Newspaper Page Text
EUrontcle aid*
WEDNESDAY * JANUARY 31, 1877.
MB. HI 1.1. ELECT** SENATOR.
After foar days balloting, Hon. B. H.
Him. was yesterday elected United
states Senator, to anoeeed Hon. T. 11.
Norwood, whose term expires March
4th, Mr. Hill is the present Represen
tative in Congress from the Ninth Con
gressional District of Georgia, and wss
elected last November, from the same
District, to the Forty-fifth Congress
He has long been prominently identified
with politics in Georgia, and is aoknowl.
edged by all to be a man of talent and
great ability. His speeches in Congress
have attracted much attention through
out the country. We feel aatiafied that
he will do honor to the State which has
chosen him to represent her in the Na
tional Senate,
THE FUTURE-
The electoral bill proposed by the
joint committee of the Senate and
House having been passed by Congress,
it only remains for it to receive the sig
nature of the President, about which
there seems to be no doubt. Other
events growing out of its becoming a
law will follow in rapid suooeesion.
Next Tuesday each House will by viva
voce vote appoint five of its members
who, with the four Associate Justices of
the Snpreme Court of the United States
already designated in the bill and the
fifth to be selected by those four, will
constitute the grand tribunal or com
mission to settle the disputed questions
in regard to the electoral votes. Under
the bill itself, Justice Clifford, a life
long Democrat, will be President of the
Commission. Of the other Justices
already named Justice Field, whs is a
brother of David Dtjdlet Field, recent
ly elected to Congress by the Demo
crats of New York, is known to be in
sympathy with the Democracy and
recognized as a member of that party,
although appointed as a Republican by
President Lincoln. Justices Strong
and Miller are Republicans. It is an
open question who will constitute the
fifth member of this part of the Com
mission. The general impression, how
ever, seems to be that the ohoioe will
fall upon Justice David Davis, who has
just been elected to the United States
Senate by the Democrats and Indepen
dents of the Illinois Legislature.
Next Thursday the two Houses of
Congress will meet in the Hall of the
House of Representatives for the purr
pose of oounting the electoral vote. The
President of the Senate will preside
over the joint session. Where there is
only one return from any State, the
votes contained in such return will be
announced, and no vote where there is
but one such return can be rejected but
by the affirmative vote of both Houses.
Where there is more than one return,
or paper purporting to be suoh, from
any State, suoh returns will be opened
by the President of the Senate, in the
presence of the two Houses, and then
submitted to the Commission of fifteen
for their decision as to which is the true
and lawful vote of suoh State. The
Commission will at once proceed to con
sider suoh returns and all papers ac
companying the same. Having reached
a decisioo, which will be placed in writ
ing, that decision will be read to the
two Houses again assembled in joint
convention. The decision having been
announced, the oounting of the electo
ral votes will proceed in conformity
thereto, unless upon objection made by
at least five Senators and five members
of the House of Representatives, in
writing, the two Houses shall separately
concur in or iering otherwise, in whioh
case such concurrent order shall govern.
Each State from whioh there are two
returns, having been passed upou in
thiet manner, the final vote for President
and Vice-President of the United States
will be announced. The States which
will thus be passed upon by the Com
mission, are Florida, Louisiana, Oregon
and Bouth Carolina.
But little more than a month now re
mains before the day provided by the
Constitution for the inauguration of the
President, and the suspense will there
fore soon be ended. The very faot that
the Radioal press have bitterly de
nounced the electoral bill and its au
thors, demonstrates that they are not
willing to submit Hates’ pretensions to
a fair tribunal whioh is likely to be
governed by law and equity, and not by
mere partisan prejudices, as were the
Returning Boards in Florida, Louisiana
and Bouth Carolina. We do not believe
that the illegal and fraudulent action of
those tribunals will stand the test of an
investigation before the Commission,
and we therefore look forward with the
utmost confidence to the inauguration
of Samuel J. Tildes as President of the
United States for the four years suoceed
ing the fourth of March, 1877. With
the Administration in the hands of the
great reformer, an era of prosperity and
a renewed faith in Republican institu
tions may be looked forward to. With
what has been done in New York, as a
practical example of Mr. Tneu’s re
form declarations, we may reasonably
expect even greater results from his
management of the Federal Administra
tion. It has long been patent that re
form, and much of it, is sadly need
ed in every department under the
control of the National Executive, and
it has undoubtedly been a fear of such
reform which has made the Radical extre
mists look upon the election of Mr. Til
des with so mnoh disfavor. Apprehen
sion of exposure to the light of iuveetiga
tion has without doubt prompted those
in high plaeee to endeavor to force upon
the country the high-handed measures
and revolutionary doctrines which, for
tunately, were not supported bjr the
conservative element of their own party.
But whatever may be the result of the
deliberations of the high Commission—
looking at it even in a light unfavorable
■to the desires of the Democracy of the
Union—one great object has, at least,
been achieved ; peaoe is assured, for no
matter what the decision of the tribunal
shall be, both parties will acquiesce.
The country can breathe freer
than it has for the part three
months, reoognixiag, as it must, the
conclusions reached by Congress SJ*d
the Commission aa final. We oan
safely assure ourselves that suoh true
and tried Democrats as Thubhae, and
Batabd, and Ransom would not have
to the measure if they had not
deemed it the beet for the country un
der the circumstances, and in that as
surance rest satisfied. The agony ia
over, we have emerged from the dark
ness into the light, from the anxiety of
an unsettled dispute into the certainty
of a peaceful solution of the troubles
which bat a short time age threatened
the very life of the Republic,
Senator Harris, of Tennessee, is
credited by Parson Bhowhlow tat purity
of private character and great ability,
but the Parson is afraid that the Sena
tor is an extreme partisan. This, from
Parson Brown low, the Boston Pott
thinks, is ae rich as it was for General
Basks to call Horn Charles Fkancib
Adams a maa of no settled oonvietions.
The Railroad, Oasette says tfast dar
ing 1876 only 2,442 miles of railway!
were constructed in this country and
about one-third of this was done in Tex
as and California. In seventeen States
and Territories not a single mile was
laid. Still, even at this slow rate of in
ocease, thirty thousand miles of new
-railways would be laid in ten yean.
'There are already ia the United States
76,740 miles of railway, or one mile for
■every 600 of inhabitants. Ia 1876 about
300 miles more than in 1875 wen aeo
s true ted, bat 1875 was 500 miles behind
1874; 1874 was 1,800 miles behind 1878;
and 1878 was 1,600 miles behind 1872.
The construction in 1872 was 7,340
miles
the ILLINOIS SENATOR.
Tne axe of pnbito opinion has again
fallen, and the official head of ano‘her
ailmnisl be* rolled into the dust. With
the defeat of Loo a* passes from the na
tional counsels one of the most bitter of
the partisans who have striven withs de*
termination worthy of a better cause to
keep burning the fires of sectional ha
tred. The defeated Senator has scarce
ly been aarpasMd by Mobtoh in the in
tensity of hie bitterness and the perti
nacity with whioh he has pushed for
ward his extreme measures. With less
talent than the Indiana Senator be has
oertaisly not lacked the inclination to
keep pace with him in all his designs.
The conservative element of the country,
Republican as well aa Democratic, will
not shed many tears because bis voice
will be no longer heard in the Berate
after the fourth of March next. His
successor. Judge David Davis, who was
elected by the votes of the Democrats
and Independents in the Illinois Legis
lature, is a man of eminently conserva
tive and non-partisan views, and step
ping into the place vacated by Loo an,
will be received with much favor by the
Democrats of the Senate. We can score
one more gain for the Democracy.
ALABAMA'S INDEBTEDNESS TO SPEN
CER
In commenting on the remarks made
by Senator Spencer in a recently pub
lished interview, the Montgomery Ad
vertiter says : ‘‘The people of Alabama
are indebted to Bpenoeb for all the evils
suffered by them from bad officials.
They are indebted to him for having in
nocent citizens handcuffed and abused;
for having peaoeable citizens arrested
without oause and carried hundreds of
miles away from their homes; for having
soldiers surround their capital; for the
blessings of dual Legislatures; for slan
derous and malicious aspersions on their
good name; for being willfully misrep
resented on the floor of the Senate; for
having a Federal agent, even now, in
their midst with money and prepared
lists of witnesses to go to Washington
and attempt to slander her good name;
for hosts of officials whose only object
is to abuse their interests; for being
represented on the floor of the Senate
by one whose name is used by decent
journals throughout the land aa a
synonym for corruption, and as a dis
grace to the Senate Chamber. If these
are blessings for which a people should
be grateful, then is Spencer entitled to
our lasting gratitude.”
THE SOUTH.
The attitude of the Bouth in the
Presidential crisis has been such as to
challenge and elioit the admiration of
even the most bitter of her enemies.
Moving onward in the even tenor of her
way, a quiet, but by no means disinter
ested spectator of the momentons smug
gle, her conservative policy, her dis
claimer and evident intention to do
nothing which would justify the asser
tion that she was anxious to engage in
another war, have silenced the malig
nant tongues whioh have found so
mnoh satisfaction heretofore in de
claring that she wanted but the
opportunity to renew the hostili
ties whioh ceased at Appomattox. —
Her voioe for reform and constitutional
liberty was heard plainly enough in the
November eleotion, a voioe that liad
been so long stilled by the mailed hand
of power. She had suffered oppres
sion and wrong for ten years apd
more, why should ahe abandon
her policy of peaoe at a time when her
States had nearly all oome into the pos
session of their own aga-n ! If the na
tion wts willing U> submit to the out
rage which the party lu power seemed
bent in putting upon it, why should she
rise up ia arms agaiost it! With a sub
lime confidence in the jhstioe of the fu
ture she could well affoid to work for the
proeperity of her own desolated land and
relinquishing the sword grasp the plow
share with a renewed energy. While
standing in this attitnde before the
world, she betrayed no trust, exhibited
no supine indifference. Shoulder to
shoulder with JJie Northern and Wes
tern Democracy, her Representatives in
Congress, her mercantile cou)m nD ‘ty,
the great body of her people, protested
agaiost the wrong which was being done.
But she uttered no threat, sbfi intended
to utter none. If her votes eold
avail, if her protests oould ac
complish aught, they were ready,
and her Western and Northern friends
were assured of her cheerful and hearty
co-operation. She had always fltood by
the Constitution and the late crisis
found her still there. She did not say
that she would uot take pait in the
struggle if it must eome, if the Democ
racy of the North and West decided to
resist wrong and outrage and fight for
right and juatioe, but she wanted it un
deratood that she would not be induced
to inaugurate any jßßoh movement. Act
ing in this spirit from first to last she
has given the lie to all the charges which
have been so freely made against her by
Morton and Logan and gRBJWAN and
others of that stripe. Emerging from
the darkness of wrong into the light of
justice accorded at last, in anew career
of prosperity fipd peaoe she can afford
to forgive if not forgjst, all the outrages
imposed upon her in the past.
Hon. Job* S. MoPhbbson, who has j
been elected Senator (tom Sow Jersey
in the place of Fbkdsbiok T. ¥mi4*P
HUYBEN, Republican and present inenen
bent, is a straight-out Democrat. He
has bees iff the State Senate, is a busi
ness man and is sid to be popular in
the rural districts of tot* State.
T #it latest evidence at Ashtabula con- 1
firms tbs growing impression that the
bridge was unsafe, Aj#sbi Conodojj,
formerly master machinist of the Lake
Shore Road, who had oharge of tbe eon
strnction of the bridge, testified on Sat
urday that there was a lack of material
at tie time of its erection, and that the
structure was thereby rendered weak
from the outset.
