with a vestal virgin, and then we see them drop it like a hot potato, while the editor is summoned before the Senate and doomed to perpetual exile, in the interest of public morality. And that is exactly what ought to be done with them here. It is a burning shame that so insignificent a thing as this should stop the wheels of civiliza tion agd roll us backward. Why, what are Beecher and Tilton and Mrs. Tilton, and all of Brooklyn to the world, that it should stop on its axis and stand still for months, to decide a simple question that is entirely confined to three persons who are alone involved in it ? Must the whole fabric of our society be turned topsy-turvy to reach the bottom of this matter, only to hud out at last that there is “nothing in it?” Must all our great and all our little, papeis be turned into sewers to Hood the dwellings of the land with the sickening odors and deadly at mosphere of the gutters, to taint and poison the very fountains of social health and life, merely to pander to the deprased tastes and morbid appetites of a few gossips and scandal-mongers ? For heaven’s sake let the publication of this vile stuff be stopped Devote the space given it to healthful matter that will instruct our youth and improve the moral tone of society. The walls of the Court room should hide the monster from public gaze and disgust, and there it should be allowed to foam and fer ment, to seeth and boil, and finally to die and rot in its own corruption. Put down the brakes. Stop it. We have had enough and more than enough. It is degrading to the manhood of the na tion and a blot upon the intelligence of the age that tolerates and encourages such exhibitions—and, therefore, let the curtain be dropped. Growth of the United States.— A member of Parliament, addressing a public meeting in Englaud night before last, pronounced the United States the most prosperous country in the world.. [lt really does not seem to be so, just now.] He also said that in fifty years this Government would represent one hundred and fifty millions of people, and the rapid progress of the country in population and power were forcible rea sons why Great Britain should cultivate the friendship and alliance of this Government and people. This estimate of our rate of progress in population is certainly startling, and seems exaggerated. But still it is possi bly correct. Taking the last three gen erations —a period of ninety years in our history—and the census shows these figures as to popular increase: 1870. 1840. 1810. 38,555,983 17,069,453 7,239,483 Suppose that for the next fifty years the population of the United States should double twice. This would be a good deal smaller rate of increase than j shown above, and yet it would make our ! population in fifty years (1920), 254, 223,- I 932. But it should be remembered that | the ratio of increase considerably dimin- I ishes as population increases. Cyphering noon any theory or basis, ! however, will show a stupendous result. I With peace, union and liberty, the i growth of population in a very few years i will work out such a mighty sum total as to be equally surpsising and suggestive. We have come to that period in our na tional history when increase and accu mulation startle us with the grandeur of their proportions, and address them selves in very forcible terms to the re flecting mind. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF HON. John h. James. - [From the Sunny South.] John H. James was bom in Henry county, Georgia, on the fourteenth day of July, 1830. His father, David James, a native of North Caroliua, emigrated to this State about fifty years ago, and married the beautiful and accomplished Miss Sarah Sanders, of Franklin county. This estimable lady has passed from earth, but her husband survives at a green old age, full of mental and physi cal vigor—a sturdy, respected aud in dependent farmer, at the old homestead in Henry county. The childhood of John H. James was unmarked bv any features of particular interest to the public. Asa member of a respectable and industrious family, devoted to rural pursuits, he bore his part in the labors of the farm with un complaining aud cheerful spirit. Duti ful to his parents, careful of their hap piness, affectionate and just to his brother aud sisters, he illustrated, in early years, the embryo of the splendid Christian character which makes him appreciated aud honored by the good and noble of the State. He was never known to murmur at tho circumstances of his early life, nor in Summer’s heat or Winter’s cold to desert his post of duty. Through many a melting day lie has followed the plow or handled the hoe, as a barefooted boy, and in many a wintry blast labored cheerfully for the bread of the family. §S tages of the neighborhood schools, in which he obtained, by close application, a limited knowledge of the