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(Cftrottfcle attD £mtfnel. AND ©jc Constitutionalist WEDNESDAY, APRIL - -4, 1877. THE PRESIDENT AND THE SOUTH. We commence this morning the pub lication in the Chronicle and Consti tutionalist of a series of letters frc m representative Southern men with regard to what is known as President Hates’ ■‘Southern Policy.” The first letter we give to the public is from ex-Governor Joseph E. Brown, of Atlanta—a man of extraordinary political sagacity. He writes fully and frankly and with h s accustomed terseness. What he sajs will be read with interest. Other letters will be published from day to day. THE CONTENTS OF SOME COTTON BALE*. The Superintendent of the Augusta Factory, Mr. F. Cogin, has sent ns a sample of trash found in some cotton bales picked out prior to being manu factured. We find in the lot sticks of wood, wasps’ nests, twine, nails, stones, clay clods, wire, and, most dangerous of all, an unexploded gun-cartridge.— The most rigorous search of the cotton intended for milling purposes has to ke instituted, for nails and gun cartridges passing through machinery would very likely cause a disastrous conflagration. Planters cannot be too careful in pack ing their cotton for market. Lnder the new order of things in this section, a great deal of the staple is raised or packed by irresponsible or care less persons ; but there alwajs was more or less complaint, even in the days before the war, of the intrr - Auction of foreign substances into cot ton hales. Much damage has been caused by this “crooked” way of ma nipulating “the King,” and not a little litigation has ensued. From time to time, the parties guilty of false packing have been traced out; but, as a general thing, this is not an easy job, and does not seem to have stopped the practice. We remember to have heard that a Louisiana planter invariably commanded for his cotton crop a cent or two above the market price because of the careful handling of his product. It should be a matter of conscience as well as of in terest for all planters to avoid even the appearance of false packing. HAVEN AND THE NOLTU. We published yesterday mornißg an exceedingly able and interesting letter from ex-Governor Joseph E. Brown on President Hates and his Southern policy. This morning we print com munications on the same subject from ex-Governor B. F. Perry, of Greenville, and General J. B. Kershaw, of Camden, South Carolina, and Hon. A. C. Walker, of this county. These papers deserve and will receive the careful attention of the people. It will be observed that the writers take very different views of the situation and give equally as different counsel to the men of the South. Gov ernor Perry sees no reason why South ern men should not apply for office to President Hayes, though they may feel perfectly well assured that Tilden was legally elected President. General Ker shaw writes on the same line, with the qualification that Carolinians should not apply for or acoept office so long as the Capitol is occupied by Federal soldiers. Colonel Walker arraigns the Republi can party for its past crimes against liberty and good government and de clares his want of faith in the fair words of the President. In an interview with a reporter of the Atlanta Constitution, Senator Hill said he saw no reason why Sonthern Demo crats should not acoept office from the new Administration. We of the South have been complaining of bad officials and if the President offers appointments to good men they shonld be accepted. Senator Hill has no doubt of the fall of Chamberlain nnd Packard. He says the President stands pledged in the most solemn manner to give the country a constitutional and non-partisan adminis tration. He adds: Ho ia especially pledged to give ua of tho South a good civil Bervice and non-interference with our local state government. I believe these pledges have been made voluntarily, in good faith and from conviction of duty. If these pledges are not redeemed, we must sec to it that no blame shall rest upon us of the South. We must meet the President in a spirit of generous coufidence. While preserv ing our own self respect we must manifest onr cheerful readiness to aid in restoring honest, constitutional government. We must not, by a hasty or captious distrust, aid the extreme mon of his party in their efforts to drive him from his patriotic position. We must give him a fair chance, full time and every proper aid and encouragement to redeem his pledges. If he shall succeed he will make for himself a great name, and our whole country will enter upon anew era of unexampled prosperity and happiness. If he fail he shall not be able to able to say we of the South caused the failure. THE LOUISIANA COMMISSION. We are distinctly informed, by tele graph, that the Louisiana Commission consists of ex-Governor Brown, of Ten nessee ; Wayne McVeigh, who was Minister to Turkey in 1871 and is a son in-law to Simon Cameron, a pronounced Republican ; Geueral J. R. Hawley, of Connecticut, moderate Republican; General J. M. Harlan, of Kentucky, emphatic Republican; Judge 0. B. Lawrence, of