Newspaper Page Text
gUronule anb jgentmrl.
WEDNE3DAY JULY 7, 1875.
BORDER OUTRAGES.
The St. Louis lie publican thinks that
the Rio Grande troubles, while not yet
bringing on a war between the United
States and Mexico, have induoed a rup
ture of amicable relations, followed by
correspondence between the President
and the Governor of Texas. The Presi
dent’s part in the controversy, conduct
ed by the Secretary of War, is very
brief; the Governor’s is impassioned
and prolix. The subject matter was a
fight near Ringgold barracks, in which
two United States soldiers (colored; and
one Mexican citizen of Texas were
killed. General Sheridan, in reporting
the affair to the Government, states that
the soldiers were killed by Mexican
raiders, citizens of Texas; that a ser
geant anil two other soldiers have been
arrested by the State authorities on a
charge of killing the Mexico-Texan, also
killed in the melee; that "the country
bordering on the' Rio Grande below
Ringgold is now virtually in the hands
of the invaders from Mexico, aided by
the Mexican population on this side;”
that "the execution of the civil law is
virtually in the hands of colleagues of
tho murderers of the border;” and he
asks the United States Government to
give “such orders as will prevent future
imprisonment and trials by Mexican
juries of soldiers and officers for obey
ing orders.” The Secretary of War, on
receiving Sheri dan’s report, sent it to
Governor Coke, of Texas, with this en
dorsement: "The President desires me
to call yonr attention to this subject,
and to say that if soldiers of the United
States forces, placed in that State for
the protection of the citizens, are to be
treated in the manner indicated in this
dispatch, when they have simply done
their duty, it may become necessary for
him to withdraw the United States
troops from that locality. ”
This is one side of the case; the other
is presented by Governor Coke in a
letter to the Secretary of War, in which
he positively denies every statement in
Sheridan's dispatch, and rebukes the
President for making the Lieutenant-
General's false statements tho ground
for threatening a withdrawal of the
troops from the exposed locality. He
shows, by the report of Judge Ware, in
whose Court the indictments against
tho sergeants and soldiers were found,
that "a difficulty originated at a -rancho
between the five colored soldiers, result
ing in tho death of one citizen and the
wounding of another, and the killing of
two soldiers;” that tho commanding
oflicor, Col. Hatch, instead of turning
the soldiers engaged in tho fight over to
tho civil authorities for trial, “pro
ceeded in an unlawful, violent aud
wholly unauthorized manner, to march
a portion of his command to the ranclie
whoro tho difficulty occurred, to tho ter
ror of women and children, and there
arrested a number of citizens, and
either ordered, or permitted, his men to
break open their houses and plunder
them, as if they had beeh in the enemy’s
country and his will the sole law.” He
says that “the Court presided over by
Judge Ware and the grand jury of
respectable citizens which produced
those indictments are a part of
the machinery of Government of
this State. Aro not the officers and sol
diers of tho United States army amena
ble, as other persons are, for violations
of State law ? Yet, because they are in
dicted by a proper Court, in pursuance
of a lawful jurisdiction, -the President
threatens to uncover the country to a
savage invasion by withdrawing the
troops.” The Governor informs the
President that he has no power over the
Circuit Courts of Texas ; he cannot in
terfere with their proceedings nor dic
tate to them. “You arc,” he says to
tho Secretary of War, “requested to in
form the President that the Courts of
Texas are governed in their administra
tion by the constitution and laws of the
State and the United States, and not by
tho orders or desires of nny executive
officer, State or National, and that his
determination to withdraw, or not to
withdraw, the troops from that country
will in no way influence or affect their
action.” This language, one would
think, is quite ns sharp aud personal as
the caso would warrant; but tho Texas
Governor allows his resentment to carry
him still further, when ho reproaches
the troops on the Rio Grande with “ut
ter worthlessness aud inefficiency ; ” de
clares that the Mexican raiders “not
unfrequontly opernto within sight, and
almost within gun-shot, of the military
statious,” aud tartly iutimntes that tho
President’s threat to withdraw the
troops from the Rio Grande is a threat
to disregard his constitutional duty to
“protect each State from invasion.”
PROFITS OP COTTON MIULS.
Homo surprise is expressed by those
not immediately connected with our
cotton manufactories and not in a posi
tion to know something of their opera
tions duriug the past twelve months at
the dividend notices which appeared in
the city papers yesterday morning. In
fact, at first blush, they were a little
startling. The Augusta Factory, which
has been paying regularly since the war
dividends of twenty per cent., and
whose stock has sold for moro than two
hundred dollars per share, has been
compelled to reduce its dividends first,
we believe, to sixteen per cent., then to
twelve per cent., and on Wednesday the
Board could only authorize a dividend
of eight per cout. Its gross earnings
for the past six months are stated in tho
report at $56,000, while its expense ac
count, taxes, interest, repairs and divi
dends amount to $67,000. It is true tho
company has a surplus of $234,000 in
vested in a now mill, which really repre
sents tho profits made by tho corpora
tion since it has been doing business in
addition to the enormous dividends
directly divided among the stockholders,
and it is equally as true that, with a
capital stock of $600,000, the company
has a property which is valued at $838,-
000. Those figures show that the cor
poration is in a prosperous condition,
but they also show that it has not found
much profit in manufacturing during the
past twelve months. Graniteville Fac
tory, which has been paying, we believe,
quarterly dividends of four per cent.,
has reduced them to two per cent This
factory is also in a flourishing condition
as its recent reports have" shown, bnt it
cannot pay dividends which it does not
earn. The Langley Factory, the young
est of three, but one which has been
most skillfully and successfully man
aged since it commenced operations,
takes the bull by the horns and laconi
cally announces that “No dividend
has been declared by the Langley Man
ufacturing Company for the past quar
ter as cotton manufacturing has been
unprofitable.” We commenced this
article by stating that some surprise is
expressed at these things by those who
not being connected with manufactur
ing in any way failed to anticipate such
a condition of affairs. We think a little
reflection will convince these that there
is no reason for astonishment. It is a
well established truth that in times of
great commercial depression every in
terest suffers alike. Who has made
money during the past year? The
planters certainly have not, nor the
cotton factors, nor the grocery mer
chants, nor the dry goods men, nor the
iron furnaces, nor the railways. How
then can it be expected that cotton
manufactories should thrive when every
other business has suffered ? It is im
possible that they should do so ; they
must share the general fortune of the
country. It is a well known fact that
the Northern and Eastern mills have all
lost money. Many of them are running
on half time and some of them have
closed up altogether. Why should the
Southern manufactories alone of all the
mills in the country continue to make
large profit* ? Such a state of affairs is
not to be expected. When trade re
vives, when tbe effects of the panic have
entirely passed away, when our finances
shall pass out of the transition state,
when the people shall have adjusted
themselves to their changed conditions
—in short, when the planter and the
merchant shall thrive-then will the
cotton mills prosper also, and not be
fore.
PERSONAL JOURNALISM.
We regret to learn that our brethren
of the Atlanta Herald and Constitution
have found it necessary to resort to
the code in order to adjust their diffi
culties. So far no blood has been shed,
and it seems probable that the matter
will be adjusted without the intervention
of murder. The principals were arrest
ed at West Point, and doubtless by this
time their friends have succeeded in
stopping what we cannot help consider
ing a very foolish performance. We do
not know nor do we pretend to say who
is the aggressor in this particular quar
rel, but we do know that for years past
bad blood has existed between the pro
prietors of the Atlanta papers, and that
Atlanta has a reputation all over the
|3onth as the place where newspaper
owners are more anxious to destroy ri
vals than to establish themselves.
Dickens’ fable of journalism in Eatans
will has been made a reality in Atlanta,
and the ideal Independent and Gazette
have found an actual existence in the
Constitution and the Herald. The dis
cussions of these papers have been
numerous, acrimonious and personal.
They have not been able to differ with
out qnarreling, or to argue without be
ing abusive. Their quarrels have fre
quently been about business affairs
which should never have been permitted
to appear in print, and always* con
cerning matters in x&ica xtlieir
readers had no interest whatever.
What would be thought of the rival
grocers or dry goods merchants or
lawyers or brokers who should in
form the public every morning through
the medium of a daily newspaper of
their business differences? Wo hold
that the proprietor of a newspaper has
no right to fill up liis columns with per
sonal attacks upon his neighbor. The
people do not expect, do not pay for,
and do not wish such reading. It is
not right to force it upon them. This
is a rock which most of the Southern
papers avoid; unfortunately it is the
rock upon which our Atlanta brethren
frequently split. The result is bad feel
ing which should not exist, bitter dis
cussions which should never have been
commenced and personalities which
lead to such difficulties as that between
Cols. Alston and Clarke. It is natural
perhaps that newspapers published in
tho some city should oppose each other;
that their views should often be con
flicting (and it is well, perhaps, that
this is the case, as the public is thus
presented with both sides of an import
ant quostion); but their rivalry should
be the friendly competition of mer
chants and not the fierce and jealous
warfare of personal enemies. Their
competition should consist in endeavors
to give their readers the latest and best
news— to furnish the most complete and
reliable paper. This is the only true
competition. Personalities will benefit
neither papers nor readers. There is no
reason why the Atlanta newspapers
should hate each other so intensely or so
often make public manifestation of their
hntred. They aro both good papers;
both owned and edited by gentlemen;
both apparently in a flourishing condi
tion; and both able to do better by
abandoning ruinous rivalry and unseem
ly personalities. We are quite sure that
Col. Alston would regret killing Col.