Tu> Penoayifsuia jLegialatnre is agi
tating tha project of the removal of the
capital from Harrisburg to Philadelphia.
The Council of Pittsburg has presented
a petition to the Legislature, asking
that if this is done immediate steps be
taken for;the creation of anew State, to
ha sailed West Pennsylvania. The mat
ter u’e* yeem likely, to receive
serious attend, the presentation of
the petition met w?*h much derisiop
Wx published yesterday morning an
article commenting upon Messrs. Don
t Oo.'i circular in reference to business
failures in 1876. Accompanying the ar
ticle was a table illustrating in what sec
tions the financial pressure was the
most severe. The following table gives
the proportion of failures to number of
firms in each State, and the average lia
bilities ;
Average
One in Liability
Rhode Wand .......... 86 *44,051
Michigan 39 16,904
Color So. 40 11,46
Texas 42 11*380
lows 45 8,165
North Carolina. E 7,896
Georgia 48 *1.189
Massachusetts 60 82,646
South Carolina 61 16.855
Tennessee 62 4,111
New York 57 *7,881
Minamata 60 . 11,108
Oelifonu 62 16,636
Connecticut,. <g 21,^
Koatoeky .63 27,632
SHT; * 13.225
Mississippi TO .9.14
mtaois 1 ... 72 24,120"
Maine,,, 79 13.888
Virginia,,,, 9 19,484
Maryland.,,,.,,, 88 14,514
Ohio. 98 18429
Louisiana .....93 17.975
Wisconsin 96 20,609
Vermont 86
Alabama 97 15,184
Arkansas 102 7.664
Florida 103 3<86
Pennsylvania 109 21,983
New Jersey 112 14,296
Missouri. 143 23,301
Kansas... „147 9,060
Delaware 164 11,032
New Hampshire J 55 11,669
THE SENATORIAL CONTEST.
thk last BALLOT.
A flu mwiir t* Hill Bidtcatu la the
Joist aml—i-A Memorable Day ia AU
loot*.
[Atlanta Constitution, 261A.j
The editorial in yesterday’s Constitu
tion, predicting that the final straggle
upon the Senatorship would come off
during the day, drew an immense crowd
to the gallery.
The crowd was met with the annouuoe
meat that the House bad mdarad the
galleries dosed, and that positively no
one would -be admitted. This action
created some surpieion; was understood
to be the programme of the Norwood
men to prevent the influence of a Hill
audience bulldozing or seducing the
numbers.
At the hour of twelve the Senate en
tered the hall, and amid an nnnsnal si
lence that foreboded business, the roil
call was commenced.
In the Senate Mr. Norwood lost three
votes, McAfee and Harkuess goiug to
Hill, and Gamble voting for Charles J.
Jenkins. Hill gained four votes, losing
Mr. Batherford, who was absent. The
result of the Senate votes was very en
couraging to the Hill men, who began to
get restive with triumph. The oall of
the Honse only increased Hill’s gain,
althoogh several
Of Ilia Mam Treated Talar*,
Such as Phillips and Harden of Cobb,
Wilson of Campbell, Stanford of Har
ris, Pope of Oglethorpe and others,
went to Smith. The Hill men evidently
had control of the ballot, and were fili
bustering for some purpose or other.
Hill and Norwood ran even nearly all
the way through, Hill leading a few
votes, and then Norwood. At 76 votes
each they were tied. At the close of the
ballot it was discovered that it stood
Narwaad 88 mod Hill 83, Smith ltd,
With 9 for Johnson and 4 tor Walker.
Before the result was announced Sena
tor Cody arose, and in a distinct and
measured voice ohanged his vote from
Smith to Hill. This was greeted with
great applause, and followed by other
changes—Cabaniss, Kennon of Clay- to
Hill, uninterrupted by a single change
to Not wood. The Hill filibusters came
hack to their leader one at a time, until
finally
Hill Had Crawled Up to Norwood and Passed
Him.
Then Blue, cf Glynn, arose, and be
ing for once in his life the cynosure of
the eyes of Georgia, in a provoking
ly deliberative manner changed from
Walker to Bill. This was greeted by
deafening applause. Mr. Haralson, of
Union, who was Hill’s most inveterate
enemy in the nine days’ fight at Gaines
ville, then arose, a gray and sturdy vet
eran, and said:
“I Change from Norwood to Hill.”
This put Hill beyond the 100 vote&,
and then the House literally got off its
feet. The confusion was simply inde
scribable. The stampede to Hill was
fearful. Members ohanged faster than
their changes could be recorded’ The
ohanges ran
One Hundred and Sixteen Vote*,
When the ballot closed.
As soon as it was discovered that Hill
was really elected, the dense crowd that
packed the corridors and halls of the Cap
itol commenced to howl. Their resonant
applause entered the hall at every door
and filled it with a sweet music, that
coming from
Invisible Audience Fell Mystically
Upon the house, The effect of this
cheering from the outside corridors can
hardly be estimated.
This reporter has never witnessed such
a scene as followed the declaration of the
result. The members fell into each
other’s arms like lunatics; grown men
wept like children, Mr. Moses, of Mus
cogee, leading in this lachrymal tribute.
Hats went ceilingward, and shout alter
shout rent the air. The Houses hardly
adjourned—they dissolved. They
Went to Pieces in a Storm!
Motions to make the vote unanimous
were made by two Norwood men—
Stewart, of Taylor, and Thomas, of
Coweta, The motions could not be put.
When Mr. Lester announced that ‘'the
Hon. Benjamin H. Hill was elected
Senator for the term of six years,”
Speaker Bacon remarked, aotto voce,
‘‘That is a mistake; you should say,
‘for the term of his natural life.’ ”
fig soon as the mutual congratulations
were over, the crowd poured to the tele
graph office, where several hundred dis
patches were sent to various points, a
hundred or so going to Mr. Hill, A lot
of samples is appended ;
‘‘Georgia is safe. Ben Hill is Sena
tor.”
“The people beat the politicians ouce
more, and the Booth gives another
Henry Olay to the Republic.”
“To Jim Blaine; Rounoe out of the
back window of the Senate. Ben Hill iB
coming in the front door.”
“This victory is as great as Tilden’s
inauguration would be.
“The eleotion of yourself.to the Sen
ate seals drowning of Radicalism. ”
“The Legislature may now adjourn.
It has immortalized itself.”
•‘‘The Ifinth District, while regretting
her lose, is proud that ahe contributes
the leading champion to constitutional
liberty.”
To J. G. Blaine: “Bed ruffln, retire."
To B. H. Hill: “Oh, tell it to ‘Gath’
—and whisper it in the streets of Aska
lon.”
.“The .conspirators are foiled. The
people haye pppjien.”
The Final Wfftp.
Wp append the first vpte as taken in
the Houses, ft will be seen that the re
oorded vote is only Iff,
BeustP.
Hill—Asbury, Brewster, Bush, Bry
an, Oureton, Dead wyler, England,
Godfrey, Harkuess, Howell, Hudson,
McAffee, McLf od, O’Daniel, Ragsdale,
Slaughter, Staten —17.
Norwood—Black, Bullock, Clifton,
Dußose, Felton, freeman, Furman,
Graham, Harrison, Hogps, Mattox,
MoDanih'. McDonald, Ndybprp, seese,
Ried, Wile©?, WdW, Wesskjowski,,
Lester-26,
Smith—Cabaniss, Chastian, Cody,
Shewmake—4.
Haase.
Hill—Alman, Allred, Awtry, Bennett,
Blood worth, Born, Branch, Brockett,
Candle*, Carlton, Coebran, Colbert,
Cloud, Coy of Troup, Davis of Bibb,
Dayi* of Houston, Dozier of Quitman,
Dudley, Dugger, Duke, Fry, Freeman,
Grant, Gray, Gresham, Good rum, Har
rell, Hawes, Hdlypr, Hammond, Hogan
of Carroll, Humber, Hutchins, James,
Jones of Polk, Jordan of Pulaski, Rey,
Kimsey, Leach, Matthews of Talbot,
Matthews of Pik% Maund, McAfee, Mc-
Intyre, Moses, Murray, North, Penn,
Peek, Phillips of Carroll, Picket of tia
buu, Pickett of Gilmer, Puckett, Boper,
Sheffield of Miller, of Oglethope,
Smith of Walton, Stewart of Milton,
Stewart of Spalding, Stokeley, Taylor,
Tnrnboli, Walton of Haralson, Wilkes,
Wise,Bacon of Bibb—66.
Norwood—Afiams of Chatham, At
wood, Benson, Brewer, Brown of Upson,
Brown of Fayette, Burch of Thomas,
Burch of Elbert, Callaway, Carter, Case,
Collins, Corker,. Cox of Bryan, Davi
stop, peLoaoh, Evans, Fletcher, Fort,
Frederick, Guyton, Green, Glover of
Twiggs, Glover ,ojf /ones, Haralson,
Hughes, Johnston, Jobes of McDuffie,
Hendrick, Kirby, Knox, Lang, Mallptte,
McDonald, Mcßae, Mobley, Moore,
Northern, Qwenby, Payne, Paul, Pear
son, Perkins, piUher, Polhill, Price,
Rawlins, Ried of Morgan, Richardson,
Keene, Robinson, Bouse, Russell,
Scruggs, BbeJ#eld of Early, Sikes,
Simms, Smith of Tetnall, Smith of
Butts, Stewart of Taylor. Strickland,
Thomas, Vick, Wall, Williae,
WoJlibiD, Wilcox—6B.
Smith—finderson, Bowen, Tavis o.
Stewart, Dogie* of Harris, Harden, Ho-
Sn of Monroe, Hood, Renpon, Miller,
ittis, Peacock, Phillips of Gobb. Pope,
Ragsdale, Robson, Standfoyd, Timlin,
Walsh, Whittle, Wilson, Wooldridge,
Willingham—92-
Mr. Kennon, from Smith tp Hill,
Mr. Harden, from Smith to Hill.
Mr. Phillips, of Cobb, from Smith to
Hill.
Mr. Bowen, from Smith to Hill.
Mr. Hood, from Smith to Hill.
Mr. Bobeou, from Smith to Hill.
Mr. Peacock, from Smith to Hill.
Mr. Jordan, of Hancock, from John
son to Hill.
Mr. McGor, from Johnson to Hill.
Mr. Walton, of Burke, from. Johnson
to Hill.
Mr. Haralson, from Norwood to Hill.
Senator Wilson, from Norwood to
Hill.
Mr, Gayton, from Norwood to jHiIL
Mr. Blue, from Walker to Hill.
Mr, Bacon, of Liberty, from Walker
to HiU.
Mr. Bunts, from Walker to Hill.
Mr. Adams, of Lee, from Walker to
Hill.
Mr. Marshall, from Bacon to HilL
Mr. Hollis, from Crawford to HilL
This changed the vote to the follow
ing summing up ’
B.H.HUL T. 116
T. M. Norwood 86
James M. Smith 6 ,
H. V. Johnson 6
Governor /equips.,, 1
Tot*l : (
Not voting —Senators Perry and ■
Batherford, and RepreeenUtiveaCauaey,
Fairckjth, Smith of Behalf Wade.
Henry Ward Beecher wiU be the ora
tor at a meeting to be held in Brooklyn
for the relief of the theatre sufferers.
HON. B. 11. HILL’S SPEECH.