rudiments of an English education. For about three months he attended a boarding school at the village of Jonesboro, after which he entered the great University of Nature, in which he has gathered a fund of prac tical knowledge that constitutes him one of the best informed men of this coun try. The facility with which he meas ures character, circumstances and things, is wonderful—enabling him, with uner ring precision, to reach conclusions. At the age of twenty he bade adieu to the old home, endeared to him by many fond memories, and located at Atlanta. There was ft vital prompting energy within him that required more active and exciting scenes and employ ment than were furnished by life in the country. However dear were the pur suits and associations of his childhood aud youth, he yielded to the stern bid ding of his nature and sought the city, not for idle enjoyment, but for the per formance of manly duty.’ A situation was promptly secured at ten dollars per month. Boon it was advanced to twelve dollars and fifty cents; aud as his capaci ty and fidelity were discovered, and his experience increased, his salary was en larged, reaching, in due season, one hun dred dollars per month. At that period this was regarded as first class compen sation, and none but first class clerks could command so much, For five years he continued in the relationship of an employee, and enjoyed the fullest confi dence of his employers. In 1855, having saved from his earn ings two thousand three hundred dol lars, which he deemed sufficient to jus tify business on his own account, be de cided te engage in that of an auctioneer. Rightly judging that change from point, to point was necessary to the life and profit of that pursuit, he determined to conduct it as an itinerant. For years he was punctual in attendance at those places in the Southern States best suit ed to the success of his plans. In five years he had accumulated property val ued at twenty thousand dollars, and demonstrated to himself the wisdom of reliance upon his own mental sugges tions, which have proven unerring guides to fortune. In 1860, feeling that liis possessions were ample, and influenced by a true and ardent affection, ho sought aud gained the heart and hand of Miss Su san C. Leonard, daughter of A. K. Leonard, Esq., of Talbot county, to whom he was married during that year. Blessed with a wife of proverbial gen tleness aud beauty of character, he felt that an era had dawned upon him re plete with the promises of happiness, and that his changed condition required a change of pursuit. Accordingly, with fortune enlarged, he located permanent ly in Atlanta, engaging iu the business of banking. Success rewarded his ef forts until the war of the States was in stituted. This circumstance, which dis turbed the financial condition of so many citizens, fell with heavy force up on the fortune of Mr. James, leaving him only a small portion of his acquisi tions with which, after the smoke of the conflict had passed, to resume his select ed pursuit. About four thousand dol lars in cash, and real estate of perhaps twice this amonnt iu value, constituted all that was left him by the tedious and terrible strife. Undaunted and with a cheerful spirit, he reopened his bank, and has since steadily prosecuted busi ness with unvarying success. Grasping results through a power of perception well-nigh prophetic, his conclusions have proved unerring. He has ac quired fortune after fortune, until he now ranks as one of the wealthiest men in the State—owning as much (or more) real estate in Atlanta as any other citi zen, aud wielding a banking capital equal to every necessity of his business position. Mr. Jan es enjoys the confidence of* all who know him. His capacity aud integrity challenge the criticism of the world. No one can truly charge him with a single act either of illiberality or dishonor, and none will doubt the power of his intellect who judge it through the medium of his achievements—tho only reliable test. During the panic of 1873, whdh many of the wealthiest bankers were com pelled to suspend—some going into bankruptcy—a heavy pressure was brought to bear upon the establishment of Mr. James, by the unexpected de mands of depositors. At this juncture he closed his bank until he could mar shal assets, when a number of the wealthy men of Atlanta, voluntarily and through the press, proposed to assume, in his behalf, liabilities varying from five to fifty thousand dollars each. Such a mapifestation of faith is seldom met with in the history of bankers or bank ing institutions; and this was an ex pression of confidence unmistakably sincere, since it was based upon the ad vance of large'sums of actual capital for immediate use. These shrewd men had measured not only the integrity, but the ability of Mr. James, and this act was the highest commendation that