Clarke, or that Col. Clarke would re
gret killing Col. Alston; and in either
event the verdict of the public would be
that a valuable life had been sacrificed
to an exceedingly small matter.
We hope our Atlanta contemporaries
will take what we have written about
them in good part. We write in the kind
est of feeling towards both of them.
Wo do not pretend to lecture them or to
set up the Chronicle and Sentinel as
an exemplar in journalism. We confess
that there is room for improvement in
this paper, as there is in every other
journal in the country, but we think
that wo only state facts when we say
that nowhere else in the South is news
paper rivalry as intense or journalism as
personal as in the city of Atlanta.
THE COLUMBIA BING.
Mr. William B. Guliok publishes
another lettor ou the finances of Colum
bia, in which be very neatly skins Mr.
L. Cass Carpenter and the ring which
has so long robbed and ruled that city.
He shows that the present debt of Co
lumbia is, in round numbers, seven hun
dred thousand dollars- an increase oi
several hundred thousand dollars since
tho present municipal administration
unhappily came into power. He proves,
according to Mr. Carpenter’s own state
ment, that there have been over pay
ments of interest coupons alone to the
amount of twenty-six thousand dollars.
These could only have been made by the
payment of coupons twice over, and
this shows how the people’s money went
iu Columbia. Mr. Guliok also iuti
mates that the Mayor of the city gave
liimself a contract for water pipe and
furnished it at six cents per pound
when it could havo been bought for less
than four cents per pound. Iu conclu
sion, he states that the special tax for
interest next year caDnot be less than
ten mills ; the tax to support tho city
government, pay interest on floating
debt and meet deficiency in the water
contract, will require ten mills more, and
teu mills more will be required to pay
$42,000 in judgments already rendered
against tbe city in the Circuit Court.
The City Council may not levy the tax
to pay the judgments, but the Court
will bo compelled to do it, and the citi
zens will have it to pay. The work of
approving bills that cannot be paid until
the next tax is collected is already going
on in the City Council, and nothing will
remain to pay even a judgment for the
cost of a steam fire engine in use to pro
tect the city from fire. A three per cent,
tax will absorb one-third of the rental
value of all the property of the city, re
ducing its selling price and its taxable
valuation to the extent certainly of
twenty-five per cent-. The owners of
property find it dwindling away in their
hands, whiie the poor man, the laborer,
will be driven to other places to find em
ployment. These are some of the con
siderations which shonld stir the citi
zens to act at once, to take the necessary
measures to stop the increase of the debt
in all forms, and to see that the taxes
are applied to its redaction.
Gen. Boxntox, the Washington cor
respondent of the Cincinnati Gazette,
has made an elaborate examination of
Gen. Shkrman’s claim to be the inven
tor of the march to the sea. Sherman
states in his Memoirs that he first con
ceived the idea of the movement on
September 21, 1864, and came to a posi
tive conclusion about it on October 26,
1864. Grant, however, telegraphed to
Gen. Thomas on January 19, 1864, eight
months before Sherman's first date, in
forming Thomas that at the earliest pos
sible moment in the Spring an effort
should be made to secure for the army
of the Cumberland the line from Chat
tanooga to Mobile, Atlfnta and Mont
gomery being the important intermedi
ate points. Again, on September 10,
1864, Grant writes to Sherman, "I don’t
know but it will be the best move for
Gen. Canbt’s troops to act upon Savan
nah while you move on Augusta.” To
this suggeston, says Botxtox, Sherman
replied that it would risk his whole
army to move as proposed by Grant un
less the latter could capture the Savan
nah river up to Augusta or the Chatta
hoochie up to Columbus. Afterward,
however, Shebhax concluded that these
conditions were not necessary, and ho
got Grant’s permission to go without
them.
BHKBMAN’B MEMOIRS.
We have received from the publish
ers, Messrs. D. Appleton & Cos., New
York, through the local agent, Mr. S.
J. Cabt, No. 3 Old Post Offioe Range, a
copy of General Sherman’s Memoirs,
from which we have already published
many columns of extracts. The work is
magnificently gotten np, and is accom
panied by a handsome and very correct
map, showing the military operations
which the author describes.
The Health Officer of Charleston has a
cool way of patting it. He publishes a
table of mortuary statistics, which shows
that of twenty-three cities there is but
one—Nashville—with a higher death
rate than Charleston, and then modestly
states that Charleston is one of the
healthiest places in the country. The
following is the table :
Population. DuaUu per 1.000.
New York... .1,060,000 • 24.65
Philadelphia.. 775,000 24.81
Brooklyn 450,000 20.94
St. Louis 450,000 11.78
Chicago 400,000 17.68
Boston 375,000 20.38
Baltimore.. .. 350,000 12.65
Cincinnati.... 260,000 16.85
New Orleans.. 210,000 23.02
San Francisco. 230,000 19.46
Washington .. 150,000 24.18
Pittsburg 140,000 17.74
Milwaukie . .. 100,000 14.64
Providence.... 100,000 17.28
Richmond.... 65,000 19.20
New Haven... 60,000 19.20
Charleston.... 50,000 34.32
Toledo 60,000 9.12
Dayton 35,000 13.37
Nashville 25,868 37.18
Wheeling 27,000 10.22
Elmira 21,000 13.23
Knoxville..... 8,000 21.81
From the above it will be seen that
the healthiest city on the list is Toledo,
Ohio, where the deaths are only 9 in
1,000 ; Wheeling comes next with 10 in
1,000; and St. Louis next with 11 in
1,000. The sickliest place is Nashville,
where the deaths are 37 in 1,000 ; next
oomes Charleston with 34 in 1,000 ; aud
next Philadelphia and New York, with
24 in 1,000. None of the cities of Geor
gia appear upon the table.
TnE United States official implicated
in the hanging of Lloyd is said to be
United States District Attorney Henry
P. Farrow, and it is alleged that ho re
ceived two thonsand dollars of the re
ward offered by the Governor for tlm
conviction of the murderer of Judge
Fish. It is but just to Mr. Farrow,
however, to say that the statements con
tained in the Herald of Thursday put
the matter in an entirely new light. Mr.
Farrow says that the story was con
cocted by a brother Republican, the
somewhat notorious Chap Norris, for
tho purpose of injuring him in Wash
ington. He was the regularly retained
connsel of Murphy and Rasberry, a
firm of Atlanta detectives, but denies
having received two thousand dollars for
the prosecution of these cases. Ho fur
ther says tho charge is absurd that
Lloyd’s life was unjustly taken for the
purpose of obtaining the reward, be
cause the reward would have been fully
earned with tho conviction of Holson
bake. The Herald also publishes an
interview with Mrs. Rasberry, who was
alleged in the Commonwealth's article
to have said that her husband, on his
death bed, confessed having sworn away
Lloyd’s life. Mrs. Rasberry declares
that she made no such statement ; that
her husband made no such confession,
and Hat Norris bronght her a paper
purporting to contain Rasberry’s dying
declarations, which she declined to sign.
Her story is corroborated by her father.
It looks very much as if Mr. Farrow
was the victim of a conspiracy.
The Dawson Journal is not pleased
with the acquittal of Chas. Jackson,
who was recently put upon trial for the
murder of Colonel Jones. It declares
that the verdict of the jury is not the
verdict of Terrell county, and intimates
that it is useless to attempt to convict a
man who has money himself or whose
friends have any. One Terrell county
man is so indignant at the mere mockery
of justice in this case that he wishes to
sell out his property and leave the coun
ty where murderers commit their crimes
with impunity. It is of this last named
party that we wish to ask a few ques
tions. How could you better yourself
by leaving Terrell conuty? Do you
think tbe laws are executed more rigid
ly in other portions of the State ? If
you do you are vastly mistaken. Do
you know of any county in the State
where a white man who has money or
whose friends have any, who has social
station or local influence can be convict
ed of murder ? Do you know or have
you heard of such a man being executed
in Georgia during the past ten years ?
Has it not grown into an axiom that
any man of wealth, family or influence
may shoot down whom he pleases in the
publio streets at noonday, and yet es
cape the gallows ? We are astonished
nt the ignorance of our Terrell county
friend, and adviso him to stay where he
is. Indeed, ho is better off there than
be could bo any where else. In Terrell
the people at least grow indignant when
they think a monied murderer has been
acquitted; in other counties they simply
take it as a matter of course, aud would
be surprised by any other result.
Some days sinco we published a dis
patch from Cuthbert stating that the
scandal concerning Judge JonN T.