AN ABLE ADDRKBS.
Pslitics Past, Preseat and Falare—He De-
Snes His Pesftioe —The Presidential Crisis
—Constitutional Qnestions Involved.
Mr. Hitt's Bpeech is presented below folly.
It is sn important document, and apt to go up
on the records prominency. It was delivered
before a large aadience at the State Capitol
Saturday night.
Hon John D. Stewart, of Spaulding, con
dacted Mr. Hill into the Speakers' seat, and by
way of introduction said :
"I take pleasure in introducing to you, upon
this occasion. Has. B. H. Htli. Georgia's
statesman and Georgia’s orator.”
When Mr. Hill roee he was greeted with a
storm of applause from his admirers.
Mr. Hill’s Address.
I desire to say to the gentlemen of the press
and newspapers that I will take the liberty of
lelieving them of the labor of reporting my
remarks to-night. I will take occasion to do
that myself at the proper time and furnish a
copy to each member of the General Assembly
and of the press. [Laughter J
I have no intention, upon yis occasion, of
uttering one word that oagbt to be offensive to
any gentleman. If. however, I should Bay
anyhing in the discharge of my duty here by
which any gentleman thinks himself involved
and that may need a reply from him, I wish
very much that be would give me notice
of the fact at as earl r a time—to-night or to
morrow—os possible. If I get no such notice
I shall, iu all probability, go as soon as I can
back to Washington; bnt if I do get such a
notice. I shall take great pleasure in meeting
whoever may desire it. [Applause.]
Gentlemen of ihe General Assembly, my
business to-night is with yon, and. first of all,
I feel that I owe you on apology for being
here. In the critical condition of the country,
when, in my judgment, everything valuable
to freemen must be determined in the next
forty days, and all the preliminary work neces
sary to make this determination wisely, bos
been, and is now progressing, nothing bnt the
most extraordinary circumstances would
justify me in leaving my post of
duty* and ccmiDg here upon this busi
ness. Bat circumstances have occurred
which induced my friends here and in Wash
ington to assure me that I ought to c ime,
and I have selected a period when I conld be
absent without detriment to any of your in
terests, having nothing to demand my pres
ence there fr m the time that I left, >nd be
c iuse, under the rules of the House, no busi
ness can be transacted until Tuesday. Under
ordinary circumstances it would be a pleasure
for me to meet the General Assemblv when
ever they desired me to do so, and if the most
extraordinary conspiracy had not existed with
the purpose to destroy me and my influence in
this country, 1 1 won'd have been content to
leave ray dest.ny and my record with the intel
ligent members of this General Assembly.
T e people of America have, for years com
mitted one great mistake, and that mistake
consists in the fact that they have not realized
fully the dangers through which they have
been passing. Those of you who have done
me the honor, for the lat ten years, to hear
and read my opinions, need not be remi ded
that I have ala ays said during that time that the
crisis—the critical period—iu American history
would be when the Republican party was call
ed upon to give up power. I arrived at that
opinion in no partisan spirit, withont feeling or
bitterness, for it was a conviction founded up
on a careful study of the purposes and charac
ter of the Republican leaders in the light of
history. The most daogerons event to a Re
public is-the accession of a party to power
in the midst of civil war. When the time
should come for the American people—or
when the American people would demand this
surrender of power by the Re, üblican party,
that had gained it under those circumstances,
no man could forces, but whenever it should
come, it is singular that every reflecting mind
did not see that the country would be involved
in a most perilous crisis.
For the first time after the war I felt a de
sire to participate io public affairs when a va
cancy occurred in the Ninth District, for the
reason that at the election just before a De
mocratic majority had been elected- to the
American Congress, or, ra'her, the lower
Honse of Congress, and I believed that tbe
time had oo - e when, if that majority im
proved the opportunity, they would bring
about the time when the people would demand
that the Republican party should surrender
power. I said in almost every speech that I
made in that canvass, what I said here in this
very stand two years ago, that whenever that
time should come it was important the de
mand should be made Ly an overwhelmingly
large majority, and that it would be especially
unfortunate if the Southtnkßtates, or a few
of them, constituted the balance of power
with those commanding ihirf party to yield.
The Forty-fourth Congress did assemble, and,
owing to the kindness of tbe people of the
Ninth District, it was my pleasure to be there.
I was a witness and participant in its proceed
ings. Better work, in my judgment, was never
done than by the Democrats in the first ses
sion of the Forty-fourth Congress. The peo
ple responded to the work they did : they re
sponded by a change of over a million of
votes. And the result was that the Republican
party, which had 800.000 majority in 1872, were
asked to surrender their power in 1876 by over
250,000 votes ! [Applause.] But, it so hap
pened. iust as I had apprehended and feared,
that the deciding power in that contest was the
Southern States, and thus the very trouble
which spemed io me deplorable, if that con
tingency happened, stares the oountry in the
faoe; and when the second session of the
Forty-fourth Congress met on the first Monday
in December last tbe condition of the country
was exceedingly embarrassed. Evidently tbe
Republican party did not intend to surrender
power if, by any means, they could hold it, and
they felt that the means were in their hands.
W hen I speak of the Republioan party now, I
speak of those whom.we call leaders—the con
trolling men. the iWd who have shaped and
directed, and continue to shape and direct its
destiny.
What was the condition of tbe oountry when
Congress met ? Yon are all familiar with it.
Voluntary committees, or associations, of gen
tlemen from both parlies had hurried down to
witness the counting of the votes in the three
most disputed States—Southern States—and
all of them under the oontrol of Radical State
governments. It requited that all three of
those States should be oeunted for tbe Repub
licans, to give success to their ticket. But
there was a reserved power over whatever
might be determined by these Returning
Boards, as they were called, in these several
States. Their action had to undergo review
by some power at Washington, under the Con
stitution of the country. So it became import
ant, not only that the Republican party should
secure what they called the prima facie count
in those three States, but that it should hare
the r,eview of those ‘ counts” in the hands of
persons iff Waship jton who would be as enper
seryiceable as tpie Boards thpmselves, else in
[he last b°H? t hpif scheme might fail. This
state of things presented a remarkable ques
tion. You hear it talked about, dispusspa on
the streets and in the newspapers everywhere.
It waß a newquestion. born otpartyexigencies,
and never before suggested by a statesman in
the whole history of the coun ry, and t at
was: That the final counting of the volts be
longed exclusively to the President of the
Senate, and that the two Houses of Congiess,
required by the Constitution to be present
when the count is made, are simply spectators,
with ijo payer t,p participate iu any manner*
86 ifiat the Republipan policy upon the fi st
Monday in Deoember consisted it) three pro
ppsjtioup. fhp first w- tp seepre tbp re
turns in tpe fhlpP disputed States; tfie second
was, to have the President of thp 8 91 >ate, who
is a Republican, alone tP goirpt tfee votes tfips
secured, without any pewer of review by spy
other party ; and the third plank in the Re
publican platform was that the result thus sc
oured and thus announced should be sustained
at every hazard by the army under the orders
of the present President. He is little to be
respected as a statesman who does not see at
once the danger of that policy of the Repub
licans in what is known as "the Presidential
count." It was evidently the party purpose,
[henparty movement, and [Be great end and
object S?s to continue the Republican party
in power, *nd the question for the yetpocracy
to meet was, how to meet those three propose
tions. Now, lam going to say to you ibis :
that I have no thought of going into tbe de
tails of the policy of the Democratic party,
adopted and now being carried out It woul.t
be improper for me to do so and you must not
expect it. but it is proper for me to give you a
genjsr** i4ea of the principles and plan of op
erations by ftaiqii fjia?? propositions are to be
policy of the Republic ms had to be met
by a Democratic policy. What was it ? it may
be stated i# the of a few principles.
The first manifestly wise qnp adqptpd by it was
this : That the party must look upon this great
question, raised for the first tune in ail our
historv, not as an occasion for mere par y tri
umph,* but that tbe Democratic party must now
become the party of the people, entrusted with
the great work of ascertaining and declaring
the will of the people. That high position was
taken by this party because the question for
ud’to determine was not whom thp people
ought to elßßt—that had been done during the
canvass, and the people had voted—but the
question we had to determine was, how the
people hq'd voted—whom they had Elected/
And uf determining that question we were
bound by *l} tfie obligations, Bacred in their
character,' of judge abd Ifiry. in determining
all questions submitted to them undef [heir
oaths, and I submit it to every intelligent per
son if, upon this proposition, the Democratic
partv didn’t distinguish itself as entitled to
credit from the American people in contradis
tinction to the Republican party ? rApplause ]
tte Republicans were bent upon solving the
problem "liow to secure our man whether the
people elected him or not They had worked
mthe three disputed States to overthrow the
witt of the people. They had no purpose to
serve but a partisan purpose. The President
even lent himself to this ; a most remarkable
spectacle for him to present! Re requested
gentlemen to go to those States. Who gave
him any authority to do sp? And they went
because Be requested them to. ? eyery one
w&went mkf wStol/' .pkrtisan, . ju
ntas and attorney to itofcod the frauds jnd U
, ; 'uqb* of these They
legal a*. - tbeir report; they sent it
in at this time, wasn , it
that it should say: Our purpose
& to represent top people, the peoce ond the
laws of the country, and asceriaw the wiU or
the people and abide by it, not ** a_ pMy mi
ter, but in a patnotic spirit ?
'riiat was the first ground taken. Io carry
out this policy conferences gentle
men of the party were held before the meeting
of Congress, and it was determined to appoint,
whS Congress met, committees to to th^se
States and learn the facts. Now, you so® tne
difference. We had even then any quantity of
testimaay- That sent in by the Prasidmitcon
ceming Louisiana made J> volume as large.
not larger than this that I hl4to my hand
Si toatTu see we were plentHeUy sappUed
with testimony of kind.
thi tftfttimonv bad been taken by mtereetea
the Democratic party, bat it was
manifest that it was aU taken not m any offi
cial character and under no authority, and h
no binding ejf ect; and wae like taking teeti-
by the Bepnbh-
suweojrtw on *l“'
solidly for it.
The next proposition of the Democratic par
sESSwriS
HonseA Without sioppmg !
rf the two Houses in tbe count, tbe great
wt*. m te count
was i-vested ■ the Republicans mf istmg that :
it was the President of I
Democrats that it
Congress in Joint session and eat* House set
uig separately. Now. my ftieuds. which b and
the advantage there ? ihe Republican p rty
themselves, by what they called the 22d joint
rule, adopted in 1865. when they had a large
majority, had counted in Lincoln for his sec
ond, and Grant for both of his terms, and that
rule recognized the power to coant to be in the
two Houses, fio here was a r markable spec
tacle presented to the country.
For the purpose of counting the votes of
1876 tbe Repnblican party abandoned their
own rule adopted in 1*65, when they had a
tw -thirds majority, and under which they had
counted in Lincoln and Grant; and they even
hod the brass to call it " unconstitutional!”
[Laughter.] If that is so, Lincoln and Grant
were both unconstitutional Presidents, which
I am inclined to believe they were. [Applause ]
But the Democratic party took the position
that it was no time to devise new methods of
count, and they expressed their willingness to
a man to take the Bepablioans’ own rule and
count the vote! [Applause ] So I think we
had the aivantage, of them upon both points.
Now, then in answer to the queetion of
force. The position of the Democratic party
was that it was unnecessary to talk about force,
and that the American people, throng a their
representativee. were entirely competeot to
determine whom they had elected President.