could have been given. The financial storm passed, leaving many a noble wreck as the consequence of its fury, but the establishment of Mr. James survived its threatenings and came out even strengthened in the face of the dangers which seemed to impend. Unwilling in such a period to force col lections from his many debtors—feeling that such a course would result in great inconvenience and perhaps serious in jury to them—he placed promptly upon the market a large amount of valuable city property, which he brought to ac tual sale by public outcry. Thus he was not only enabled to extend extraor dinary favors to his patrons, but to make such additions to his banking capital as would prepare him, in all events, for the call of panic-stricken de positors. Mr. James has wrought out for him self, in ad incredibly short time, the reputation of an accomplished and far seeing financier. He entered the arena of commerce when but a plow-boy, and has handled the great financial problems of his day with the facility and success of a master. Even when fresh from the farm and the field his conclusions and his actions were marked by accuracy, and the history of his acquisitions show few errors of judgment in the many de tails constituting his business decisions. Men bora in the lap of wealth, educated to the highest degree in literary and commercial schools, having long expe rience in banking under the most ad vantageous circumstances, esteem it a privilege to advise with John H. James. His fortune has been made, not by niggardly savings, but heroic invest ments. Relying upon his own compre hension and judgment, he has amassed largely by venturing where others feared to go. As an illustration, he realized over twenty thousand dollars from the i purchase of a lot of bonds of a suspend ed bank. These securities were freely advertised in the papers of the State, and by distributing handbills. Their character and the time of sale were brought to the notice of bankers gener ally, but they failed to comprehend the situation, and suffered Mr. James to purchase them for a little over three hundred dollars. Dealing in stocks and bonds is an important feature in his banking business, and though regarded hazardous, has brought him only an uu broken succession of financial triumphs. He scans the question, decides, acts and succeeds. No one has displayed so much enter prise, good judgment or refined taste in the improvement of Atlanta. The mojit valuable, beautiful and imposing struc tures aro due to his designs. His bank block, extending on Whitehall from Ala bama street towards the railroad cross ing, the Executive Mansion and his pri vate residence on Peachtree street are ornaments to the city and monuments to his liberal enterprise and refined taste. The latter is a costly and magnificent model of architecture. Though, as stated, his sales of city property iu 1873 were considerable, he still retains a large amount of great value, bringing him good annual profits by way of rent. — Every room in bis spacious bank block, embracing basements aud attics, is oc cupied. Here is situated liis banking business, the machinery of which moves with a quiet preeisiou and absence of all ostentation, which seem to be copied from the equanimity and deportment of the proprietor. With him its front por tico is a favorite point. There he may be seen almost every morning, greeting the passers-by with his genial fact), or engaged in pleasant conversation with those who pause in the sunshine of his presence. No one would imagine that Mr. James has au unpleasant, care upon his heart, or a disturbing thought in his brain. His eye beams with a lustre that burns steadily, and his countenance is serene as a cloudless morn of the Spring. Free from all affectation, ready at every moment to communicate with others, showing no selfish reticeuce for the sake 'pf far-see his presenoe is an attraction which causes many of the passing throng to halt before him. To say that Mr. James is a noble character is only the language of true description. At home, in society or in the counting-house lie illustrates this truth. His family consists of his wife, a little girl about ten and a son about nine years of age. No happier home adorns the State. Affection presides over it and with generous care provides for every want. Towards his employees he maintains a respectful, polite and kind deportment, never assuming that chilling austerity so common with those who wield capital in the control of labor. To society lie always adds a charm by his genial good nature. He is a man of great liberality, fur nishing a striking exception to the maxim that human nature becomes mi serly in the ratio of its accumulations. The evidences of his generosity are seen on every hand. At his individual ex pense two commodious and handsome church edifices have been built in At lanta, and