Clarke had been investigated before
Judge Kiddoo and that tbo case bad
been abandoned by tbe prosecution.
Other papers published the dispatch
but none of them seemed to know ex
actly what it meant or what the scandal
was. The last issue of the Cuthbert
Messenger throws some light upon the
subject. That paper says that Judge
Clarke was charged with the seduction
of Emma Weaver, a white girl about fif
teen years old who had been employed
in his house as’ a servant. The Mes
senger denies the correctness of the
telegram alluded to above. It says the
prosecution was withdrawn for “pru
dential reasons and not abandoned,”
and declares that sufficient testimony
was introduced to show very plainly
that there was “something rotten in
Denmark.” It declares that there has
been a strong effort on the part of
Jadge Clarke’s friends “to screen him
from pnblic condemnation and to shield
him from the punishment that the crime
of seduction, so richly merits.” The
Messenger discusses the matter very
much like a partisan, and we must take
its statements with several grains of al
lowance. For ourselves we cannot be
lieve that, in a case of this kind, the
prosecution would be withdrawn after
the trial had commenced unless the
State was satisfied either of the in
nocence of the accused or the bad
character of the accuser.
Dean Stanley, at the annual banquet
of the Newspaper Press Fund in Lon
don, said he sometimes thought what a
word “leader” was if they really dived
into its meaning. There are some chap
ters in the Koran called the "terrific
Suras,” because, it is said, the prophet’s
hair turned white in a single night while
he was composing them. He thought
the “ terrific Suras ” of our modern
journals must be the leaders composed
in the dead of night on some heart-stir
ring event with results which might
shake the nation. What responsibility,
what labor could be greater than that ?
It seemed to him to be one of the most
unattainable, unapproachable pieces of
human workmanship that could be con
ceived. Speaking for a moment of him
self, when he thought what an effort it
cost him to write even a single letter,
anonymous or otherwise, to one of onr
great journals, addressing himself to
the whole reading public of England,
he could not reflect how incalculably
greater must be the effort of those effu
sions of which he had just spoken.
Swallowing ice freely in small lumps
is the ohief treatment in inflamation of
the stomach.
The more sick people can sleep the
sooner they will get welL Sleeping in
the daytime, if before noon, enables
them to sleep better the following night
THE SCHOOL QUESTION.
The Foundation Principle of Educa
tion by tbe Stale.
Editors Chronicle and Sentinel :
In my last I affirmed interest to be
the foundation principle of pnblic school
instruction. In this paper I shall en
deavor to develop still further that
thought. The particular views which I’
now propose to present would, in my
judgment, have justified the use of a
stronger word than interest. To have
declared education by the State a public
necessity would not, to my mind, have
been language too strong in view of the
strength of the appeal made by the
facts and arguments I now propose to
give. I used the word interest, how
ever, because it includes not only the
views which I shall now present, bat
others to be given hereafter.
It will be seen from my report for the
year 1874, that the number of children,
in the State, between the agesof six and
eighteen years is as follows: whites,
218,733; colored, 175,304; total, 394,-
037. This summing up includes the
entire State, except the county of Mcln
tosh, from which no return was receiv
ed. My blanks required statistics of il
literacy to be returned. The number of
youths between the ages of ten and
eighteen years unable to read, in one
hundred and twenty-seven counties of
the State, was reported as follows :
Whites, 26,552; colored, 76,692; total,
106,244. Eight of the counties report
ing failed to return the statistics of il
literacy. A computation of the illitera
cy for the eight counties, upon the hy
pothesis that the illiterates of these
eight counties bear the same ratio to
their entire school population as that of
the illiterates of the one hundred and
twenty-seven counties reporting to the
entire school population of these one
hundred and twenty-seven counties,
gives the illiteracy of one hundred and
thirty-five counties, which embraces the
whole of the State except the county of
Mclntosh, ns follows : Whites, 28,183;
colored, 84,669; total, 112,852. The
school age, by our law, covers a period
of twelve years, viz: from six to eighteen.
Allowing that one-third of the children
at sohool age will be found between the
ages of six and ten, and a moment’s re
flection must convince any one that
more than a third will be comprised
between those ages, and we have the en
tire number of children from ten to
eighteen, as follows : Whites, 145,822;
colored, 116,809; total, 262,091. Taking
these numbers aud the number of illite
rates between the same ages given above,
and making the calculation of tlio per
centage of illiteracy, and the following
is the result: Totally illiterate whites
between tbo ages specified, nearly
20 per cent. ; totally illiterate colored
a little over 72 per cent.; totally illiter
ate whites and colored taken together,
nearly 43 per cent.
In my instructions for last year I also
required the return of all persons una
ble to read over the age of eighteen
years. One hundred and twenty-four
counties made returns, end the figures
are as follows : Whites, 23,299; colored,
145,208; total, 168,507. A computation,
by the method already explained in the
case of illiterates between the ages of
ten and eighteen, gives the statistics of
illiteracy, in the case of persons over
eighteen, for all the counties of the
State except Mclntosh, as follows:
Whites, 24,826; colored, 156,583; total,
181,409. The Comptroller-General’s re
port for last year gives tho number of
polls as follows : Whites, 115,330; col
ored, 84,220; total, 199,550. The num
ber of polls of persons over sixty years
of age is not returned to the Comptrol
ler’s office. Arriving at the approximate
number of polls of all males over twen
ty-one years of age by adding one-sixtli
to the uumbers above given, and the
following is the result: Whites, 134,502;
colored, 98,256; total, 232,808. This the
number of whites and blacks respective
ly, and of both classes, entitled to vote.
The number of illiterates over eighteen,
above reported, comprises both sexes.
Supposing the number of each sex to be
the same, and dividing by two, and the
following is the result of wholly illit
erate voters thus obtained: Whites, 12,-
413; colored, 78,291; total, 90,704. By
computing the per centage of wholly
illiterate voters on the basis of the
figures above given, the result is as fol
lows: whites, over 9 per cent; colored,
nearly 80 per cent; white aud colored
taken together, nearly 40 per cent. In
making the calculations above, it will be
observed that no statistics have been
used except those taken by State au
thority. I have no doubt but that these
statistics are reliable—fully as much so
at least, as such figures usually are.
Indeed, if I had been called on for an
opinion iu respect to illiteracy, and had
given it from observation and the gen
eral impression on my mind, without
going into an arithmetical calculation,
I should have made it worse than the
computation exhibits it, in re
spect to all the classes. I call upon
every thoughtful citizen to ponder the
figures above given. Gan the State,
when property, liberty, life—in fact,
everything dear to the citizen—is in
volved, afford to abandon the work of
public instruction which she has under
taken ? We are sometimes told that the
greater portion of tho illiteracy among
us is found among tho colored popula
tion—a fact already shown by the fig
ures above given—and we are then
asked shall the white people, after be
ing ruined in property, be called upon
to contribute of their remaining scanty
means for the education of the colored
race? I cannot turn aside from the
main purpose of this paper to pursue
the lines of thought suggested by this
question. I will say, however, that I
can, and will show, at the proper time
and place in the general discussion
which I am prosecuting, that when a tax
is levied for the support of schools, a
reasonable amount of the burden falls
upon non-property holders, upon mere
laborers. A separate paper will be ne
cessary to show this. I ask the inter
rogator to note further, that I put what
we may contribute for education, not
upon the ground of charity or philan
thropy, but upon the ground of interest.
All that we hold dear, and all that per
tains to the welfare of those who are
to come after us is imperiled ; and the
preservation of those dear interest is
the prompting motive. But at this
point, we are told that the peril we are
in, politically and socially, is a peril in
which we were placed by those who
enfranchised hordes of ignorant men,
not only destitute of a knowledge of the
simplest elements of public policy, but
without any proper understanding of
the fact that there is such a thing as
public policy. We were not by any
means without peril arising from igno
rance before tho enfranchisement refer
red to took place ; bnt by the enfran
chisement onr peril was increased, per
haps twenty fold. But to say that a
particular tiling is tho cause of tho per
il does not destroy the fact. The peril
exists. A wise man, when put in peril,
does not enquire who placed me in
peril, but how shall I escape ? The
fifteenth amendment to the constitution
is a reality. No one felt more deeply
the wrong of that measure than I, or
condemned more strongly the motives of
its authors, or the means by which they
secured its'adoption. But now that it
has been adopted, > does any one see
how we are to rid ourselves of it ? Is it
possible to effect a riddance after the
change brought about in the elements
of the voting population ? Does any
one at this time think seriously of pro
posing any means of riddance? Does
any one believe that such means could
be proposed at any time in the near, or
more remote, futuro with a reasonable
probability of success ? When the elec
tive franchise has been bestowed upon
a very large proportion of any popula
tion, such a thing as the taking of it
away again is not likely to be effected
without revolution and bloodshed. The
stem facts of the present are before us,
and the question is how shall we deal
wisely with them? The possibilities
and probabilities of the future are be
fore us also. What shall we do to so
mould and shape these as to deliver us
and those to come after us from peril,
and to secure for ns and them all the
blessings included in the words good
government ? These questions are preg
nant with meaning. No amount of
wisdom short of Omniscience can, with
absolute certainty, give the true an
swers. The means which, to my mind,
furnishes the most probable solution is
the general diffusion of popular educa
tion. Wien I say this I disclaim affilia
tion with that class of enthusiasts who
spem to look upon education as the
leverage power by which a whole people
sunken in ignorance and vice may be
lifted from their degradation in a day or
in a year, or at moat in the space of a
few years. We have among ns already
a large, and to a considerable extent, a
controlling element of conservatism and
intelligence. To the saving influence
exerted by these, and to the constant
and regular additions to their numbers
in years to come by means of popular
education persistently disseminated I
look as the means, under Providence, of
delivering us from threatened evils, and
securing for us the blessings .of sta
ble institutions. And now to the line of
thought by which I hope to be able to
show how these results maybe achieved,
I ask the thoughtfui attention of the
public. .