We insisted that it was a plain matter of fig
ures and simple calculation, and that it was no
nse to indulge in threats and appeals to foroe.
One of the most beautiful and trying ques
tions in this whole matter was, What should
be the position of t e Southern States ? It
was clearly the purpose of the Republican
party, if they coad p 'ssibly. by fares or other
wise, continue in power, to take possession of
the House of Representatives, very much in
the same way that they bad taken possession
of the Houses in several of the States, make
it Repnblican, review the laws and condnet of
several of tbe Southern States, with the pur
pose, if they could, to remand them back to a
Territorial condition. That seems a strong de
claration, bnt I have not stated it strong
enongb. Did yon know that at the last ses
sion of Congress a most elaborate report of
two large volumes in size was made concern
ing tbe Mississippi election matter, at-d at the
end of it resolutions were appended that the
Ktate be remanded to a Territorial conritton
until anew generation should arise ? The pro
position was that the old generation, raised
under the administration of slavery, had never
and could never properly appreciate thia Gov
ernment and the blessings of liberty, aud tb t
it was better to remand the people of that and
these other Southern States until they had be
come fitted in anew generation and by another
course of educstlo i to participate in this great
Government of America. [Laughter.] That
proposition is upon the table yet, seriously en
tertained by the leaders of the party, and soon
after the present session opened, Mr. Ed
monds, one ot the ablest of the leaders of the
party, introduced resolutions to investigate tbe
elections in Georgia. Alabama and other sister
States You thought bt cause you had 80.000
majority you weie safe, and they thought you
could not have 80,000 majority without some
fraud ! [Laughter ] Aud upou that subject I
had to write to a very good friend in New
York, the other day, to explain to him how it
was possible. You have no idea how much
these things affect the people of the North,
and with what interest they look upon them
They believe that we carry our elections by
force and frau 1, and my observations in Con
grass convince me rf tbe fact that the Repub
lican party has regretted that it ever removed
any disabilities and let us bock into a partici
pation in the Government, And if they ever
get us down again they will never consent to
let us up! [Laughter ] I give you that warn
ing now.
Now, that was the Democratic policy. Evi
dently General Grant was gathering military
forces at Washington for the purpose I spok
of, and he expected to find iu tbe temper of
the Southern people and their representatives
a pretext for the use of that force. The great
hope or the Republican party, to enable them
to carry out their scheme of force, was to re
in.ke an issue betweeu the South aud the
North; to convince the people of the North
that the people of the South were dangerous,
and that from the moment they returned,
through the Democratic pa ty which they were
said to con’rol. to a part in the administration
of tbe Government, they would take posses
sion of it in a sectional spirit and undo all that
the Republican party had done. If General
Grant could fiud that pretext—that’s all he
wants—under the pretext that he was putting
down what he would call a "new rebellion,”
he would use the a,my to inaugurate a Repub
lioan President, right or wrong, or to continue
himself in power, as the case may be. And if
it was said t at this was “usurpation” the re
ply would be, “it is better to have usurpation
in order to keep the Government in the hands
of the loyal people of the North than to let it
go into the hands of the disloyal South !” You
understand that ! He would provoke the peo
ple of the South to do such things as would
furnish this pretext, if he could. He has wor
ried the people of South Carolina, and day by
'day sought to provoke the gallant Hampton to
do something wrong. [Applause ] He failed,
and the American people can never fully ap
preciate the example afforded by that historic
character, the hero of South Carolina! [L md
cheers.] And he is trying his hand tow upon
Louisiana. He expected when Congress met
that our hot blooded Southern representatives
—"the hundred ex-Confederates”—would oome
up swaggering and swearing on every hand
that “Tilden is elected and we are going to
inaugurate him 1” That is what Grant wanted,
and what is most remarkable, they looked with
more hope to the member from the Ninth than
to any other man to be that great fool! [ Ap
plause and laughter.] Well, the old gentlemau
was mistaken. We were there several days
before the meeting of Congress. What was
going to be the policy of the Democratic party
nobody exactlyJtnew. Everybody wae think
ing and talking upon other subjects, but this
one had not been discussed. The Democratic
party held a oaueus to nominate a Speaker of
the Houbb, and did nothing elße. That was
o i Saturday night. On Sunday some fifteen
or twenty of ns had a caucus—conferences,
they are called—and it being Sunday, we
thought everybody’s sheep were in the ditch
and it was our duty to help them out—[laugh
ter]—and we talked over the matter together.
Nobody had said what the Southern people
would do in this arise and everybody seemed
to think that somebody else should say what
ought to be done. We had another caucus
and appointed a “committee of prudence,’
o imposed of seven members, then adjourned.
We met again and the committee reported a
resolution that had been agreed upon by the
seven persons who composed it, and when the
resolution was read somebo y had to say
something. The time had come. It was the
crisis! The Democratic party was to mane
out the policy which was to put it on an ag
gressive line, or otherwise, and it was upon
that occasion that I made the speech, about
which you have all heard so much, and know
nothing! [Laughter ] About which so many
versions have been published and not a single
word in any of them true ! Now, I cannot give
you that speech, for that would not be proper.
I was the first man who took the floor. That
is so. I saw that the time had ccme, and my
mind was made up. I did not know how many
were there who had made up their minds, but
J knew that I had; and if you will excuse me I
will apt bore you witfl the speech, but only
give you tbp opening sentence, to show y m
the line I was on—just to give you the text.
Now, here they are :
“Mb. Chairman— lt is with the greatest dif
fidence I rise even to suggest a modification cf
the resolution reported unanimously from a
committee composed of such distinguished
gentlemen as those who compose this commit
tee. Yet, yve are here together, and I have my
views upon this matter and I think I should
express hem. Now, the text; The t upreme
duty of the crisis is to secure the peaceful in
auguration of Tilden and Hendricks. |Ring
gipg applause.] \yhatever promotes Ih s eud
is wse. Whatever obctpucti this end is un
wise. Accomplish this and all other good
things >viU cope tq onr country. Fail to ae
complisb tfiie $64 a H other evils will cope up
on onr go armor) country
I then went into a calm, dispassionate dis
cussion of a few things which I thought would
Fromote that result aud of a few others which
thought would obstruct that result I never
said an unkind word of anybody—no Demo
crat ! [Laughter] I never said anything
about “the conservative influerc> of a fifteen
inch shell with the fuse in a state of combus
tion,” because I didn't know anything about it
myself. [Laughter and applause J I never
ilgYd tfiogo jrekqtiful expressions that you have
seen traye(pg"%rppd the ‘potijifry about “in
vincibles in peage jhfi jnyiejibfes ip w* r -2
[Laughter.] I never rasped my friend Mr,
Wood—not a bit of it. On the contrary, it
should gratify you all as muoh as it did me,
even Mr, Wood, who reported the resolution,
accepted the suggestion and it was adopted
unanimously by them. Aod I never made a
speech in my life for which I received warmer
congratulations from men wnose congratula
tions were worth having. Every single South
em' man who was there agreed with me and I
have Rearil' i£ there every day since [hat that
little inn'opqnt epeisch’ yas tbe tomjng point in
tt)e wl)o|e matter. It yyae a small thingdo do,
but it only takes g little forge to Bet a ball in
motion and to keep it going until tbe mo.
mentnm increases and no power can stop it.
And that ball had to be started right there, on
one track or the other. If it was started on
the wrong track it would have gone on and 1 n
until we were ruined, and If on the right track
the eountry wouli be safe. It only required a
little thing to start it and the one thing to do
was' to start it in the right direction. It was
unanimously ag eed that the deportment of
the South in this crisis should be quiet—per
fectly quiet. Aud that.it would be exceeding
ly improper for the South to take the position
that if War occurred it should be exclusively
a ijojrtjibrti tfar, : Because thkt wbuld not be
sincere. It wbulfi Be [mprbper' to'say’m ad
vance that you wanted it to occur and wanted
to go into it. It vy imprudent to discourage
the Northern Democrats by telling them thst
yen would not go in. if it did come, and again
it was a mistake to attempt to patrorize them
into position. Yon are very much mistaken if
you think the Northern Dem crats are not ae
brays os any. [Applause ] I do not believe
that they are going to ley theif rights be de
stroyed, except it be upon the idea that if they
got into a war up there, we wOtfld set up for
ourselves down here. That idea, let me say
to you. is industriously held out to them up
there. And it was unnecessary, wholly so,
for vour Southern representatives tq indulge
in Lrc'yado.' and tell which side they would
take' & war c*qte. becahse it was olir duty to
keeijjoff war if possible, puj if war.must comethe
Whole ß ?w wLicL sidAtheJ Bouth wopld
take. [Lopd applause and cheer*. I Apd there
is not a Democrat in Congress froth the North
who would not have done what I did—relieve
all little politicians aud newspapers from say
ing what the South would do. Whenever you
gee a man running ahead and swearing he will
do so and so, you can swear almost that he
won’t do it. [uisghter.] That sort of cour
age it Offt VgJued in Congress.
Well now. my friemjs, iust as soon as this
general polioy of the two Parties became known
the effect began to be seen. There was the
Republican party on the one hand seeking a
mere party triumph by fair or foul means,
saying we will have the count in the three dis
puted States, there shall be no means of re
view aftir they are put in the hands of the
President of the Senate; and will inaugurate
our President and sustain Uuu with the forces
of the United States. Riot ™ mating it an
unconstitutional party—fhepsiwor ustßpation
and the party of war. there Was the Demo
cratic party saying- This, question must be
put on a high aod patnotic plane, god bpth
parties ehould insist that according to the evi
dence they were willing to decide, and toot
the evidence should be token according to the
accepted forms and long established interpre
tations of the Constitution! By this means the
Democratic party made itself the pa riotio
party-tRe ami at law and the party ef peace.
It is impossible to toll you the wonderful
effect these two poticiSs Ufknaon the situa
tion. Nothing was more gratifying. Sensible,
intelligent Republicans b goa to consider.—
ton she our grfeot point wsn, by taking tikis
broad A+tiipliC position, to reduce enough He-
DnblicjmSewdor’ to B° 08 on their own
rule ’whocoulo dread *' '>“* ot the
rotes, according to lair, W B 'PJ t 7 ““t
was not wiitog to haye ana abide b,, a fair
count ? Yet some pee tie rtote tp me; TJont
say a fair count, but say *flid#B js ejected.
But I was a good Democrat enough a4 b*d
confidenc, enough in the result to say that I
had confidence in a “fair count, and when
yon &o£*t say that you admit that you doa t
Sve tonfiSnsein a fair count! That . the
very position Into which w# were crowding the
Republicans. They wort gofag omd say
ing: “Hayes is elected. Hsyee 1s elected, i
We said to them, “Oh, come on now and let
ae have a fair count.” “Oh, Hayes is elected.
they said (much weaker), and eo it wae that ye
were at an advantage with them upon that
point.
Grant commenced weakening from the very
day of that caucus in which that qneation was
determined. Gen. Grant, Morton and the
other leaders of the Republican party com
menced weakening and the only comfort that
I had when the w ole press of the country was
saying that I was a traitor and selling oat to
Hayes, I conld prove the contrary by Grant
and Morton, for both of them were cmviug me
for being a d—d hyimcrite. [Laughter and
appla .se.] There wasn’t aDy hypocrisy about
me. I thought the Democratic party was right
on ihe merits of its case and I was willing to
stand upon the merits, 'that is all. [Ap
plause. J If you are not willing to do that, you
are not good Democrats, and go and make a
trade with Hayes yourselves!