Illinois, who was a promi nent candidate for Senator last Winter as Republican, and formerly Chief Jus tice of the Supreme Court of Illinois. The Commission will be instructed after the President has consulted Vice-Presi dent Wheeler. Aceording to this make np, including ’Wheeler as Chairman, there are five Republicans to one Democrat. This has the appearance of being either a first-class farce or a phenomenal fraud. The solitary Democrat mast feel like a single oyster in an acre of batter, and if precedents are to be followed, the vote of snch an inquisition will be on all matters appertaining to Radicalism and Democracy, Packard #r Nicholls, as five to one. If Supreme Court Judges, Senators and Representatives of the United States coaid not rise above party, in the grave question of the Presidency, how, in the name of all that’s rational, can we expect anything better from Mr. Hayes’ extraordina ry Committee ? This will, we doubt not, be the almost universal opinion of the public, and snch an opinion has too much warrant in the past to be treated with contempt We shell be very much astonished if the people of New Orleans •do not resent these appointments, and, nnless he has had private advices of a soothing character, we may not be sur prised to learn that Gov. Nicholls has determined to give them the cold shoul der. It is of course within the range of a bare possibility that these Commis sioners have instructions to patch sp some sort of a compromise with the rival gov ernments; bnt if the prees of New Or leans may be taken as an exponent of the temper and determination of the Louisiana people, any compromise with in their power to offer will be spurned by Nicholls, if not by Packard. It is to be regretted that this Commis bmku shonld iittve been appointed at all, bnt still more is it to be deplored that it shonld have a&ont it so palpable an appearance of partisanship and hnm- Ibng. It may be that the s*-jp-law of Simon Cameron partaketb not *4 the rascality of the late humiliated Senator from Pennsylvania, and possibly ho acquired a trick or to two in Turkey, when Minister there, which specially commended him to Mr. EUs'£3. Bnt, from all we can learn of him, h* jp a dyed-in-the-wool Radical, and therefore i in active sympathy with the Maine carpet-bagger who has so long made Louisiana a place accursed. Of Mr. Wheeler, we need speak bat little. Onr readers know him of old. His report upon Lonisiana Returning Boards was severely condemnatory when he was a his present office by virtue of the very villainy he hid reprobated. A contem porary well says that sending Wheeler to inveetigate Louisiana affairs is like employing Bbioham Young to ascertain the true inwardness of the Mountain Meadow massacre. Gen. Hawley, of Connecticut, was born in North Carolina, but fought against the South and is a Republican of the Republicans. He has been a member of Congress and had something to do with the Centennial. Gen. Harlan is placed as an emphatic Republican. As he is a Kentucky mac that word “emphatic” must mean a Re publican who hates his own people with all the venom of a renegade, and that kind of hatred is said to be worse thaD the depravity of ten Turks. We learn that Judge Lawrence is so very pro nounced in his Radicalism that, when on a visit to the South, some time ago, a friend hesitated about beiDg intro duced to him because unpleasant conse quencea might arise. In a day or two, we shall know more positively about the personnel of this “high old joint. But the dominant thought constantly recurring abont the Commission is, what do they expect to investigate and what new facts bring to light? The whole subject has been discussed and investigated microscopically already. Besides this, we learn from the New Orleans correspondence of the St. Louis Republican that some days ago Packard and his colleagues were hard at work destroying, or putting out of the way, all documentary evidence unfavorable to the cause; and to cover up this char acteristic rascality had reported “an extensive robbery of the public records. If this be true, the Commission have already been put at a serious disadvan tage. There is one policy of the President which must not escape attention or be forgotten, and that policy he himself embodied in a remark to a Republican friend. “We must,” he said, “do what we can by judicious movements to break up the Democratic strength in the South, and at the same time establish on better and firmer foundations the Re publican party in that section.” As the case stands, and in the light of the Louisiana Commission, the Presi dent has not adopted judicious courses to accomplish his alleged purpose. We would like to be agreeably surprised by the patriotic nature of the Commission s report, but can hardly rely upon any such good luck. Still, we are willing to wait a little longer and let the President have an opportunity to develop his plans. There are wise men in the coun try who counsel patience and prediot that pleasant surprises are in store for the South from this Administration. By all means, then, let us be patient, if that will do