We have ofter heard it asserted that
intelligence and virtne constitute the
only sure basis of popular government.
Men often accept this statement as a
truism without stopping to consider
what it involves. It win be profitable,
in this discussion, to seek to arrive at
its full import. It will be observed
that the alleged basis of popular insti
tutions consists of the two elements of
intelligence and virtne. I shall give a
brief consideration of each separately.
Intelligence will be tAen first. What
is meant when it is assirted that intelli
gence among the peogk is essential to
successful popular givern merit ? We
shall obtain a betterjhswer to this in
terrogatory by glanciib briefly at some
of the questions wash the people of
this country have beri .called upon to
decide. In the forrnttion of the gov
ernment of the Unitgjratates, there was
a grave discussion aaWwhethera strong
or a weak central gorfmment was pre
ferable. After the '■innation of the
government, the radical division
of sentiment was perpinated in discus
sions as to whetbeapl strict or liberal
construction of the institution was the
best mode of arriving at, and carrying
into effect the true waning of that in
strument, and parffgs were formed on
the issne of the relations of the State
and Federal Goverdments. Then came
questious of bankixaF finance, currency,
tariffs, internal improvement by the
Government, . the or restric
tion of elective questions of
foreign policy, ete,HsYhen it is asserted
that intelligence ikkeeesaary to success
ful popular govermkpt, is it meant that
every citizen must-fbj capable of form
ing an intelligent ijpniou upon ques
tions like these? iNot at all. If this
were the meaning, 4e shonld never see
a successful popular government insti
tuted, for we camfever hope to see a
whole people advXced to this stage of
intelligence. Tb|fithat is the amount
of intelligence fnßch the problem of
self-government dtemands. The intelli
gent portion of aip population may be
divided into thrte classes. The first
class comprises ojjginal thinkers, men
of philosophic qgjhds. These men es
tablish tbeoriesPand construct sys
tems. Only a feK of this class appear
in the successive igee. The second class
is much larger, yff is composed of those
who have the cajfcity to grasp general
principles whenJEjponnded, to perceive
their full signififllkee, and to so apply
them to the corains of life as to bring
out valuable pr§ncal results. The third
class comprisestgSl those who are able to
understand, in stood degree, the work
ings of a prinijßle when its practical
application explained, and is
much than tho second.
Ability aud write does
not a man even in the
lowest of mentioned. It
does this mue^Hiowevor —it puts into
his hands with which he. may
work his way JR that class, or the one
above it, or, uuVr unusually favorable
conditions, evenluto tho one higher than
that. Popular institutions are not safe,
unless a contruUjng majority of tho peo
ple is found witaiu the limits of these
three classes, aal are increased in effi
ciency by everwhdditiou to that majori
ty, aud approximate perfection of ope
ration, only wbfl all tho additions pos
sible have been Baade to tho three classes
named. Is it cßrtain that we now have
the majority required? Is it not an al
most absolute aertainty that wo have
not, iu view of tie figures given in the
opening of this article, aud the evident
statement alreapy made, that simple
ability to read slid write, does not, of it
self, place a mal in the lowest of the
three classes? Is it not tbe interest of
the entire peopli of the State that we
continue our cff<*ts in tho work of pop
ular education ti. 1 we place the largest
number of citize s possible within the
compass of the t ree classes mentioned?
I leave these qni itions to be answered
by the better ini frtned of our popula
tion.
Having showa tbo significance and
necessity of intelligence, I come now to
inquire what is meant by virtue in the
connection in wljieh I have placed it,
and whether its (promotion is likely to
be insured by tho general diffusion of
popular education. The word has been
used in different senses. In one of
these, it has been lifted above tho plane
of what is commonly understood as
expressed* by the word morality. Its
essence, in this Sense, is understood to
be in the motive, and its existence can
not be certainly,inferred from tho out
ward life. In this sense, it can never
exist in the natural man, but only in
the man renewed by divine grace.
Tho beginning of its existence in the in
dividual is coeval with wdiat is called
the renewal of his nature, or a change
of heart. This change of heart, or change
of nature, cannot be effected by educa
tion or any other human agency. It
must come from above, if it comes at all.
This is the senso of the words as some
times used among orthodox Christians,
and the words orthodox Christians are
descriptive of, and include, the great
body of professors of Christianity as at
tached to the various Protestant denom
inations among us. With this sense of
the word we shall have but little to do,
and that only incidentally, in this dis
cussion. It is not one of the prime ob
jects of organized society to seek to
change men’s natures. Government has
nothing to doxliMctly with the work of
saving men’4 eoulsx- Onr anees tors, long
ago, wisely decreed the total divorce of
church and state; and the great doctrine
of soul liberty, as advocated by Roger
Williams, by universal consent in this
country, has been considered as having
been established upon a solid founda
tion. Government is, however, deeply
interested iu men’s conduct, and in
whatever pertains to tho making of
the citizen a valuablo member of so
ciety. There is a lower senso of the
word virtue which has much more to do
with this discussion than the sense above
considered. This sense of the word
makes it to embrace only the common
principles of morality. Industry, econ
omy, truthfulness, chastity, fidelity to
obligations, even-handed j ustico between
man and man, common honesty, respect
for lawfully constituted authority—these
are principles without which there cau
be no such thiDg as good government.
They constitute a common ground upon
which men of every grade of religious
belief, and men of no religions belief—
Christians, Jews, infidels—can stand.
Would the spread of theso principles be
secured and their effectual inculcation
be promoted by the general and success
ful establishment of public schools?
This is the pregnant question in this por
tion of our discussiqn; and I do not hes
itate to answer it with an emphatic af
firmative. Let ns look for a moment at
the condition of society as now consti
tuted. The common sentiments of mor
ality, to which reference has been made,
now have the sanction and hearty appro
val of all the better portion of communi
ty. The strong influence going out from
these has so wrought upon the frame
work of society os to cause the common
elements of morality to bo almost uni
versally accepted as sentiments and large
ly adopted as principles of action. Now
where do we go to select the teachers of
our public schools ? They are chosen
from the body of the people, and usual
ly from the more intelligent and virtu
ous classes. Does any one suppose that
teachers thus chosen, and set to work
under such auspices would fail to use
their best powers and exert their per
sonal influence in the inculcation of
right moral principles? This supposition
would clearly bo illogical. These princi
ples would often be inculcated, under
tho Georgia school law, with all the
higher sanctions of religion itself. I
have said that it is not a prime object of
government to teach religion, and, while
this is so, it is often proper for the State
in her legislative enactments to recog
nize the fact that a vast body of the peo
ple are religious people, and to pay duo
respect to their religions convictions.
This is jnst what the State of Georgia
has done in her school law. That law,
recognizing the fact that the vast major
ity of the people are believers in the Bi
ble, provides that the Bible shall not be
excluded from the schools of the State.
The law does not, nor ought it, to require
the Bible to be introduced. It leaves
tbe question of introduction where it
ought to be left, to the decision of each
particular community, and, on a propo
sition to introduce being made, tbe
proposition would prevail in nine-tenths
of the communities of the State. Our
people generally, though divided into
bodies entertaining various shades of
religions belief, are nevertheless suffi
ciently united to be glad to have their
children taught by one commanding
their confidence, who prefers to open
and close the daily exercises of his
school with the reading of the Scrip
tures and acts of religions devotion. —
For one, I have never entertained a
doubt of the elevating influence of sim
ple intellectual training. Contact with
truth in any form—and a book that does
not inculcate truth is not a proper book
to be taught.—cannot fail to elevate.—
Education gives to the subject of it more
elevated tastes, fills up many an hour,
that would otherwise be idly or vicious
ly spent, with useful reading, gives;
higher aspirations, and puts possibili
ties of bettering his condition before its
possessor to which he would be a
stranger in a state of ignorance.