to the completion of another he contributed the sum of three thou sand five hundred dollars. Both of the churches which he had erected are regu larly supplied with pastors and services each Sabbath. .Though ho has been a devotedly pious member of the Baptist denomination since his eighteenth year, and though now attached to the Second Baptist Church of Atlanta, he is pos sessed of nothing like bigotry; but gives to all churches and all races, whether Jew or Gentile, Catholic or Protestant, homo or foreign bor, white or black. Thousands of minor charities have re lieved the necessities of the poor, aud if the worth of men should be measured hv their gifts to tho needy, that of Mr. James would appear pre-eminent. His donations to churches since the war sum up more than fifteen thousand dollars, an amount considerably iu excess of the entire capital with which ho resumed business. The fact that he gives iu the prime of life, while in the vigor of health, distin guishes him from most of those who have bestowed charities and benefits. It is the general custom to cling closely to the sordid dust until robbed by death of the power of enjoyment, and then to bequeath a portion to charity and the church. Though temperate iu all his habits, he has never joined a temperance society. His advice, however, to all now is to guard themselves with jealous care against the insidious indulgence in strong drink. He is a member of the Masonic fra ternity and lives in obedience to its in junctions of purity and charity. To give some idea of his appreciation by the denomination to which he is attach ed, it may be said that he is prominent in almost all its important enterprises, being a trustee of Mercer University; trustee and treasurer of the Georgia Baptist Orphans’ Home; being, also, with the help of his good wife, superin tendent of that institution. He has given to the “Home” more than any other man, and his wife more than any other lady. He has for a number of years been President of the Atlanta Bible Society; also, of Fulton County Sabbath School Society, both of which are composed of members of the various orthodox denominations. In this we have proof that he is esteemed by Chris tians of other churches who have meas-- ured his virtues and honored him. In 1871, Mr. James was called unani mously to the Mayoralty of Atlanta, having first been nominated by a popu lar vote of the Democratic citizens over three gentlemen of highest standiug socially and politically. This indicates his strength with the Democracy of the city and his great personal popularity. This is the only office he ever held. It was not sought, but accepted because tendered by his constituents in n man ner so complimentary. A high apprecia tion of his administrative ability and his integrity prompted their choice. As proof that his administration was ac cepted and approved, lie was strongly urged to allow his re-election. This he declined. His public service was char acterized by a desire to advance the common interests of the city and by the strictest honesty. In 1872, his name was suggested in connection with the Gubernatorial elec tion office. Many citizens of foresight and influence desired to see him in posi tion for the exercise of his great finan cial mind in redeeming the State from her financial embarrassments and per plexity. They saw in him the hope of Georgia, and, therefore, entreated him to allow his name placed before the nomi nating convention of that year. This he declined to do, and apprehending that his position might not be fully under stood, and that this might interfere with the desired unanimity of that body, he published a letter in which he declared that he would, under no circumstances, be a candidate at that time. The suggestion of his name for Gov ernor brought out a number of jealous and unjust comments, designed to pre judice his standing with the people. It was alleged that he had realized a large fortune from the Treasury of Georgia by the sale of his magnificent residence for an Executive Mansion. The facts and figures show that his profits were exaggerations. The origininal cost of the land, building and furniture con veyed to the State amounted to seventy three thousand dollars. For these he received one hundred thousand dollars in depreciated bonds, which, by extra ordinary shrewdness, he managed to dispose of to Henry Clews & Cos. for eighty-five thousand dollars. This left him only th e apparent profit of twelve thousand dollars. The laud cost Mr. James ten thousand dollars. Upon this for three or four years, while unpro ductive, he paid State, county and city taxes. Add to this the interest on its cost—ten thousand dollars; then to this add the interest for one year on the cost of the building, it having been about that length of time in process of erec tion, and consequently unproductive. When