I have no apologies to make—none in the
world—not a particle. Well, after this thing
occurred, it did not occur to me—l will simply
go into a litt’e history of my further connec
tion with those matters, for that is my busi
ness here. This last caucus was the last gen
eral caucus but our priva e caucuses, or con
ferences, were held ofien. I had the honor
and the pleasure to be a regular attendant,
and felt both the honor and the pleasure of
the position and tried to make a worthy mem
ber. I felt that the veiy fate of the conn ry
depended upon the crisis, and I was willing to
do all in my power and to humble myself, even
ion to my knees, to give it a successful issue.
After this caucus had adjourned several days
we began to see in the newspapers that Mr.
Hill had made a terrible speech in the caucus
and had rasped Mr. Wood fearfully, and that
we had all fallen out and broken up in a row.
Well, we just laughed at it all and let it pasß,
and talked together, and said the reporters
had missed it this time. They are always
trying to guess what takes place in caucus,
and they are mighty bad guessers at that!
[Laughter.] They took it into their heads
that because Wood was the chairman of the
committee and reported the resolution and
because I offered the suggestion to modify
them, that that broke up the meeting in a row.
Why, it was no such thing—it was a regular
class-meeting. [Laughter ] We just laughed
at these reporters, but it went on getting
worse. After awbi eit became importaut that
ome Sou hern man should make an emphatic
expression upon some points. I was asked to
make it and did do so, not having an oppor
tunity in the House, but in an interview which
has become geneially known as the Herald
interview, published in the New York Herald.
That interview has been very much misunder
stood. and 1 desire to say -omethmg about it.
And, first tha I am not responsible for either
the interpretation or the intro uction given to
it by the reporter, all of which are untrue;
and, second, tha; every word in it was the re
sult of conferences with the most trusted and
prominent of our leaders there in Washing
ton. Talk of my policy! The Democratic
party has a policy. Mr. Hill has no policy.
The Democratic party has a policy, and Mr.
Hill is a part of it ? [Applause.] And it was
in furtherance of that policy that the inter
view was had, and the main idea of it was to
put a center shot into that claim that the
President of the Senate alone could count the
vote—and I did it! And the other part ot it
was to say that we were not going to get up
another rebellion!
Un the 16th of December, 1876, a most im
portant conference was held. Mr. Hewitt
came to me and said that a few gentlemen
whom he had invited were going to meet at
h s house that night to discuss some matters,
and there w-uld be some gentlemen there
from New York among others, and that he and
they were anxious that I should be there. 1
went, and the me'-ting continued until near
midnight, and I think it was one of the most
pleasant and satisfactory that I ever attended
in all my life. It was an earnest, honest ois
cußsion the whole evening of certain measures
whi h we thought should be adopted—certain
evils to be avoided, and certain good things to
be desired and accomplished. lam noi going
into the details of that conference, but when
the history of this Winter’s work is written it
will take an important place in the events of
the time. And when it broke up the member
from the Ninth was gratified as much as he
ever has been in his life by the fact, commu
nicated by Mr. Hewitt, that he hid been com
plimented with a special vote of thanks for his
suggestions by this whole company of distin
guished persons. [Applause.] I felt very
grateful for that. I can assure you. It was ex
ceedingly gratifying tome, and I lefthis house
at midnight—it was one of the bitterest nights
I ever felt—cold, late, t ie street cars all stop
ped, and it was a good mile walk to my hou-e.
The only man of the parly going my way was
that great, wise, gallant man from Virginia—
John Randolph Tucker ! [Applause.] it was
cold and the wind was icy and we had to walk
that full mile. We set out and were talking
about what had just passed, and we were so
gratified aud cheerful at the prospect of the
early redemption of our people, that we well
nigh forgot about the cold. We knew that the
South had suffered and borne in patience-, and
we knew that her deliverance was coming aud
we were pleased that in some way we wore
humble instruments in bringing it about. The
feeling was so good and so cheerful that when
I first got home and went into my room I did
not care to think of much else. And when
Mrs. Hill said. "There are some telegrams for
you,” I did not care to bother with them. I
was tired and had been up until the hours of
the Sabbath were upon us, but being telegrams
I went in and looked at them. What were
they ? Une of them was from a gallant, h n
orable young friend in this -ity, whom I es
teem very much, and it Baid : "Plant your
self square for Tilden. or you are beat!”
[Laughter and cheers ] ••Plant yourself !’’
I thought I had been planted ! [Laughter ]
"Plant yourself square !’’ Well, I thought I
had been pretty "square ” [Laughter ]
"Plant yourself square for Tilden!” The
Lord knows I had never dreamed that I was
for anybody else! [Applause.] I opened
anotber.and it was from two gentlemen of this
oity, both of whom are my warmest of friends.
That was a long and earnest one. It said :
"You must send a telegram distinctly stat
ing that you are not indifferent as between
Tilden and Hayes. You must sen !it to-night,
so tbatPit may go into the Constitution in the
morning. The people of Atlanta are greatly
excited 1” [Applause aud merr ment.] Now.
what had I done ? How do you reckon I felt ?
I will never forget that night. There I had
been out all that night laboring for the oause
of my people and country, complimented for
my services, and had come home to find such
telegrams awaiting me ! And as the past ran
over me and I remembered what I had done
during the canvass, had left my own district
and gone into o hers, and wherever there was
doubt, and even to gallant little Florida to
make it sure for Tilden, and I had the bost
assuran es from one of the most distin s uished
men in Florida that after all it was my hum
ble visit down there tha: had made Drew Gov
ernor, and that Tilden ought of right to have
the electoral vote ! [Cheers ] And after all
to come home now and find such telegrams!
What did it mean ? I soon fouud out. I did
not answer the tele rams. It was too late,
and I did not have the heart to do it, anyway.
Then, in a day or two, the letters begaa to
come in. My dear friends. I love to hear from
you, but how you did flood me with letters 1
[Laughter.] They said the charge is that you
are indifferent between Tilden and Hayes; that
you are selling out Tilden and Hendricks; and
I suppose a hundred Southern newspaper-i had
editorials on Ben Hi l’s abandonment of Tilden.
Gentlemen, that was very trying and outrage
ous, when I had not said one word
that had not been, concurred in unanimously
by the Democrats in Cos igress. The truth is,
if I wasn’t in accord with the Democratic par
ty then it was not in acoord with itself. [’ p
idause ] It was impossible for a man to be in
Washii gton City and be in more absolute ac
cord with the Democratic party than myself.
[Applause ] Now, where did these thißgs get
out ? Not a single word published as from me
was ever uttered by ine—not one 1 Well, fel
low-citizens, I want to say to you very kindly
that I don't charge you with believing these
things, nqr will I potnplain of ngy fr ends le
caq-e of their sepsativehess, doubtless grow
ing out of [heir attachments to tpe and my for
tunes, and because they know that the world
is apt to be misled, and that when a thing
goes into a newspaper somebody has a suspi
cion that there is some truth in it. These
things got to be so frequent that I felt that I
should w ite something about them, and I did
write one letter to a friend for publication and
some letters to others that did not get into
print of their own accord. And, now, fdo say
to you that there is not a man in Congress
from the South who has more of the affection
and confidence of the Democratic party of the
Noytft ithan i haye | [Applause.] It simply
f< 11 to me to make a few remarks upon a cer
tain line of policy, and it was the r policy—not
mine. And for that I was charged with being
ready to sell out to Hayes. Why, I never Baw
an agent of Hayes in mv life; never had any
communication withjhim. or.his friends, direot.
ly or indirectly, and why should these things
be done ?
I am going to give you a partial revelat on
of the plot. It was the unmixed result of an
unmitigated conspiracy to defame me. Some
few of the per one engaged ip it were Demo
crats, s-iifi some' were Republicans. And these
things do not ooour accidentally. There is a
cause for every effect, and the effect is equal
to the cause, and ec onverso. Now, for a little
about them :
In 1865—because a little history is necessary
now to understand points, and I stand prepared
to prove and vindicate what I say. [Applause.]
When I came out, in 1865, < f Fort LaFayette
as a paroled prisoner, I stopped on my way
home, in New fork, at the old New York Ho
tel. While there several gentlemen called to
see me and some to make my acquaintance.
One of these was Wash McLean, editor of the
Cincinnati Enquirer, and his abject, he said,
was to say that General Stead than, who was
commandmg the Depgrtmgnt of Georgia then,
with headquarters a? Augusta, was a good
friend of his and a goo 1 Democrat, and he
wanted me on my return home to specially cul
tivate hint and make friends with him. I
didn’t know that there was any purpose in it at
the time, but when I reached Georgia a very
singular state of things existed here. There
was at Augusta General Steatfiflan at his
h-adquarters, with his little subordinates
stationed around at every Court House and in
every county. They were the only judges that
we had, and had taken charge of the laws and
rights of the people, and were administering
civil as well as military judgments. One of
them over in my county tried a divorce case,
for instance, but their main business was to
attend to the neighbors’ cbttou. They were
looking up Confederate cotton to Besze, but
they managed to take anybody else’s that they
could.' (Laughter.] I thought it was a very
great outrage, aud though” I was only'a 'pa
roled prisoner, I thought something should be
done to stop it. It was no nse to try and stop
it in the counties, but it was necessary to go to
the fountain head. I determined to do what I
conld, and I went to Augusta. I had heard of
one celebrated cotton case there which bad
been eettled, but which one of the parties said
would have been kept open if I could have got
ten there sooner. I voluntarily left my home
in LaGrange and went to Angnsta. When I
Went to see my old friend Metcalf, and when I
went in he wag actually about to turn over a
lot of nine thousand bale* of ootton Which bad
been adjudged to some olaimant in Rhiladel
phia. 1 asked the facts and they fold ihe,
and that they were afraid not to csmply win
the order, lest they should be put in Jail. I
said to them that it Was not right and shonld
be resisted. They said that Itercalf had tried
it and gotten into jail. I said I th&nght I coaid
stop If, and that I wouldn’t think of a fee un
less I gained the qaae. \ begged them to let
me go on in their njme It Is no] often Ido
thafi { neyer did k a case before In my Bfe,
bat I did then, and f am not ashamed to ad
mit it. They sent for Judge Gould and asked
bis opinion, and he said there was no obanoe
for them. They said they would consult their
lawyers, and all of them said they must give
up the cotton —9.978 bales in one lot. Jadge
Gould's opinion he has borne testimony to
frankly, and I have it here. He told them that
if they resisted they Would git into jail,
and’ forbade them to t*lk About it
at *U- I finally gc/t permission front, Mil to
take his esse and on the express condition
that if an-body Wat to go to jail I would go
myself, ae I was the only one who would have
done anything wrong. And it is not often that
you fi 'dj man willing tb go to jail to get e
cs- J&dSrten ffJSt was late on gafor
day evening - I whnt party on Monday mW
ing to epp General Bteadih&n/ana h.<? ordered
me not to tAlk to him abopt jf. Re *Aid that
he had ordered that eotton to be turned over.
•n5 that if I interferred in the matter he would
send me to jail. I told him that I was just out
of Fort LaFayette. and that it wasn’t such a
btd place after aIL [Laughter ] He might
also understand that I intended to interfere.