These are its legitimate effects when
obtained under auspices not positively
vicious. Who then can doubt iss ele
vating tendency when obtained under
healthful moral influences ? Who,
when those influences are brought to
bear under the sanctions, of Bible
Christianity, as has been d,one already
in some of the public schools of Georgia,
and as may be done in perhaps the ma
jority of them ? The indirect influence
exerted by a State system of public in
struction in favor not only of Bible
morality, t> 'i .even in favor of religion
itself, can not be well overestimated.
The school master is th,s forerunner of
the preacher, lhe former prepares the
material upon which the latter operates.
The building of churches follows in
quick succession the erection of school
houses. So important is mental illumi
nation, in order to the inculcation of
religious truth, that missionar es to a
degraded people have almost invariably
found it neossary first to erect school
houses. Indeed the moral nature can
be effectually reached only tbrongh the
intellect, and wherever the truth finds a
lodgment, the yield of fruits in the
life, other things being equal, will al
ways be found proportioned to the de
gree of mental illumination. It is in
this way that the State can, and does,
remain neutral in religion, and yet
make herself a powerful auxiliary in the
propogation of religious truth.
Statistics said to be carefully com
piled, as far as I have had opportunity
to examine, invariably sustain the argu
ment above made in favor of the in
fluence of education upon the morals of
a people. Notwithstanding the length
of this paper, I must take the space to
give a few of the facts derived from this
source. I shall make the selectiou from
a paper prepared by Edward D. Mans
field, LL.D., and inserted in the report
of the United States Commissioner of
Education for 1872. This paper after
showing that about one-half of the peo
ple of France are, at this time, illiterate
gives the following facts :
Whole number of persons
under arrest from 1867
to 1869 444,133
Number unable to read. .442,194
Or 95.63 per ct.
Average number of con
victs from 1866 to 1868. 18,643
Number unable to read.. 16,015
Or 87.28 per ct.
The same paper gives the following
statistics for England :
Committed to county or
borough prison 157,223
Could neither read nor
write 53,265
Proportion of‘totally ig
norant 34 per ct.
The following is the statement for
Ireland:
Wholly illiterate, or very
imperfectly educated,
males 21.74 per ct.
Females 63.24 per et.
Also for Belgium and Switzerland we
have the following statements : for the
former, “unable to read, 49 per cent.;”
for the latter, “average of criminals un
able to read through all prisons, 83 per
cent.”
I have taken these statistics in the or
der in which they occur in the book.
Others are given for different countries.
I have not room to make further ex
tracts, but must refer the reader to the
report itself. The remaining statistics
of the book, and those to be found else
where, as far as I have examined, bear
the same uniform testimony.
I have shown, in this discussion, that
onr institutions are imperilled. I have
proposed a remedy, and have demon
strated that the remedy proposed, though
gradual in its operation, can not fail, if
wisely and persistently applied, to be
effectual. Iu conclusion 1 call upon the
people and upon their servants, the law
makers, to weigh well the contents of
this paper. Gustavus J. Orr.
POSTAL AFP AIKS.
New Kates Under General Union
Treaty—New Money Order Offices.
The following instructions have beon
issued by the Postmaster-General: On
and after July 1, 1875, uniform rates of
postage will be levied and collected in
the United States on correspondence to
and from the whole extent of the Gen
eral Postal Union, formed by the treaty
of Berene, embracing within its limits
the following countries, viz : Germany,
Austria, Hungary, Belgium, Denmark
(including Iceland and the Faroe Isl
ands), Egypt, Spain (including the
Balearic Isles, the Canary Islands, the
Spanish possessions on the northern
coast of Africa, and the postal establish
ments of Spain upon the western coast
of Morocco), Great Britain (including
the Island of Malta), Greece, Italy,
Luxemburg, Norway, The Netherlands,
Portugal (including the Island of Ma
deira and the Azores), lloumania, Rus
sia (including the Grand Duchy of
Finland), Servia, Sweden, Switzerland
and Turkey. These rates are as fol
lows, viz: (a.) For prepaid letters, 5
cents per fifteen grammes (J ounce),
(b.) For unpaid letters received 10 cents
per fifteen grammes (J ounce), (c.) For
postal cards, 2 cents each, (and.) For
newspapers, if not over four ounces in
weight, 2 cents each, (e.) For books,
other printed matter, patterns of mer
chandise, legal and commercial docu
ments, pamphlets, music, visiting cards,
photographs, catalogues, prospectuses,
announcements and notices of various
kinds, whether printed, engraved or
lithographed, 2 cents per each weight
of two ounces or fraction of two ounces,
(f.) For the registration fe9 on all cor
respondence, 8 cents.
THE HISTORY OF LADY FRANK
* LIN.
[From the Boston Post.]
There is something both touching and
appropriate in the petition of Lady
Franklin, lying in dangerous and per
haps mortal illness, for the prayers of
the American people. It was an Ameri
can expedition which brought to an end
her terrible and long-lingering suspense.
From McOlintock and his brave com
rades she at last learned the not to be
doubted news that her gallant and heroic
husband had perished amid the icy mys
teries of the farthest North. Lady
Franklin did not need the proof of
American interest in .her life purpose
and heart’s work ; her sufferings, her
noble heroism, her unselfish devotion,
her untiriug energy, her uncowed spirit,
have always received our warmest sym
pathies. Surely her appeal will be an
swered, if not iu the churches-—where
perhaps it will be—at least in thousands
of hearts impressed with the beauty of
her devotion throughout the land. The
old classic talcs of wifely fidelity and
sacrifice almost pale before her heroic
search for her husband’s fate for more
than thirty years. Left alone at an age
when proper to be joyous, and ex
cusable to be giddy and forgetful,
she has passed early and later
youth, womanly prime, and on coming
of age in this constant, heart-ring
ing, and yet undismayed pursuit. The
pleasures, the ambitions of life were afar
off from her; her soul dwelt in the grim
solitudes of ice deserts; her spirit was
in the vague regions where there is
nothing pf vegetation, where an awful
and eternal silence reigns, but where,
also, she believed that her hero hus
band, dead or alive, must be. We may
guess that for long years there dwelt a
hope in her heart that Sir John was yet
alive; that he had somehow escaped,
perhaps, from the vast ice prison; that
he had passed, by perilous wanderings,
and it might be by shipwreck, far be
yond the frozen North, and been thrown
upon some remote but hospitable land
where the grass grew and men could
live. Then came the truth, that the
vestiges of Franklin and his men had
been found, vestiges which loft no
doubt of their identity, or of tho long
ago accomplished fate of the voyagers.
Certainty, even the saddest, is better
than harrowing suspense; and Lady
Franklin was as heroic under the sure
bereavement as slio had borne up
nobly while there was still hepe.—
Franklin must indeed have been
a noble man to have inspired
such devotion in the hearts of two
self-sacrificing wives. Ilis first wife,
Eleanor PordJm, lay mortally ill when
he set out on ills second Arctic expedi
tion in 1825. He offered to remain till
she was well ; but she begged him to
proceed on his voyage, and placed in
his hand a silk flag, which she asked
him to hoist in the Polar Sea. He sail
ed ; and the day after his gentle wife
died. He returned in three years to
wed Jaae Griffin, the lady who is now
known as Lady franklin. The story of
her devotion is household words in
both countries. What she suffered
none can tell. That she has suffered
nobly all men have seen. And now, at
last, after long, weary waiting, and
when she has passed the psalmist’s limit
of threescore and ten of five years, it
may be said that her life’s desire is
about to be granted her, and that she
will ere long rejoin her long-lost hero
and husband. Should she pass away it
is to be hoped that her memory will be
honored by a memorial in England’s
grand old mausoleum, dedicated to
kings, nobles, poets and heroes ; for
none lie in Westminster Abbey more
worthy to be remembered for heroism
and fidelity than Lady Franklin. Her
story will be a romance and an example
to future generations of the young, and
her name will become the typification of
wifely virtues.
Desperation After Dinner. —A man
ordered a most elaborate dinner at a
restaurant, which he enjoyed and praised
much —after which he lighted a cigar,
and, sauntering up to the landlord, de
clared his inability to pay for it. “ But
I don’t know yon,” said Boniface. “Of
course, or you would not have given me
the dinner.” The enraged man seized a
pistol, collared the offender, and taking
aim at his head said, “ Now, see, if
yoii don’t get away from me without
paying for tLaJb dinner.” What is that
in your hand T’ gasped the impecunious
customer, drawing back. ,f Ti&t sir, is
a pistol.” “Oh! that’s a pistol, is it 2 .
I don’t care a fig for a pistol; I thought'
it was a stomach pump.”
Infants and animals never have dys
pepsia if left alone, for nature is the
wise apportioner. Thus is it with sleep.
Nature, herself sleepless, wanes us up
the moment we have had enough, if we
are not tampered with.
Always air your room from the out
side air if possible. Windows are made
to open, doors made to shut—the truth
of which seems difficult of_ ap
prehension. Every room must be aired
from without—every passage from
within.
BEN HILL’S VIEWS.
The Gospel oi Liberalism as Preached
by the Leader of the Georgia Demo
cracy—What He is Expected to Do.