any good. WENDELL PHILLIPS ATTACKS THE PItESIDENT. We print this morning a lecture re cently delivered in Philadelphia by Wendell Phif lips, an able and elo qnent apostle of the doctrine of hate. We publish the fanatic’s screed for two reasons. It shows the devilish senti ments with regard to the South enter tained by that faction of the Republican party which has for itsleaders such men as Morton,Butler and Blaine. It shows also how formidable is the opposition with whichthe President will haveto con tend when he attempts to do justice to the South. Iu the eyes of the men for whom Wendell Phillips speaks the Southern people are a band of traitors and assassins, who can be kept in sub jection only by the strong hand of mili tary power. Before an audience of cul tivated men and women assembled in the second city of the Union he gives utterance to sentiments that would shock the sensibilities of a bashi bazouk. The South needs “taming.” It most be treated as a vicious horse must be crushed and subdued. Sixteen years of war and of hollow peace, of race troubles and bastard governments are not enough for such men. The struggle between Cavalier and Roundhead lasted a hundred years, therefore in America we must have a century of discord and violence. Blood enough has not been shed to satisfy Phillips & Cos. The wounds of war must not be allowed to heal. The are to be kept open and bloody in order that a political party may enjoy the spoils of government. President Hayes has committed the deadly sin of calling to his counsels the moderate and reputable.men of his par ty, of taking into his Cabinet a Demo crat from the hated South. Convicts in the penitentiary could not be assailed with viler abuse than that heaped upon men whose offending consists simply in their desire to give peace and good gov ernment to thirteen millions of people. A man, who, when an officer of the Gov ment and sworn to enforce the laws, caused a fugitive slave to be returned to his master is denounced as a “slave hound” and likened in infamy to the apostle who betrayed to a bloody death Jesus, the Saviour of Man. He warns the Administration that its policy will be resisted to the bitter end by the men who think with him. The President is reminded that Morton and the other heroes of the bloody shirt pnt him in office, nnd ttaut they claim the right to shape the course of his government. South Carolina and Louisiana must be kept in the chains they now wear, and the other States must be manacled as soon as possible. Wendell Philips’ lecture is a fitting sequel to the letter wbioh Garrison recently wrote to Blaine. It is perfectly apparent that the President cannot adopt a Southern polioy that will please a formidable fac tion of his own party unless it be a policy based upon hatred and proscrip tion. It is evident that he will have to encounter the determined opposition of the Blaines, Butlers and Mortons unless he makes an entire change of front. He cannot hope to conciliate them by temporizing and delay. He must make up his migd to break with them at onoe aad forever, or else to give the lie to all his fair promises and pro testations, and commence anew the war upon the South that was waged by his predecessor. THE LYNCHING IN BURKE. We publish this morning a communi cation asserting that the people of Burke county had nothing to do with the lynching of O’Brirn’s murderer. As the deed was done in Waynesboro the pnblic might naturally suppose that the people of that county were its perpe trators. This is indignantly denied, and, we think, with perfect truthfulness. The Waynesboro Expositor speaks on the same subject even more emphatical - ly, It says : Let it he understood that the men who mur dered the prisoner were not citizens of onr town or connty. lua e rowd that did the mur derous deed came here oa iu. down night train, and left on the train before day, and we are reliably informed came from Au gneta. Reliable information is also had that a collection was made there to defray the ex pense* of the party. We are exceedingly re joiced to know that the prees acd clergy of that city are bitter in their denmuattipne of the murder. The Board of Commissioners ofßnrke connty also caused a letter to be writ ten to the Governor asking bun to offer a reward for the arrest of the lyncher?, i Governor Colquitt has offered a reward of three hundred dollars eaoh for the apprehension of the guilty parties, aad there ia a prospect that some of them may be brought to jnstice. 8. h. MclyiN, of the Florida Return ing Board, has Loan appointed an Asso ciate Judge of _ the territory of Mon tana. The World thongbt be ws £ ne gro and pitched iDto him accordingly. AoeoajtfNo to the New York Tribune, the statesmen who are to serve on the Lonisiana Commission insisted on guar antees against being invited to quad roon balls. On the other hand, it is announced that the quadroon girls of New Orleana are looking anxionsly with HAYES AM) THE SOUTH. WHATTHE south should do in THE CRISIS. Letters from Distincaiabed Southern Men— Wbat Ex-Gsreniar Brown Thinks. Atlanta, Ga., March 26. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist: Dear Sibs-I have to ackn wledgethe receipt of your communication, suggest ing that it is important , in view of the pol icy which it is said President Hayes will pursue towards the South, to know what the attitude of the Southern Dem ocracy should be towards President Hayes -whether Southern men should ap ply to him for ortakeofficeunderhim, &c. And you invite my views on this subject for publication. While Ido not flatter myself that my views will be of much interest to the public, I give them to you, as requested, for what they are worth. I consider the counting in of Governor Hayes to the Presidential office as the greatest fraud ever perpetrated upon the American people. He was beaten by an immense popular majority, as all men of all parties admit; and a majority of the electoral votes were given to him in defiance of the popular will in at least two States, which unquestionably gave clear and decided majorities to his op ponent; thereby electing Governor Til den, not only by an immense popular majority, but by a majority of the electors. Being fully satisfied of the correctness of this state ment, I could, as a Democrat, under no circumstanes, accept at President Hayes hands any office within his gift. Enter taining this view, I cannot, with proprie ty, recommend any friend to President Hayes for any position whatever; and I shall uniformly decline to do so. President Hayes, in his inaugural ad dress, by the nse of phrases that were general and indefinite, indicated a more liberal policy towards tho South than his party had heretofore pursned, and his friends and certain public journals supporting his views have announced that it is his policy to distribute the patronage of the Government in the South in such a manner as to divide the Democratic party and build up the Re publican party, and place it in the ma jority in at least part of the Southern States. It seems to me this is only an instance of the Greeks bringing gifts in their hands, and that we have reason to fear them. . . if is true Mr. Hayes began his admin istration by appointing, as one of his Cabinet, officers, a Sonthern Democrat from a sister State; and other appoint ments of Democrats may be made for other offices. But I think I hazard lit tle in saying that Democrats who accept these appointments will be expected to conform to the general polioy of the President, and to so conduct themselves while in office as to strengthen the Re publican party. If I am right abont this, the result will be that all true Dem ocrats who are placed in office and who maintain their Democratic integrity with independence, will, before the end of the administration, be removed to make room for others who are more pliant, and all Democrats who accept offices un der the Administration and lend them selves while in office to the work of building up the Republican party and dividing the Democracy will be classed in future, as they shonld be, with the Republican party, and they will be without Democratic following; and will no longer be able to influence the action of Democratic voters. The effort te divide the solid Democratic South by the distribution of offices among them will, therefore, prove a signal failure; and Democrats who have lent themselves to the enterprise by accept ing the offices may consider themselves fortunate if they escape unharmed po litically. I have no censure for any honest Democrat who chooses to make the experiment by accepting office under the Administration. I think the experi ment, however, in each case will prove hazardous and fruitless of good results. Others taking a different view certainly have a right to act upon their own con clusions. At the end of the war the United States Government, then in the hands of the Republican party, was triumphant as conqueror. The conquering North had a million of bayonets in their hands; and we were compelled to surrender the last one we possessed. We were, there fore, at their mercy; and when they dic tated the terms of reconstruction and readmission of the Southern States into the Union, they did it, whatever reason may have been given to the contrary, by virtue alone of their power as the con queror. Being fHlly satisfied that there was no mode of escape left to the South by which we could avoid a compliance with the terms dictated by the con queror, I advised our people to accept the situation, return to our allegiance to the Goverument, live orderly and peace ably, to conciliate the colored race and make them our friends, as the Govern ment bad placed the ballot in their hands; and do all in our power to elect to the Conventions that were to frame Constitutions for the Southern States the very best citizens of each State whose services could be obtained, aod who were eligible under the Reconstruction acts. My advioe further was that the Convention in each State conform liter ally to the requirements dictated by the conqueror, so far as the ratification of the constitutional amendments, &c., was concerned; and that we then in each State make the best Constitution that the best talent of the State