He said then that he would put any Judge in
jail who would grant ah injunction in the mat
ter. The next day—l went on the meantime
preparing for the fight—one of the parties in
terested in the claim for the ootton came to
me and said that if I s would stand aside and
not interfere, I coaid gut 9100,000. That was
a very bad position to pnt a poor man in, you
see. [Laughter ] It was very tempting. But
I felt that the offer to bribe me-was a conces
sion thAt they feared me, and $ scorned the
bribe, and defied the jail, and in ton days I
had the ootton safe and the orJers rescinded ;
and not only rescinded in that oase. but they
had rescinded all other orders of the kind m
Georgia. [Loud ap, Huso.] In plain language,
I stopped the seizors of cotton by military or
ders all over Georgia. [Cheers.]
Now, you see, the gentleman upon whose
instance that cotton was se zed was George
Schley, of Augusta, brother Of William Schley,
late of Savanoah and now of New York
[Laughter and cries: "He is here How!"]—
Well, that is bad on Atlanta [Laughter and
cheers.] No; 1 take that back, because I don't
know anything bad abont 'him. But he is a
brother of George Schley. Again, it was tried
to sell this cotton on one of these orders, and
it was resisted and carried to the United States
Court and tried in Savannah, and here now is
all the testimony taken on that trial—and all
the distinguished counsel are here. It was a
bill in equity, whioh in that Court is something
different from the praotioein oar State Courts.
The matters of fact therA are made up and
submitted to the jury in the sba eof ques
tions and they find their verdict up.-m them
These are called "special verdicts." [Mr, Hill
here read from the reoord the questions unon
which special verdicts were given, to the effect
that Schley had no authority, verbal or written,
from Metcalf to sell the cotton. The record
was not taken in our notes and is net at hand
in order to be indioated here.— Reporter ]
That ease was tried in the Coart below,
those verdicts were rendered and the decrees
entered. It we tto the Supreme Court of the
United States and there it was fully reviewed
and affirmed. And here you have it by the
testimony of those records that I did, by that
interference in those cases, by defying the
threats of impriso iment and scorning to be
bribed, save my client fr m being robbed t f
nine thousand bales of cotton, attempted to be
sold without his anthority, verbal or written.
[Applause ] And now, from that day to this,
that man, Wash. Mo Lean an 1 his Cincinnati
Enquirer have been my enemies and have been
assailing me. He was the u>An who was the
special frienl of Steadman, and wanted me to
cultivate him and be his friend, and not inter
fere with him. I suppose, for this bill in the
case discloses that there was a conspiracy, un
der cover of the military authority of the Gov
ernment, by these men, to steal the eotton from
the people of Georgia, and grow rich off the
plunder. I do not know that he had any in
terest in the matter, bnt I do know that since
then he has been my special enemy. In Wash
ington Oity. a shert while before Christmas, a
conference was held by some gentlemen, net
members of Congress, in Wash. MoLean’s
room, and your humble servant was the speci
al subject of discussion, and at it Sohley. of
New York [langhter], gave a particularly de
lectable account of Mr. Hill. And George Al
fred Townsend, the man who spites up people
for the newspapers, was there, and I am ready
to prove that the conversations took place just
as leported. I charge no one with the con
spiracy, but I have the proof that the conver
sations took place, wire reported, and that the
objeot was to eram him upon me and my re
cord. He was outraged at the discovery of the
use they would have made of him and let the
wnole thing oat. Then I heard from New
York just the other day that two gentlemen
from there would be here to defeat me for the
Senate. One of the gentleman was Schley.
I do not know whether he is hero or not.—
[Voices: "He is here,’ ] I do not know why he
should do these things; 1 never did the gentle
man any harm, neither to him or his family,
except it was to stop the seizure of that cot
ton by his brother in Augusta, when the
facte show that if it had succeeded he would
have taken as his share SIOO,OOO and as I was,
he did not take a cent! [Applause.] Ido not
say that all that "Gath” says is true, but I
give what he says about it and I have his letter
now to prove it. But these other faots I oau
give, for I have the faots hero as were proven
in Court. Whether this gentleman is laboring
from a lingering spirit inspired by these
things, I do not know. Whether McLean is
or not, Ido not know. But I do know that
about a year ago. w ron I mads that Amnesty
speeo i, the Enquirer joined in the bitterest de
nunciations of it and the meanest things that
were said about it were said by McLean and
Stfeadman—the very men who were engaged in
this same ootton steal. Ido know that this in
terview took place, that the conversations
were had and that my reoord was discussed. I
do not know that my excellent friend, Senator
Norwood, participated in an v of the intentions
of the party, but they say he was there—and
what they had him there for, I do not know.
[Applause.]
The Thursday after an article appeared in
the Cincinnati Enquirer also stating some of
the facts whioh “Gath” has in his interview—
the same faots yf my record in which lam
made out asrery bid fellow ; and there is an
article in whioh the Georgia Legislature is i d
vised not to send Ben Hill to the Senate—that
I am not a good Democrat, and that I was
trading with Hayes. I have taken some pains
to find out who wrote those art oles. They
were written by a man named Mcßride—and
who is he ? I have the authority of the Chair
man of the State Democratic Committee of
Ohio and Sergeant-at-Arms of the Honse at
Washington, that he is a Radical! This fellow
writes articles to the Georgia Legislature say
ing that I am a Badioal and won't do to trust,
and a Democrat c paper in Cincinnati publish
ed them. Mr. Thompson ‘authorized me to
say that this man is a Radical. Now, has it
come to this that one of yonr Bepresen ativee
is to be defamed by a Dem icratic newspaper
through article* written by & Badioal, known
to be such ? [Cries of "No.”] What are we
com.ng to? Here is Demoura ic newspaper
saying that lam trading with Hayes; that I
aoi not a good Democrat; that I am selling ont
to Hayes, and all the time these be&ntifnl ar
ticles are copied into all—no. not at all-but
into certain Georgia newspapers and spread
before the people. I read most of them my
self in a Georgia newspaper.
There is another man in Washington, I do
not know whether he is a ltadioal or a Demo
crat—l think he is chiefly both and not much
of either! [Laughter] He published the
other day—l hear of these things before they
corns out! He is a man writing over the sig
nature of "Buell.” He published au article
purporting to say—and it was copied by my
good friend, the Constitution- that General
Gordon said I was not a good Democrat. I
have not seen General Gordcn. but two of his
friends in Washington say that he did not say
it. If he says he did not, Ido not beiieve
General Gordon would tell what is not true. —
But who is "Buell ?” He is the man who
wrote the most outrageous reports of my Am
nesty speech. Why, when the Badicals were
doing all they could to pervert my speech—
and one of them told me that they were com
pelled to do it ; that they had no idea that the
South had such a good defense of that prison
question, and if the speech had gone before
tne people of the North without something to
break its force it would have ruined the Re
publican party—-the one man who was engag
ed in this work was this man Bnell. I supp se
he belongs to whichever side pays him the
most. [Laughter and jeers.] But he, too, i
now coming into the arena against me. He is
another one of the conspirators.
Now, here is another branch of the conspi
racy. It is in the office of the Rational Re
publican, at Washington—it is Grant’s organ,
you know 1 Did you ever see the paper ? Did
you ever read it ? If you want to feel like a
decent man, don’t yon ever read it 1 [Laugh
ter.] It is certainly one o{ the most licenti
ous papers I eyer saw—unless it is the Cincin
nati [Laughter] I tell you as a
fact, that in this office they have mannfac’ur
ed entire speecets for me oat of the whole
cloth. And it has been praising me and wel
c ming me into the Radical i arty. And these
speeches that they manufacture are picked ua
and published in other newspapers. Why, W
made such a plausable report of a speech that
it attributed to me, and called editorial atten
tion to it for two days in succession, and spoke
of Mr. Hill’s able remarks, and all that, until
some of my friends actually debated whether I
should get np in the House and deny it, when
in fact the occasion never occurred at which
the speech was to have been delivered
[Laughter ] And all these things are the re
gait* of the conspiracies in Washington C.ty,
by different parties, acting from different mo
tives and fro u different sand points, but all
for the sa e purposes.
4mon; other things, about a year ago, the
Republican party managers published a cam
paign document by taking my Amnesty speech,
cuttiDg it in two, changing some of the sen
tences and rearranging it and patting in things
I did not say. and then patting it between the
speeches of Blaine and Garfield, and then sent
it oui by hundreds of thousands. A gentleman
wrote to me from Illinois—a Mr. Davidson—
calling my attention to the matter, and on it I
wrote what is known %s tto Davidson letter, fri
which I ([enounced it said Ihftt no honor
able man would cpq'ala[e it. That broke down
the scheme, and a large number of the docu
ments were left over. And I was told in Wash
ington, by anthori y that I believe to be true,
that under the frank of Senator Edmunds
these documents are being sent to Georgia—
to members of the Legislature. If yon have any
of them yon know whether this istrne or not.
If it is not so, I am glad that my conspirators
are not gnilty of at least one act like this.
Then, again, last year, when we were draw
ing for seats as yon do here—and have
two sides there, one called thp Democratic
side and one the Radical side. Now, if yon
divided it here the ’Radicals over here would
have plenty of room on their side, but the
Democrats would be crowded over there. But
in the last Congress there, being 72 Democratic
majority, some of the Democrats have had to
sit on the Bepublican side I was unfortunate,
being one of the last names cajlpd, and I had
to take a spat on [fie extram® hack; row, on the
outside of the Democratic -ide of the House.
My friend, Hon. Who. E. Smith,got a seat upon
the Republican side, right in frent of the
Speaker—a very desirable seat. He was a lit
tie exeroised about the poor position I had, as
I was myael', to tell the truth, and he said to
me that he considered bis seat a sort of part
nership seat between us, and I could nse it
whenever I wanted to be near and watch what
was going on. Well, at the last session he did
not come on at first and I sat in his seat and
don’t yon think a mean, contemptable Georgia
paper published that I had .goqe oyer to the
Radicals and was sittingupon theip side of thfe
House. [Laughter.] Why not Smith is a
Radical ? Why not's%y' that anji one of the
Democrats who are compelled to sit on that
side are Radicals \ No, they are not. and no
noller, more gallant and chivalrous man ever
lived than Wm. E. Smith! [Applause.]
Now, fellow-citizens. I have been gathering
up these facts and laying them before you.
There are correlative duties in this life. A
public representative owes fidelity, zeal and
watchfulness over the interests and honor of
his constituency. Do they owe nothing in re
turn to their public' servant ?. ff your public
representative hag been faithful and fkatchfol
and true to your interests, are yon under no
obligation to protect hit character when it is
aaaaQed in this stylet The character of a pub
lic man is public property anfi it is valued ac
cording to his ability and efficiency. And the
whole purpose of these groundless charges,
whatever the mptive, whoever the conspirators
and whatever the inducement—the whole pur
pose is to defame and destroy me, as a pnblio
man, through you. What have I done to de
serve this X One paper in Georgia calls me a
vile' demagogue; and tlujt is picked up and oir
qulated offer the North- And there is Another
paper, characteristic in ita elegant literature,
that calls ms a “flat-headed mod-cat,” and
here in the very streets of Atlanta, on whioh
I have walked for years among yon, and
where I defied the bayonets or yonr oppres
sors, I have been caricatured at the very time
-1 wae doing the service of which I have al
ready spoken, and this caricature was circulat
ed all over tho North-
And I am accused of being ambitious and
selfish T Wjy; I woqldn’t haye office under
either Tilden or Hayes l [Applause J I chal
lenge any inan to show the art of my record
that has the smell or selfishness upon it!