[Correspondence of the Courier-Journal]
Atlanta, Ga., June 21.
Georgia Democracy, whimsically dove
tailed a piece of political joinery as it is,
often baffles the attempts at analysis of
hasty inquirers; yet it does not defy the
introspection of those who bring to the
aid of memory a little philosophy in ex
planation of its birth .eight years ago
and its omnipotent sway at the present
day. The organization that gave the
electoral vote of the Empire State of the
South to Pierce in 1852, Buchanan in
1856, and Breckinridge 1860, and that
boasted unnumbered local victories over
its old Whig and Opposition opponents,
has passed into history, as indeed near
ly all semblance of ante helium politi
cal organizations everywhere in the
South has long since vanished. Blended
with remnants of the Democracy of
■Brown, Toombs and Stephens, and
conspicuous for the talent and energy
that it gives to the coalition, is the old
Whig and Union following of Ben Hill
and others who co-operated with him in
his prodigious struggle to save Georgia
and the South from the perils of revolu
tion and war. Of the presence of a
younger element —one that supplies the
dash and vim so necessary in political
canvasses, and that helps the progres
sive leaders of the Democracy to keep
the organization away from the “slug
gish bays of extinct thoughts,” and
saves it from the quagmires of Bourbon
ism—every State Convention, and every
, active canvass gives ample evidence.
The Macon Convention.
When Ben Hill presided over the
Convention at Macon, in 1867, called to
defeat reconstruction upon the basis of
negro suffrage, it is not likely that he
and his old confreres were disposed to
dispute credentials with the representa
tives of the quondam Secession Demo
crary; nor is it probable that the former
followers of Toombs and Fancy quarrel
ed with the promiuence of the famous
prophet of Georgia Unionism in a con
vention called to defeat the. ambitious
aim of the carpet-baggers to make Geor
gia a part of their preserve. At this
Convention was born a coalition of the
best interests of society to prevent its
destruction by those who aimed to de
stroy it only that they might plunder it.
Iu the end it defeated Bullock and his
gang of plunderers, rescued the State
from the shameful maltreatment suffer
ed by the two Carolinas, Arkansas, Ala
bama and Louisiana, and has given to
Georgia the blessings of capable and
just government. Radicalism has made
uo serious fight against it for nearly five
years, and to-day the Democracy have
absolute control of tho State govern
ment in all its branches and the entire
Congressional delegation.
The Party’s Make-Up.
This composite organization necessa
rily embraces numerous antagonisms of
interest and ambition. Local aud sec
tional differences are not wanting in as
sertion, while tho assured conquest of
Radicalism, whenever party lines shall
be drawn, gives rise to aspirations which
would be suppressed, if not surrendered,
in the event of the slightest prospect of
a Radical triumph. A Courier-Journal
representative has had no difficulty in
reaching the best sources of information
as to the predominant thought iu his
party which is likely to sway Georgia
for an indefinite period—certainly so
loug as it shall continue to embody the
will of the best elements of society in
the State. There is little diversity of
sentiment upon general political topics
removed from questions of local politics.
Within three years the Geargia Demo
cracy have made no material change in
the attitude which they assumed in the
Presidential straggle of 1872. Mr. Ste
phens headed the O’Conor diversion
then, and the little Spartan band of
Tertium Quidi still follows wherever
“Little Aleck” bids them go in the name
of “Jefforsoniau Democracy.” Twelve
months since the “Jeffersonian Demo
cracy,” of which Liberty Hall is the
modern nursery, was strongly suspected
of leading through the portals of Grant
ism. Now, however, third termism is
dead, aud the Georgia public looks with
interest to the next departure of Jeffer
sonian Democracy in Georgia. “Gentle
shepherd, tell us where.”
How Georgia Did Her Duty.
Iu October, 1872, Georgia elected her
present Governor (Smith) upon the
Greeley platform by 60,000 majority.
Even in the midst of the general wreck
that overtook the Liberal Democratic
coalition in November, Georgia gave Mr.
Greeley a pronounced majority. Six
weeks ago, Ben Hill, the foremost advo
cate in Georgia of the ratification by the
Democracy of Mr. Greeley’s nomina
tion, and upon the broadest national
■grounds, was elected to Congress by an
unexampled majority over two competi
tors. Senator Gordon has emphasized
repeatedly his sympathy with the prin
ciples of which Mr. Greeley’s candidacy
was the symbol and expression. Liberal
Democracy is almost undisputed in its
sway in Georgia, and when occasionally
a feeble retrospective protest against
the movement of 1872 is uttered, nobody
dignifies it with the notice of a serious
reply. In spots throughout Georgia, as
throughout the country at large, are to
be found representatives of a limited
class unable to sympathize with the
catholic aud liberalizing influences of
that great movement, and unable even
now to realize the triumph of the Libe
ral cause in the pacification of the coun
try that has followed, although its great
prophet did not live to witness the vic
tory of his evangelism.
For Twenty Years Past
Hon. B. H. Hill has been conspicuous
among the popular orators and leaders
in Georgia. In every quarter in Geor
gia his recent election aud the circum
stances attending it are talked about,
and throughout the South the topic is
very far from being one of indifferent
discussion. From Mr. Hill’s presence
in Congress the South evidently expects
positive results of advantage that she
has anticipated from the presence of no
other champion at Washington since the
war. It is questionable whether he lias
his equal as a popular orator in the
country, and if the Georgia estimate of
him is to be accepted, he will encounter
nobody in Congress capable of success
fully contending with him in debate.
“ To set the South right” is the vague
mission upon which Mr. Hill goes to
Washington in the minds of the masses,
who evidently believe that tlioir elo
quent advocate will cover all Radical
leaders with confusion whenever he shall
meet them in debate. The best intelli
gence of the whole South, however,' ex
pects good results from the presence in
Congress of a thoroughly representative
Southern orator and statesman, whose
antecedents will commend him to North
ern respect, aud who will also be equal
to the task of the historical and politi
cal vindication of the South whenever
she shall be unjustly assailed. Recall
ing Mr. Hill’s earnest championship of
the Liberal movement, it is impossible
to forget Toombs’ characterization of
Hill’s great speech in support of Mr.
Greeley's nomination by the Democracy.
Toombs had been invited to Atlanta to
answer Hill. After listening to the
speech of the latter in favor of Greeley
as the Democratic candidate, Gen.
Toombs moved to adjourn, after ‘listen
ing to what he said was the “ ablest
Greeley speech that wonldbe made dur
ing the campaign.” At present, Hill is
the most conspicuous man in Georgia.
Calling upon Mr. Hill, I found him de
corously communicative as to the sub
ject of his recent election, and exceed
ingly interesting in his suggestions as
to national politics. He evidently be
lieves that the people of Georgia, equal
lv with himself, share the satisfaction of
his recent signal triumph. He had con
quered a multitude of prejudices. Limit
ed to a cauvass of ten days, without the
opportunity to meet his opponents, he
had beaten two competitors by more
than two thousand votes in excess of
the aggregate vote of both. His friends
were surprised at the magnitude of his
victory ; but he was not, since he had
long felt that
J£e Was Stronger Than the Politicians
Who have always combined against
him, provided he could get the issue
between himself and them before the
people. As heretofore, the politicians
had lately again tried the old game, but
by the fidelity and sagacity of his
friends his sacrifice had been prevented,
and the question between him and his
enemies had been relegated to the peo
ple, and the popular award was in his
favor overwhelmingly. Mr. Hill is es
pecially gratified at his recent success,
achieyed in a quarter of the State where
the people had little acquaintance with
him from personal contact, as a popular
vindication of his political record, which
he claims to have been singularly con
sistent for one actively engaged in poli
tics for twenty years past. Entering
politics in 1850, he was an active par
ticipant in the great Union triumph in
Iw-Lalf of Mr. Clay’s compromise of that
year—a triqjaph especially notable in
Georgia, because it betokened the de
feat of secession at that time in all the
Cotton States. Opposing the Kansas-
Nebraska legislation of 1854 as a vio
lation of the settlement of 1850,' he was
vehement in his prophecies of evil to
the South from slavery agitation. Un
til secesssion was actually accomplish
ed, he had labored foz a fraternal
Union. Then, as now, he championed
a Union of equality, which should also
be perpetual. Georgia rejected his ad
vice and elected secession, and he went
with her, laboring with what he deemed
a patriot’s zeal to make the cause of his
people successful. Proud of his Uniou
record before the war, Mr. Hill is no
less
Proud of His Public Services
In urging Georgia to resist reconstruc
tion so loug as it was an open question,
and of his subsequent advice to his fel
low-citizens to accept reconstruction
when it had become an accomplished
fact. It would be quite impossible,
within the limits of half a dozen letters
of the length of this, to cover the ground
of collateral discussion traversed by
Mr. Hill iu his dramatic narration of
the political issues, Stale and national,
of the last twenty years, and his own
connection with them. His manner,
while oratorical and impressive, is yet
sober aud thoughtful, and his state-
ments marked by singular accuracy and
precision even in tho details of politics.