could devise, so that we might be able, on our return to the Union, to manage our own local affairs in our own way. I saw very clearly that we would be compelled to live at least for a consider able period of time under the Constitu tions made by the Conventions ordered by virtue of the act of Congress, wheth er those Constitutions were made by the wisest and best of our own people, or by carpe’-baggers and by our former slaves. The result was as I anticipated, and in some of our sister States, where the white people stood aloof entirely from the Conventions, the people had put upon them Constitutions and laws under which they have not only been plundered, but by virtue of wbioh they have been denied the benefits of local self-government up to this time. And the illegal governments which usurp the power in those States, and have been sustained by the military power of the United States, have, iu the hands of the Radical party, been made the instru ments with which they have been en abled to perpetrate the outrageous fraud whieh resulted in the perpetuation of their power for another term of four years. Fortanately, in our own State, a large number of the white people went to the polls and elected some of onr wisest and best native men to the Convention, who were able to secure lor us a Constitution u nder which the virtue and intelligence of the State have been enabled to take con trol of its government and the manage ment of onr affairs. The result has been that Georgia has outstripped her sister States in material development and pros perity; and our credit now stands far in advance of any of our Sonthern sisters. It must be remembered that the con quering government pledged to the Sonthern States readmission of their Senators and Representatives in Con gress as soon as the terms of reconstruc tion were complied with- When com plied with by each State it was the duty of the Government to carry out in good faith its pledges and readmit such State aDd leave her people to regulate their own local self governments, without Federal interference. This pledge has not been carried cut, but in some of the States, whose Con stitutions, owing to the failure of the white people to take partin the election, were formed by carpet-baggers and ne groes, the white people, in connection with such intelligent colored voters as now aot with them, would before this time have obtained control of their local self-governments, bnt for the military interference of the United States Govern ment. They elected their own Governors and Legislatures; and returning boards, by infamous frauds, counted them oat and declared elected those whp bad no just claim to the positions which they assumed; and the military arm of the United States, nnder the late Adminis tration, came to the relief of the usurpers and sustained themiD defiance of popu lar yill as expressed at the ballot box. Even in on; own State, after we had fully complied’with tjie terms dictated by the conqueror, the military power took control of onr Legislature and re modeled it at their pleasure. It is a safe rale to lay down in a pop ular government, that the party who favors and sustains a great war, if the war is a success, jvill be npheld by the popnlar voice, and will control the Gov ernment for a very considerable period of time after the termination of the war. It ia equally certain that the party opposing a succesfal war will go out of power for a series of years. .Our own war of 1612 with Great Britain is an apt illustration. Knowing this to be a rule j of popular action, f participated in none of the hopes entertained by our South ern leader*, that the Democracy who had opposed our civil war would be able, by the popular vote of the people of the United States, to obtain control of the Government and reverse the terms of reconstruction dictated by it in the fcpn-ip of the Republican party. I was therefore' of the opinion that it was best for the South to offer no oppo sition to the eleetion of a Republican President, while the Reconstruction acts bad not been executed. This wonld no donbt have facilitated the admission of our Southern Senators and Repre sentatives, and wonld at a much earlier period have given ns control of our own . 1 -g-- tml „ mn thia /nnvictinn 1 acted. Bat when we had complied fully with the Reconstruction acts, and the Government of the United States then refused to carry out its pledges for onr fe-admission and used the military arm to interfere in our local affairs, I felt that there Was something for the Democracy of both sections to stand upon, with good hope of success ; and from that time nntil the present I have voted for the Democratic candidates and advised onr people to do so, in the hope that the American people might then be ready to drive from power those who had not only dictated unreasonable terms to ns, bat had failed to keep faith in carrying them out. Unfortunately the popular mind was not ready for this in 1872. Bat in 1876, so gross had been the outrages of the Federal Administra tion in the use of the military, to put down legal State governments in the Sontb, for party purposes, that the peo ple rose in their might at the ballot box and condemned this bad faith and usur pation, as already said, by an over whelming majority, by the election of the Democratic candidates for President and Vice-President. My jndgment then was that the De mocracy of the North, knowing that they had elected their candidates, shonld have stood firmly by them, announcing their fixed determination to inaugurate them; and the solid South should have moved up to their support.