theseamountsaresummed up and sunstracted from the apparent profit— twelve thousand dollars—it will be re duced to an inconsiderable amount, if not altogether absorbed. These facts and figures are capable of easy proof, and certainly vindicate Mr. James effectually against this charge. As soon as it was sold he built another fully as handsome, which cost about the same, which clearly shows that he built the first one for his own use. The more serious allegation that he absconded from the Confederacy during the strug gle for independence was put in circula tion. This was regarded by the oppo nents of his political advancement as a fatal shot —one that would cause him to hide his face in shame from his coun trymen ; one that would class him among the enemies of Georgia, convinc ing all that he was untrue, and there fore unsafe to her interests. Mr. James was apprised of the zeal with which this slander was circulated, and also that thou sands of honest people believed tho re port. He gave no direct denial, calmly awaiting the period of his choice to em ploy the proof at his command for his vindication. The facts are these: For a short period he was in the military service, but upon the tender of his personal aid as bearer of dispatches to foreign powers, he was granted a release from the army and furnished a passport beyond our lines. Embarking at Wilmington, North Citro- NUMBER 15 lina, on a blockade-runner, he reached Nassau in safety, and remained there most of the time until the close of the war. He visited and spent a short time in Canada, and while there devoted him self, at great personal cost, to the object of relieving Southern soldiers who lan guished in Northern prisons. Many re ceived the benefits of his liberality and knew not to whom they were indebted. To make his plans effective, it was essenteal that profound secresy should be main tained. When he advertised in the New York Herald, it was over an assumed name. Perhaps those who were his beneficiaries have innocently believed or circulated this unjust charge. If so, they should, when iuformed of the ac tual facts, be equally active and zealous is doing justice to a persecuted patriot. Tho passport of Mr. James was grant ed by Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State of the Confederate States, and was doubtless allowed on the hypothesis that the applicant could and would ren der more efficient service beyond our lines than as a private in the rnnks. It is absurd to say that Mr. Benjamin, in 1863, when able-bodied soldiers were in so much demand, would have allowed his departure on any other account. Leßt some may dispute the correct ness of this statement and persist in urging the false and prejudicial charge, we are permitted to publish the follow ing copy of the passport,, and to refer to Mr. James for the examination of the original: Confederate States os America. I. the undersigned sivretnrv of the Confederate States of America, hereby request all whom it may concern to permit safely to pass J. H. James, accompanied by his wife, a citizen of the Confederate States of America, and in ease of need to give him all lawful aid and protection. Given under my hand and the impression of the seal of the [Seal.] Department of State, at the City of Richmond, this tho twelfth of October, 1868. [Signed] J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State. This act of Mr. Benjamin was ap proved by Hon. James A. Seddou, Sec retary of War, as will appear by refer ence to an original letter from that ofli-' cer now in possession of Mr. James. This passport was not granted in blind ness, and if tbe person to whom it was issued is subject to public censure those who granted it must also be condemned. The Confederacy not only required sol diers to fight her battles, but agents to assist outside of her limits, and many were employed iu the latter capacity. We know some of these, and they rank to-day as high iu the affections of their countrymen'as the heroes who breasted the storm of actual battle. Why then seek to make Mr. James a sacrifice on this account ? During the war he was the owner of one-half interest in the paper which bore the significant title of The South ern Confederacy. During his proprie torship of that journal ho had employed as editors, at different intervals, Mr. William Smith, Mr. Roberts, of Nash ville, known as “John Happy,” Mr. Car doza, of Charleston, and last, but not by any means least, Mr. Watterson, now of the Louisville Courier-Journal. The writings of Mr. James correspond in style to that of his conversation and public speeches. They are cuncise, tm embellished, to the point, clear and for cible. A recent article, originally pub lished iu the daily Constitution, on the subject of the usury and homestead laws, is regarded as the ablest financial review that has emanated from any of the leading men