Generally accredited with marvelous in
tellectual gifts by friend and foe, Mr.
Hill is olten said to bo indiscreet in
politics even by his admirers. Subse
quent to his recent election even the
friendly press showed a disposition to
send him to Washington, labeled as a
sort of blind giaut, likely to do as much
harm to the Democracy as good, unless
carefully watched. My own opiuion is
that Mr. Hill’s Washington career will
be his ample vindication against these
friendly apprehensions. Regarding
presont national polities Mr. Hill gives
an able statement of the results of the
Liberal movement, headed by Mr.
Greeley—results which he believes will
long continue to redound to the benefit
end to the peace of the country. The
Republican party he regarded as having
been
Thoroughly Debauched by Grantism,
And to be now incapable of either
patriotic effort or aspiration. In power
again under Morton, Conkling or any
other of the Administration champions,
it would be, barring Grant’s vulgar
nepotism aud coarse tastes, just as
bad as at present. Of the movement
of 1872, he was a zealous cham
panion, aud with no halting or
apologetic explanation did he accept
that great patriotic uprising looking
to the tranquilization of the country.
Mr. Greeley, to his mind, was tho em
bodiment of peace and fraternity be
tween the sections, and although tho
movement was a nominal failure, it was
yet a grand success iu engendering the
broader spirit that had marked our later
politics. It had liberalized the politics
of the whole country; Bayard, Ran
dolph ami others, at first opposed to the
movement, now gladly testified to its
groat efficacy iu tho work of liberaliza
tion. The defeat of the Republican
party in the elections of the next two
years Mr. Hill regards as essential to
the presei*vation of our national institu
tious. A sincere coalition of the Demo
crats'aud the Liberals, lie is confident,
can save the country for at least half a
century to come. The fight should be
made under Democratic auspices, and
under the Democratic banner. The
Democracy had gone to the Liberals
three years ago, and now the Liberals
should come to tho Democracy. He be
lieves that
Tho Better Elements
Of the Democracy will sway its policy
and select its leaders, and in that event,
how can the Liberals refuse their co
operation ? Mr. Hill talked upon these
topics much as Tilden or Hendricks, or
any other Democratic statesman repre
senting tho best elements of the party
iu the North, would talk. He attaches
great consequence to tho elevating ef
fect in the Northern mind exerted upon
the Democracy of the North by its sup
port of Mr. Greeley. Caluminous im
peachments of Democratic loyalty were
estopped by Democratic support of Mr.
Greeley, aud the endorsement of Mr.
Greeley forbade all honorable allega
tions of a revolutionary and retroactive
policy by the Democracy regarding re
construction. Mr. Hill evidently anti
cipates an effort, and is apprehensive of
its partial success, on the part of the
Republican leaders to win back the
Liberals. Said lie : “My belief is that
the Liberals left the Republican ranks
in disgust, and that the latter are not
likely to do anything to cure that dis
gust. But I should greatly dread the
result if the Independent press should
be driven back into the Republican
ranks by Democratic mistakes.”
Next Year.
Said your representative : “Do you
believe that the Democrats can succeed
next year without the support of the
Liberals ?” To this concluding ques
tion Mr. Hill and the reporter simulta
neously took their hats. The reply was
perhaps a trifle diplomatic, but never
theless exceedingly comprehensive as to
the situation: “I think it will be a
great pity and a lamentable disaster if
the Democrats shall fail to make a plat
form and nominations entitling them to
the support of tho anti-A<l ministration
people of all parties and factious, and
in that event the Liberals will be very
censurable if they shall refuse to act iu
hearty accord with the Democrats.”
F. H. A.
THE COURSE OF COTTON.
Weekly Review of the Now York
Market.
[New York Bulkiin.]
As compared with the preceding week,
the period now under review lias de
veloped a generally better tone on the
cotton market, some recovery of values,
and a very fair business consummated
especially in actual stock. The foreign
advices as a rule appeared to offer little
encouragement, but still the purchases;
reported for export were full enough to
make quite an impression upon the ac
cumulated stocks, and aided materially
in stimulating values. There has also
been a scramble to cover on outstanding
contracts, a large number of the
“shorts” becoming apparently thorough
ly alarmed, and in their efforts to take
care of themselves, gradually running
up values along the entire line. The
fresh offerings have been moderate for
future; the July notices were quickly
stopped as issued, and operators for a
rise have talked strong and confidently,
but the purchases for investment have
been decidedly few and the “bulls”
again appeared to lack sufficient stamina
to reap any great or permanent advant
age from the turn of affairs in their
favor. The usual attendance of small,
vaecillating operators, have as usual
gone over to the winniug side, but a
great many are still to be found, who
profess a want of faith in cotton at
present rates and attribute tho recent
improvement solely to local speculative
manipulation. Even the movements on
foreign account, it is claimed, were of a
semi-specnlative sort of character, aud
some of the principal purchases were
understood to be made on orders
from a leading operator, now in Eu
rope, with a view of stimulating the
market. A few vague hints of an unfav
orable nature iu regard to the crop have
been circulated, and these had some
little influence temporarily, but tele
grams and mail advices generally up to
date have been encouraging and tho
plant appears to be getting along very
well. In short, while a temporary ad
vantage has been gained by the selling
interest, and in some cases the belief
appears to be strong that cotton has seen
its worst and must now rale more uni
form, with a possible farther recovery.
It is also evident that confidence is by
no meays fully restored, either here or
abroad, and a reduced level of value is
looked upon as a prime necessity before
bona fule consumers can be attracted
into any more liberal operations. No
further failures of magnitude are re
ported from abroad since our last,
though a fow houses were rumored as
showing weakness.
“ Spots,” during the earlier portion of
the week, were dull and slack in value,
but the demand subsequently improved
from exporters (mostly Continental),
and with a very good business transacted,
prices advanced !c. per lb. on all grades.
Holders were not offering with freedom,
and in the majority of cases abstained
from exhibiting mnch anxiety to real
ize, but the supplies available were at
all times fair and could be reached at
the current figures of the day. From
spinners the demand has been small and
uncertain, with the basis of purchase
still confined solely to the actual wants
of the moment. The stocks here have
decreased somewhat, though still fair.
On contracts, after the considerable
drop in values noted last week, there
has naturally been some reaction, and
along the entire line prices have ruled
stronger. Intimations thrown out from
some quarters that the crop was showing
serious injury, although not fully con
firmed or believed, had a slightly stimu-
lating influence, and also the increased
call for “spots.” The main advantage
to pperators for a rise, however, lay in
the fright of the shorts, who, with hints
and rumors of combinations to corner
the market anywhere between date and
October Ist, bat more particularly on
August, made a pell-mell rush to cover
and of course carried values up. The
issue of July short notices op the first
day coming under the rule was fair, but
they were quickly stopped and gave no
great trouble. Still with everything
favorable the bull operators have failed
to retain any solid advantage and toward
the close, as the demand fell off some
what, prices jt once began to weaken
for want of proper support. Business
has been mostly on present cotton year,
very little doing into the next crop es
pecially for the Spring months.
A literary ice-cart driver, who has
been annoyed by children who have
been in the habit of pilfering his ice,
now displays as a warning : “N. B.” He
thinks they will understand that that
means “Take Not-ioe 1”
MONTHLY REPORT OF CROPS.
Returned to the Georgia State Depart
ment of Agriculture, June 15th, 1875.
In the following County reports the
numbers refer to the condition of crops
June 15th, compared with an average, or
100, unless otherwise specially defined.
The yield is compared with that of last
year. The loss of sheep refers to the
annual, not monthly, per centage. The
rainfall embraces the month commencing
May 15th and ending June 15tli, and is
given in inches. The counties omitted
have failed to send in their reports iu
time for the consolidation.
The following are the comparative es
timates of tho various crops in the whole
State, derived from a consolidation of
the county returns :
Corn—Average condition, 98. Suffer
ed in South Georgia from drouth. Re
ported clean, hut small. Cotton—Aver
agemondition, 100—late, but in a thriv
ing condition. Rice, 95. Melons, 96.
Sorghum, 109. Sugar cane, 93; retard
ed by drouth. Oats—Fall sown, 106;
Spring, 80; yield of both compared with
last year, 114; Spring sown injured by
both rust and drouth. It is well dem
onstrated that oats succeed better sown
in the Fall. J t has also been demon
strated that a gpod stand may be secur
ed by sowing in cotton about the first of
September without plowing in. Plant
ers should try at least a part of their
crop in this way next Fall. Wheat—
Condition of that not harvested June
15th was 90. The yield of that then
harvested is 108. The crop lias been
harvested in good dry condition. In
some counties iu Middle ami South
Georgia it was materially injured by
rust. Clover, 90; harvested iu good
condition. Corn forage—Acreage, 124;
condition, 99.