Briefly, when wasl ever in politics for a sel
fl-h pu pose ?. In 1§561 was opposed to the
DetnoCratic party because ] believed its policy
whether, if I denied office; I wouldn’t bare
joined the party that had the strong side <
Take them from 1861 to 1865, during-the terri
ble struggle for life. Yon ail Imj howßa
wiilingl; I went Into it; hut. thank Hod, there
are fony years of aw public Ufe that have
never been assailed by the conspirators I [Ap
planae.J previous to the War 1 oanraesed aU
over the State of Georgia, doing service for
my party and tor what I believed to be correct
principles, and I never asked for office, exoept
to go to the Legislamre from my dear little
county of Tronp. ‘ut when, at the beginning
of the war, I went to Milledgeville and the
people transr<rred me to the Confederate
Senate, I served there during the war—you All
know in what manner. Was that selfish? It
may have been conferred upon me, as a Demo
crat once explained to me, to appease the
forty thousand Whigs in Georgia, whose sup
port was needed, and who it was thought
conld to controlßd by me. I accept the com
pliment. bnt did I falter ? Did I use my office
for selfish purposes ? And if it is not true,
that during all that time my affections grew
dearer and deeper as the days grew darker ?
[Applause ] It was at that time that I won
from your old chieftain the compliment I am
too modest hero to repeat. Tfaenln 1865,
when a paroled prisoner, I went to Augusta
and bear ed the tyrant and broke his arm. Was
tl at selfish ? And'while I succeeded in reoind
ing the order in that one oane. here is the far
ther reoord. I did not stop with that oue order
—I made myself the attorney for every free
man in Georgia, aud had all the orders of the
same kind rescinded. Ai din 1866, soon after
this had been accomplished, when Federal
treasury agents were sent all over Georgia os
tensibly to look for Confederate cotton sub
scribed by the oitizens. and was serving no
tices on every man who subscribed cotton to
the Confederate Government, and stating that
he must furnish that amount to the Federal
Government. Over here in Merriwether county
one of these agen’s got a list of the names of
the parties who had subscribed and served no
tion on all of them to give up the ootton or be
a’rested; the people interested sent Mr. A.
Adam < over to see i 1 would take tho cases.
I examined into the facts and did so, and 1 1
served notice upon this Treasury agent that I
Was going to defend them. I got on the train
and went to Washington City at my own ex*
pense to see Andrew Johnson, and told him
that he had stopped the seizure of ootton
down here by military order and now his Fed
eral Treasnry agents were down here to look
after Confederate cotton, and they were tak*
ing everybody else’s. He said. "What shall I
do about it ?” I said, withdraw the last one of
them. He said. "I sent Government ag uts
down there, and they went to ste ling then I
sent supervisors, aud they went to stealing
too; then we sent the Federal Treasury agents -
and you tell ms that they are stealing too.
Well, they all steal ?” I replied yes, evory man
of them. I told him our people had very little
left to start their pianla i-ns on, and if that
little was taken from them they would be left
without means aud to suffer. I did not make
a speech more than five minutes long before
the old man said, "Stop, Mr. Hill, I believe
you are right, and I’ll stop it at once,” and he
did. There is the record. And 1 aid not
obarge my friend iu Merriwether a dollar for
that service. Aud again 1 served the whole
people of Georgia and the South for the or
ders were made general, and these agents
were wi hdrawu from the South. Well, did
you ever know a flit-headed cattish to aot that
way? [Laughter and applause.]
These are the facts. Every one of them can
be proven They are recorded faots. I have
never mentioned them before in a publio ad
dress, because I did not do those things for
effeot. How many men would have this record
and not have it in every newspaper in Geor
gia And yet lam arraigned in the most criti
cal period of ray life and of m/ services as un
safe. After the war I never expected to go
into politics again. I ixptcted to go to the
State University and engage in literary pur
suits, practice law and eduoato my children. I
moved from LaGrange to Athens. Pretty soon
after this these Reconstruction acts came
along, but I paid no attention to them. I read
none of the acts and none of tne speeches until
I came here to Court, When I was called upon
by a number of oitizens, asking me to take the
lead and advise the people to agree to recon
struction. I said to them that I knew nothing
about it—and I wi-lt to the Lord that I never
had—that it never had ocourred, I mean. I went
home and read the acts and studied the de
bates. and I said if the people accepted them I
thought it would be essential forever after.
After all that we had suffered in the war. the
blood aud treasure, loss of prope ty, desola
tion of homes, broken firesides, the people were
called upon as a last sacrifice to consent to their
own dishonor. I did not write them to make
known that I was ready and willing to resist
the Government of the United States. Here
is the opinion. I had the power and force that
was l eing applied to us then. [Mr. Bill here
read a couple of paragraphs from the "Notes
on the Situation,” whioh were not reported,
and which we have failed to supply j
The point is, where was the seinsiinesn in all
this? Was I seeking offloe ? You were hard
ly ale to speak at all. Your enemy was here
upon you, and had all < ow*r in his hands. If
I had been seeking office, and win ted a selfish
purpose accomplished, I would have joined
your enemies. But when you were powerless
and your enemies all powerful, I stood up and
defended yonrjhonor tojthe last. [Applause ]
Ido not aak you to say I was wise. The only
point is, was it wise or unwise when I said it ?
That thing lasted from 1866 to 1870, and dur
ing all of whioh time I did my best to resist it.
Iu the meantimj—l want to mention one
thing right here to Bhow jou how people mis
understand things—l have been charged with
advising the people not to take part in the
election of 1870. I found then that was a
most trying question for us to decide. There
was a registration law pro eribing certain qual
ifications for voters And prescribing that they
shonld be registered And then (e egates
were to be chosen to a co vention. and if upon
the question of convention or no convention,
more than half of the voters who had register
ed did not vote, convention should not carry.
So, therefore, every man who had registered
and didn’t v >te was counted against the con
vention. My idea was the beet way to defeat
the convention was to register and not vote,
so tbat’if we kept more than ooe-ha'f ot the
voters who had registered from voting the
thing was defeated.
I have given you a little hietory. HAving
few advisers, 1 took the train and wen;, to
Washington to advise with Andrew Johnson,
the then President of the United States. We
took the reconstruction acts and went over
them together, and came to the conclusion
that the bost way to oppose reconstruction
was to register and then not to vote. There
was a manifest disadvantage in it, but after
that interview with Andrew John on I went to
the hotel And wrote the letter in which I gave
that advice to' the people of Georgia through
the Chronicle and Sentinel, of Augusta.
The President concurred in that view.
This thing wont on to 1870, when tha elec
tion of members to the Legislature was com
ing on. I knew that it was going to be Dem
ocratic. I knew that we could not keep it eo.
unless we could keep the hand of the Federal
Government off. How was that to be done ?
> ome people think that all we had to do was to
carry the election. Why. yon oan find all
tbr ugh my writings that no matter how we
voted, the Radicals would keep in it they
conld. I said then, and say now, that General
Gordon was oleoted Governor, and Bnllook
was oounted in.
Yon oan say now. for you all know it now,
that majorities won’t restrain the Republican
party. And here while lam talking, they are
devising schemes to defeat the will of. the
people wth a majority of 250 000 against
them. He is a simpleton who thinks majori
ties will ever restrain the Repnblio n party.
That was the most bothering question ot my
life. The Democratic platform of 1868 de
clared that the reconstruction acts were revo
lutionary, null and void. With us, to hold the
Legislat re Democratic was the poiut. My
idea was that we oould do nothing without be
ing in barmonv with the Democratic party of
th i North, aud it had no power in Washington.
I went there and stayed during two visits,
talked with them and read their lbwsi apors in
order to find out, if I could, what they intend
ed to do. Tiiis was September and Deoamher,
1868. And I came to the conclusion that
though they were not oon-cious of it, yet that
fthe logic of event* was suoh that in 1872 the
Democratic party would accept reconstruction
and go back on the platform of 1868. The
question then was how to get it before the
people of Georgia. So I thought that if I
took the position in 1870 that reconstruction
was an accomplished fact, that Grant could be
induced to hold hands off. Then it was that I
wrote that letter. I expe ted to be abused a
little by the Democrats, but never to be abused
as much as I have been. Grant made the mis
take and I knew he would do so, for he was
not statesman enough to see that when a man
admitted that reconstruction was au accom
plished fact, he bad taken and subscribed to
the Republican platform w’went on and
there was an election. And about that tme
a member of the Cabinet and other infl lential
men from the North came down here and they
were here at the time that Bullock wag trying
to turn the Demoorats oat. I said that when
that Legislature meets it will approve the
amendments to thg Constitution of the United
Stages, and will not interfere with the rights of
the negroes or the Union, and therefore don’t
interfere with the Legislature. And after
a week's conversation with this member of the
Cabinet, I got him to consent to it. That
banqnet abont whuh yon have heard so much
and so often was given to him by Bollock to
aid that reconstruction policy, and I went there
to show my respect for the guest, and only af
ter he had assured me that he was going to
support me, and I remember well, and shall
never forget ttm w rds that I used upon tea’
occasion, 4 said, "Thank God, reconstruc
tion is over, at last— oyer—over—over !” You
can see that there was meaning in those
words, and I well remember how he nodded
his approval to me from the head of th& table;
and right there I broke np Bullook’s scheme of
rec instrection. I went to Washington to car
ry ont the plan, and I kept Gen. Grant from
interfering. Bee pie said that J “tricked” Gen.
j didn’t. I "tricked” no man. I op
posed reconstruction, yet, when it was accom
plished; I submitted. The only Phint here is,
whether in 1870 I did correctly forecast the
policy of the Democratic party in 1872 ? And
sure enough they did, only they went a little
further. Is there a man in this oouutry that
don’t submit to it to-day ? There wae no trick
in this matter. I thought I onght to Bave the
Legislature of Georgia, and save Georgia from
farther Radical domination I believed that
by taking that position in 1870 I could get into
position to do it. It was a naked wrestle of in
tellect, and the redemption of Georgia was the
wager, and I thi;ew my. antagonist and won.
That is truth, end vet every little fellow
that came along afterward and got on the plat
fqrm i* erying out, ‘ Bpn Hill is not reliable.”
[ippleqse.] It is said that I was colluding
with the Badicals to get office, and go to the
Senate. One little paper down here in VYarren
ton, that onght to have been sent to the Lu
natic Asylum—the paper, I mean, of oonrse—
made that charge. Hoe could 4 be seeking
office from the Republicans when I was trying
to keep in the Democrats I And daring all that
long eleven months, when I had to carry this
burden amid the anathemas of my friends, and
was simply waiting for the Democratic party
to come to the platform I had predicted for it
and until that had been done, 4 was all that
time under disahi] tie*, and conld not hold of
fice under %ny party, and did trot do a single
thiDg to have them removed. These things
showyon how unjustly I was dealt with in
those days. I would not have them removed
only in order that I might raise myself in my
labors above even the snspioioo of selfishness.
Bnt. fellow-mtizens, in 1871 the Federal arm
which had torn down so many State govern
ments stayed in Georgia, and she was the first
of her sisters to achieve her redemption. Yon
admire jpstly the patience of Hampton and
thegallJutryolNlcbollsi McKnry end IW.
and say that their grand struggle to get nd of
Badioal government is worthy of all promise,
and all success; bnt for five years yon have
been free, add yon were made free at I have
told yon. Now, whether I was wise or unwise,
I pnt the question to von, where was the *el
flshness in this aot ?- Whatsver was my motive,
whatever was the efficiency of the mPve, yon
are obliged to agree with me in the tosult
Bat I pass on. So things tested from 1872.
when'l found that the Democrats bad t m
jority iu that body- 4 thought 4 WgW ho of
I found that'those who Rad been tbsre before
had taken thepassive policy, and de;med ft
wise arid not to reply toapytblhgthat
might to said against them or Mr P*fMl
io&Lfeu
MTOOWbJ to tt*? moot accomplished po
tofin^Jon/ alewl^raf
!