of Georgia. It lias been reproduced in many papers both North and South, and its .arguments and theo ries have attracted tho favorable notice of the greatest financiers and statesmen of the republic. The views of Mr. James on a number of important State questions show that, lie is endowed with tho elements of statesmanship, which may bo brought into requisition for the good of his country. A large number of influential Geor gians have urged him to become a can didate for Governor at the next elec tion. They believe that lie, more than any other person, is adaiited to that po sition at a period when onr financial con dition demands extraordinary wisdom and ability for ,its successful manage ment. If an army must lie led to strife and victory, we would select our greatest military chief; and if the financial ques tions of the State need to he solved to advantage, common sense demands that our greatest financier should he called to the helm. No man who rightly judges can doubt that Mr. James towers far above all other men in Georgia in this particular. His friends and admirers believe his administration would so ad just and regulate the finances of the State as to liberate the people, in a great degree, from the burden of taxes under which they have toiled since the war; and this opinion lies at the base of their anxiety for his election. The Tornado Sufferers. —The fol lowing additional subscriptions for the tornado sufferers were received by Mr. Geo. It. Sibley, Chairman of the Relief Committee, yesterday : From Mr. T. H. A. Myers, of Stewart county, $10; Rev. W. j. White, Chair man of the Central Committee of colored citizens, $lB. Several packages of clothing were sent to Thomson and Warrenton. The total amount contributed in Au gusta for the sufferers, in cash, is $7,474 70. Tbe value of clothing, pro visions, &c,, contributed, will swell this amount up to fully nine thousand dol lars, a sum to which our city may well point with pride. Citizens in all tho sections relieved are loud in their praised of Augusta’s generosity. The Tornado.— The following addi tional contributions for the tornado suf ferers were received by Mr. George R. Sibley*, Chairman of the Relief Commit tee, yesterday: Cash, $5; Asbury (Methodist) Church, through Rev. F. E. Kimball, $6. The committee sent S6O to Mrs. Fuss, of Mcßean, and $25 to A. W. Parker, of Burke. The following letter was received by the committee yesterday: Thomson, Ga., April sth, 1875. Me,ssrs. Geo. It. Sibley, IF. F. Herring and IF. 11. Howard, Committee on Itelief, Augusta, Ga.: Gentlemen— l am pleased to acknow ledge the reception of two boxes of clothing from our colored friends of Au gusta. Please assure them of our thanks for their kind remembrance of us, and say that the goods will be placed where they will do the most good. Yery truly yours, John E. Benton. Not since the inexorable besom of tho panic of 1873 swept the fast men of finance out of Wall street by hundreds has that noted field of stock operations been so much the scene of its wonted liveliness as it was on Saturday. Tlie old masters and fresh aspirants in the science of “bulling” and “bearing,” “puts” and “corners,” were out in force and engaged in ventures of profit and loss with the keen relish of men who sit down to a feast after being for a long time deprived of their natural pabulum. Many of tbe old familiar names appeared, among them that mysterious power, the keen and inscrutable Jay Gould, whose shrewd manipulations and close counsel are said to have secured him profitable results as usual. This revival of the old-time Wall street activity is not in trinsically desired, but it is verv wel come for wbat it signifies. The effects of this fever of renewed speculation is baleful to most of those infected by it, but it will always be more or less preva lent in a time of business activity. Ap pearing at this time with the first warm day of Spring, it forecasts tho less fitful expansion of legitimate trade in all its ramifications. Wall street is a kind of businessindicator; not accurate, perhaps in it# measurements at all times, but its quickening heat is always more or less in sympathy with the increasing vigor of our whole commercial system. Sixteen persons were confirmed by Bishop Beckwith, at Christ Church, Sa vannah, last Monday evening. Columbus is getting up a spelling match for the benefit of the Ladies’ Memorial Association, of that city. The Atlanta City Council refused to appropriate fifty dollars to the Ladies’ Memorial Association to assist said As sociation iu defraying the expenses of the memorial ceremonies on the 26th. The Conneil, however, authorized the Association to employ a person to work in the lot set apart for the Confederate dead from the 16th of April until after Memorial Day, at an expense to the city not exceeding one dollar and a half per day.