Field Peas —Acreage, 100. Speckled
aud white crowder are the varieties
principally recommended. Sheep-Clip
of wool, 101. The annual loss by dogs
is reported at 15 per cent; loss by xlis
ease, 6 per cent. Three-fourths of the
correspondents who report on sheep at
at all, report “ dogs ” the principal ob
stacle to sheep husbandry. Dairy—The
average daily yield of milk per cow is
one gallon. The average number of gal
lons of milk required to make one pound
of butter, 2J. Bees— Houey prospect,
103; average yield per colony, 28 lbs.
Only eighteen correspondents report the
introduction of the Italian bee; only
fourteen report the introduction of the
improved hive.
Two-thirds of the correspondents re
port 3 or 3) feet as the distance be
tween cotton rows; some report 4 feet
and a few as low as 2 feet. A large ma
jority report from 12 to 15 inches dis
tance iu the drill, some 10 and some 18
inches.
Fruits.
Pears—Ten per cent, die annually
from blight. Tho only remedies re
ported are ashes, and cutting hack be
low the affected parts. The varieties
recommended, after careful test, are, for
North Georgia, from Atlanta up, the
Seckle, Bartlett, Duchess d’Augonleme,
Doyenne d’Ete, Blood Good, St. Michael
Archangel, Beurre Busoc and Winter
Nells. For Middle Georgia, from At
lanta to Macon, Seckle, Bartlett, Belle
Lucrative, Duchess d’Angouleme, Claps’
favorite Winter Nelis, Washington,
Blood Good, Howell and Madalino.
For South Georgia, below Macon,
Seckle, Bartlett, Duchess d’Angouleme,
Belle Lucrative and Winter Nolis.
Apples—ForNorth Georgia, Shockley,
Green Pippin, Black, Buff, Red As
traclian and Sumereau. For Middle
Georgia, Red June, Pearmain, or “Pear
Apple,” Red Astrachan, Horse, Julien,
Early Harvest, Equiuettilee, Taunton,
Stevensons’ Winter, Buncombe and
Yates. For South Georgia, Red .Tnne,
Yellow June, Pearmain or “ Pear Ap
ple,” Horse, Romanite, Lin.bertwig and
Shockley.
Peaches Correspondents from all
sections of the State agree iu recom
mending the following varieties: Hale’s
Early, Early Tillotson, Crawford’s Ear
ly, Tinley’s Superb, Chineso Cling,
Stump the World, Old Mixon Freestone,
Columbia, White English, Indian, Craw
ford’s Late and Amelia. Other varieties
of each kind are reported as successful
in localities. The above are those gene
rally recommended.
Report from Counties.
Burke—Corn, 90, Melons, 90. Oats,
yield, 100. Corn Forage, acreage 400;
condition, 90. Cotton, 110. Peas,
acreage, 150. Sheep, yield of wool,
100. Honey, 100. No rain. Mean
temperature, 80 degrees.
Columbia—Corn, 95. Melons, 85.
Oats, Fall, 125; Spring, 95; yield, 175.
Wheat, yield, 117. Cotton, 107. Peas,
acreage, 95. Sheep, wool, 100; loss by
dogs, 10 per cent.; by disease, 2 per
cent. Rainfall, 2j. Mean temp
erature, 84 degrees.
Elbert—Corn, 120. Melons, 110.
Sorghum, 200. Oats, Fall, 135; Spring,
CO; yield of Fall oats, 130; Spring in
jured 40 per cent, by rust. Wheat,
yield, 200. Clover, 120. Corn forage,
acreage, 200; condition, 300. Cotton,
90. Peas, acreage, 85. Sheep, wool,
120; loss by dogs, 20 per cent.; by dis
ease, 3 per cent. Honey, 120. Rain
fall, lj. Temperature, 76 degrees.
Hancock—Corn, 93. Melons, 86.
Sorghum, 90. Oats, Spring, 80; yield,
130. Wheat, yield, 110. Clover, yield,
65. Corn foroge, acreage, 100; condi
tion, 100. Cotton, 92. Peas, acreage,
96. Honey, 95; average yield per
colony, 60 lbs.
Greene —Corn, 98. Melons, 95. Sor
ghum, 75. Oats, Fall, 108; Spring, 70;
injured 10 per cent, by rust. Wheat,
101. Clover, yield, 100. Corn, forage,
acreage, 105; condition, 97. Cotton, 105.
Peas, acreage, 103. Sheep, wool, 100;
loss by dogs, 20 per cent.; loss by
disease, 5 per cent.
Glaseock—Corn, 100. Melons, 80.
Oats, Fall, 100; Spring, 50; yield of Fall,
100; Spring injured 50 per cent, by rust.
Wheat, yield, 110. Cotton, 100. Peas,
acreage, 100. Sheep, wool, 100; loss by
disease, 10 per cent. Honey, 125. Mean
temperature, 75 degrees.
Lincoln—Corn, 90. Melons, 100. Oats,
Fall, 100; Spring, 50; yield, 100. Cot
ton, 100. Peas, acreage, 100. Sheep,
wool, 110; loss by dogs, 10 per cent.; by
disease, 6 per cent. Honey, 110. Mean
temperature, 68J degrees. No rain in
May. Good rain June 2d, when a full
stand of cotton was secured.
McDuffie—Corn, 103. Melons, 100.
Oats, Fall, 108; Spring, 103; yield, 115,
Wheat, yield, 115. Clover, -yield, 100.
Corn, forage, acreage, 100; condition,
97. Cotton, 100. Peas, acreage, 113.
Sheep, Wool, 100; loss by dogs, 15 per
cent.; by disease, 4 percent. Honey,
100; average yield per colony, 20 lbs.
Rainfall, l. Mean temperature, 75 de
grees.
Morgan—Corn, 90. Melons, 100. Oats,
Fall, 100; Spring, 110. Wheat, 100.
Cotton, 100. Peas, acreage, 110. Sheep,
wool, 120; loss by dogs,J3o per cent.; by
disease, 1 per cent. Mean temperature,
80 degrees.
Oglethorpe Corn, 100. Melons,
100. Oats, Fall, 100; Spring, 90; injured
by rust, 10 per cent. Wheat, 110. Com
forage, 100. Cotton, 120. Peas, acre
age, 100. Sheep, wool, 100; loss by
dogs, 10 per cent.
Richmond—Corn, 95. Melouß, 80.
Oats, Spring, 75; yield, 120. Wheat, 50
percent., injured by rust. Cotton, 120.
Peas, acreage, 105. Honey, 110; aver
age yield per colony, 50 Ill’s. Rain fall,
41-10. Mean temperature, 83 deg.
Seri veu—Corn, 95. Rice, 100. Mel
ons, 93. Sugar cane, 88. Oats, Fall,
105; Spring, 92; yield, 110. Cotton, 95.
Peas, acreage, 100. Sheep, wool, 91 ;
loss by dogs, 22 percent.; by disease, 3
per cent. Honey, 105.
Taliaferro—Corn, 90. Melons, 100.
Oats, Fall, 105; Spring, 75; injured by
rust. Wheat, yield, 120. Clover, yield,
75. Corn forage, acreage, 50, Cotton,
95. Peas, acreage, 102. Sheep, wool,
100; loss by dogs, 5 per cent.; by dis
ease, 20 per cent.
Washington—Corn, 85. Melons, 95.
Sugar Cane, 90. Oats, Fall, 115; Spring,
75; Spring injured by rust; yield, 250.
Wheat, yield, 150. Cotton, il2. Peas,
acreage, 112. Sheep, wool, 125; loss by
dogs, 8 per cent.; by di&ease, 5 per cent.
Honey, 100. Rainfall, 2J. Mean tem
perature observed at 9, a. m., 79 deg.
Walton—Corn, 90. Melons, 100.—
Oats, Fall, 90; Spring, 80; yield, 90.
Wheat, yield, 95; injured by rust. Cot
ton, 110. Peas, acreage, 100. Sheep,
wool, 100; loss by dogs, 15 per cent.; by
disease, 10 per cent. Honey, 120; aver
age yield per colony, 10 lbs.
Wilkes—Corn, 90. Melons, 95. Oats,
Fall, 100; Spring, 80; yield, 80; injured
by rust. Wheat, yield, 80; injured by
rust. Clover, yield, 100. Corn forage,
100. Cotton, 07. Peas, acreage, 100.—
Honey, 75. Rainfall, 2 L
TEXAS ANP MEXICO.
The Peace to toe Pres|rved.
New York, July 3.—A dispach from
Now Orleans says aprivate dispatch from
Brownsville reports that General Christo
has the ability and intention to protect
American citizens. The military forces
at Brownsville have received orders to
cross and support Christo in preserving
the peace in case such a measure be
comes necessary.
Burnt to Death.
Washington, May 3.— While Mary
Walsh, a clerk in the Treasury Depart
ment, was preparing breakfast this
morning With what is known ns a
“ Pocket Stove," her clothes were set
on fire from a leakage of the alcohol em
ployed as fuel which exploded the stove.
She was severely burnt from the neck
down and died this afternoon in con
sequence.
A Schenectady girl at spelling school
sat down on “pantaloons.”