Speaker’s gayel for six year*. D 4 had COW*
suited my own ease when this attack wad
made I would have sat there an let it pass un
met. What was Ito do ? I felt fellow-citi
zens that it was better for me to be sacrificed
in a minly effort to tepel false and m licions
charges against my people than to sit there
and submit to them in sih-noe. [App ause ]
Now, tell me—l challenge any man. I chal
lenge evry man. to put his finger upon a sin
gle word of my hist ry wl ere I have shown a
selfish purpose in any degree I have been in
politics for twenty-two years, and during only
six of them have I held pnblio office, counting
my presenVposition. During sixteen years I
labored without office, and ihe best service I
have done to Geoigi i wan when I was doing it
single handed as an individual.
It is a source of great pride to me when I
hear people in Washington, as I do almost
every day, saying how much better off Georgia
is than her sister States. I do not doubt that
I have made errors. 'I hey say I am egotistic.
It is not true I state facts, not iu an egotis
tic Bpirit, or in vain boastiog. All of them can
be proven, and why houd the man be assail
ed for stating wbat ho has done ? God knows,
when 1 think of what shonld have been done,
I feel bumbled; bnt iho people should be gen
erous, for my history is a peculiar one, for a
large amount of what I had to do was done
single-handed an 1 alone, and when I came
here to Atlanta and made the ‘ Davis Hall
Speech.” in order to tell the people that they
had a right to speak, and Pope wrote to Grant
to hava me banished from the State, I felt
complimented by it. And if yon will p rdon
me, I will state that I read the other day a
reoord made np by one of the most distin
guished historians of Massachusetts, whioh I
did not know had ever been written. I do not
know-him, ard have never seen him nor does
he k'iowme. In reviewing Pope’s letter, he
said: "We have read the speech of Mr. Hill up
on which Gen. Pope's letter was based," and
he says of it this—"with such men as Mr.
HUI the country can be saved; without such
men as Mr. Hill thp country is not worth
saviDg.” It was no compliment to me person
ally, but to my nerve and courage in that dark
hour, when I dared to defy the militaiy tyrant.
I find the places where dangers are to be en
countered are desolate, but become crowded
thoroughfares when offloe* are to be distribut
es; but i never got oue by myself, and never
was allowed to. lam always a criminal when
I want one ; but I do desire to go to the Sen
ate. I desire it that the whole universe may
be my audienoe, and solely beoanse I believe I
oan be of more service there to my people than
a ywhere else. Ido not say that I oan be of
soi vice ; I don’t say that I oan be of service
anywhere. That is for you to judge ; but if I
do say so itself, if you think I oau be of ser
vice anywhere, tho Beua'O is the place where I
oan be of the moat eervtoe, and that owing to
the peculiar rules of theHouees I am t Id now
that I am the very mau for the House, but
even that was not discovered until after l got
there. lam the only man to whom the argu
ment ha ever been applied. It is the oustom
and has always been so to transfer men from
the House to ihe Senate. Already during the
present Congress four of them have been so
transferred -Mr. Lamar, of Mississippi; Mr.
Barnum. from Connecticut. Yesterday Massa
chusetts transferred Mr. Hoar from the House
to the Senate, last Tuesday, and even dar
ing this Beason, Maine took Mr. Blaine up
and put him there. When it comes to
talking about Mr. Hill, it is said to be the
worst tbing in the world. Why is it ? Now,
beoause of its very large numbers, and the
amount of business it always has on hand, the
rules of the House are restraining upon de
bate ; a member oan on y speak there for one
hour, unless by consent, aud uever twice upon
the same subject, save by unanimous consent,
and it is a very exceedingly noisy plaoe, as all
large bodies are. That is the reason that I
prefer the Senate; and the man who is fa
miliar with the rules of the two Houses, and
who says that the Hous is the better place
fora gentleman who hasany'preteutioos to de
bating powers than the Senate, is not telling
the truth.
If I am Dot the proper man to represent you
in the SeQate, don't send me there; but if you
defeat mo, these conspirators will claim the
credit for it. What a jelly rollicking crowd
will be in the Washington Republican offloe
when they get the news that Ben Hill is de
feated for the Senate : that Repubtioan who
..writes for the Cincinnati Enquinr, ad all the
rest of them, wi'l claim that they have won a
trophy and controlled the Georgia Legisla
ture. But if you defeat me. why leave me in
the House with my forehead branded "unwor
thy.” That will be the interpretation of your
action. Who oan I ask to believe me when you
will not trust mv, for that is what you will say
by that aotlon. If you do not believe that!
shonld be in the Senate, don’t send me ; but I
am the only man on whom this personal issue
has been made. For in all times, in peace, in
the perils of war, and in darkness and distress,
I have always defended your honor, and now
my honor is at stake ; and It is for yon to say
whether yon will defend it or not. I hava
reached that point when I need & constitu
ency.
People of Georgia, 1 say to you I oan fight
any enemy that assails y u. I have always
fought for you. and I am ready, be their pow
ers and strength what they may, to fight them
to the last. I oan defy all these conspirators,
but when you give them voice and encourage
ment lam done. There is one that I oannot
fight, and that is Georgia ; and when Georgia
speaks against me I am utterly ifhdone. I
know the extent of this conspiracy; I do not
know its strength, but l know its purposes, and
I warn you against them.
I have not said one word against the gentle
men who are my competitors. They are gen
tlemen, all gentlemen, and this I will say, that
if either of them had been assailed by such a
baud of Badioal oonspirators in Washington as
I have been, I would promptly decline in his
favor. I wouldn’t let any Georgian in whose
fame and iu whose services I had an interest
be defamed with impunity I say we stand
within forty days of the possible wreck and
luin of constitutional government. If Hayes
should be in&uguratad, although 1. believe
him personally a vast improvement on
Grant, that if be is inaugurated, and is con
trolled by the same men who have con
trol'ed Grant, he will be no improve
ment, and no pen can transcribe the terrors
of what this Government will be when
Radicalism is allowed to rale again. We will
suffer all and more than history haH jet re
corded, and our beautiful land will become the
Poland of America. God close your eyes and
mine before we ever seb that day. Talk of
our people submitting to usurpation! When
did l say that they would do it. When did
I advise theln to do it ? If they have not shown
in the past their courage in what they believe
to be the right, no people has; but if we oan
lift (he Democratic party above its mere party
triumph, and Tilden can be peaceably in
augurated, then we will have anew dawn, and
the BUnlight of petto* aud prosperity will
shine upon us again. Then the tstates will all
be States again, and our beautiful South
spring up from the ashes of her despair and
gloom, and increase in beauty and power.
Has the South now the opportunity of abso
lutely becoming the Saviour ot the Union? Shall
the Southern people by their moderation,
by their conservatism, their wisdom, step in at
this crisis and demand the peace ? It is a
spectaole on which the world will gaze with
admiratio i, aud on which angels will love to
look when the South, neok deep in the ashea
of her prosperity and hopes, shall lift her
voice to those who sought to destroy her and
say, “Peace, peace, oivil war is not the remedy
of 'he hour! ’ It the South can accomplish
this she will march up to her old posit on in
the Union with more power than Bhe ever
possessed.
Fellow citizens, it la to help, however hum
bly in snob a schema that I fert willing to be
come your Senator. I have an ambition to
serve my people so that when I come to die it
sha 1 not be counted how many offioes I have
held, bnt how many 1 have deseived. [Ap
plause ]
Now I shall take my leave of you. If I fail
to get the proper telegram I shall leave on the
fir. t train. I feel that I have no right to bo
lying here while your property and interests
are at stake. [Applause.] I left with the un
derstanding that if needed I wonld return at
once. I shall leave you, and leave my destiny
in your hands. I have been charged with be
ing a traitor and with selling you on to your
enemies in your hour of triumoh. Here is the
i lace to test it, dose to where Davis 1 Hall
stood, within a stone’s throw of where tha
bush harbor was erected, and next door to the
headquarters where I defied the bayonets of
yonr enemies, and here let the roll be ealled,
and let the men who kept watch at Anderson
ville answer. [Great applause.]
THE HAMPTON GOVERNMENT.
The Supreme Court Waiting far the Chief
Justice—Appointment of Trial Justices.
[Special Dispatch to the News and Courier.]
Colombia, January 25. —In the Su
preme Court, present Associate Justices
Willard and Wright, in the contempt
case ol J. G. Thompson, the hearing
was aet for Saturday. In the habeaecar
pua ease ol Jno Pelton, Mr. Maxwell for
Parmele, read the return to the writ,
which was the same in substanoe as iu
the case of Peter Smith before Carpen
ter. The oase was set for Saturday,
aud the prisoner repaoded into Par
mele's custody. In the oase of the
State officers in quo warranto, and in
the oase ot Jones va. Cheatham, tha
time was extended twenty days by con
sent, Adjourned till to-morrow.
The report of Referee Wilkes was filed
to-day. No aotion will be taken upon it
in the Supreme Court until Tuesday.
The decision in the oase of the Presi
dential Electors has been prepared, and
will be announced to-morrow morning.
The following appointments of Trial
Justices, by Governor Hampton, were
annou ced today. The list is not yet
complete : Aiken—J. St. Julian T .tes,
: Sims 1). Thompson. Anderson —John
O. Whitfield. Barnwell—J. i'uncan
Allen, J. M. Thompson. F. J. Cassidy,
Oliver Hewitt. -Darlington—J. K. War
ley, M. A. Huggins, W. S. King, H.
Pressley, Sinclair Josey, W. A.
Branson, J. F. Oale, J. W. Wil
liams. Laurens—J. P. Hunter, J. W.
Watts. Lexington—J. J. Guignard, J.
P. BoJie, John G. Brown, H. O. Mar
tin, T. D. Barr, Alfred Mims, H. W.
Rice, J. Harrison Bryant, colored, W.
8. El saner, F. W. Derriok. Marion—
Junius H. Evans, R. L. Lane, A. T.
Harllee, T. J. Dozier, J. H. Meyers, J.
F. Scott, S. J. Bethea. Sumter— M. B.
Moses, John J. Dargan, Thos. W. Mc-
Donald, L. L. Fraser, E. Gaillard.
Savannah Hirer Association.
The Savannah River Association, Pat
rons ot Husbandry, held its regular semi
annn 1 meeting in this city yesterday, at
the Central Btote). The meeting was
not very largely attended, owing to the
weather and state of the roads in the
oountry preventing delegates from arriv
ing in tine. The session was substan
tially a reiteration of the December
meeting. The city warehouse of the
Aesoeiation was found to be in s better
condition than it hae enjoyed for fifteen
months and everything pertaining
theretef satisfactorily working.
By consultation the Association ascer
tained that the grain crop had not been
as badly injured by the reeent cold
weather as via* at flrst supposed. A
much larger area than Mat year was
found to have been planted in small
grain. Labor for the coming season is
encouraging, being abundant and effi
cient] prices lor help about 25 per cent,
off. _
No other remedy has proved so effec
tual in relieving Oonghs end Golds an
Dr. Ball's Cough Byrap.
Kansas Oity has laid in 40,000 tons of
ic*, and will neither borrow nor lend
When hot weather Cornea,