— And the result would not have been doubtful ; as the moral conviction rested upon the minds of the capitalists of the Republican party North that we had been successful, and they would not have hazarded their for tunes on a civil war to sustain an un doubted fraud. But the Democratic leaders at Washington were outgeneral ed by the superior management of their antagonists, and Governor Hayes was counted in and has been inaugurated. He is now the de facto President of the United States, and we shonld be order ly and obedient to the laws during his term; and hope that he will give us a fair administration. I counsel no fac tious opposition to his administration, and think we should not hesitate to give him credit for all good acts performed by the Administration. If he would come to the just conclu sion that the Republican party has had its mission, and that the sixteen years of power which it has enjoyed is as much as it is entitled to on account of conducting a successful war, and if he would adopt the policy of Washington and disregarding party, would call about him the best men of both parties and distribute the offices among them, per mitting each to act politically with per fect freedom while holding position, his action would then entitle him to respect and confidence and there might be less question about the expediency of Demo crats accepting office under him. I must confess, however, that I have, from the beginning, seen no sufficient evidence that this is the purpose of the President. Instead of his taking a broad, patriotic view of the situation, and resolving firmly to restore peace and prosperity to the country, at the sacrifice of party, the policy adopted by him seems to me to point only to an ef fort on his part, by the bestowal of pa tronage, to strengthen his own party. The only fruit borne of his policy of Southern conciliation, so far as I have noticed up to this period, is the ap pointment of a single Southern Demo crat to a Cabinet office; while his va cillating coarse, in reference to the re moval of troops from Louisiana and South Carolina, and his reference of the question to a Commission, wholly unau thorized by any law, Federal or State, a majority of which I have no doubt will be composed of his own party, have but confirmed my distrust. We may, however, be asked by North ern men, how is conciliation to take place if the South is still to stand firm and solid and will meet no advance made to her by the Administration ? To this I reply : The is not in the market. We cannot be purchased by patronage. But if the purpose of the President is to restore peace and har mony to the oountry, and to divide the South by lines other than the color line, there is an easy and patriotic mode of doing it. Let him and his party offer us no bribe of. office ; and let them, in the administration of the Government, do equal and exact justice to every State and to every section of the Union ; let them bury the war issue and let there be made no further allusion to it. In a word, let the Republican party cease to flaunt the bloody shirt in our face ; and let them, as pledged, we having com plied with the Reconstruction acts, con cede the same right to local self-gov ernment to Louisiana and South Caro lina which is conceded to New York and Ohio; and let all ffiorts to keep up division, on account of past connection with the war, cease; and the result will naturally be, that new issues will spring up; tariffs and banks and the internal revenue system, internal improvements, &e., will then occupy the attention of the people. Upon these, men of both col ors and both parties, South and North, will naturally differ, and they will di vide upon them, In this mode and this alone can the South be divided by lines other than substantially the color line. So long, however, as the Republican party labors to keep the war issues alive, and to divide the people and in flame their prejudices, on account of the war, we will naintain a solid Democratic South, no matter what efforts may be made to buy, to bully, or to bribe us. Whatever view individual Democrats may take as to tho expediency or inex pediency of accepting office under the present Administration—the Democratic party, and each individual member of it —should bear constantly in mind the in justice and fraud by which their gallant leaders—Tilden and Hendricks—were cheated out of the positions to which the people, following the lead of the Democracy, had legally and fairly elect ed them; and each apd every Democrat should resolve, whether in or ont of of fice, to do no act, and to make no con cession which can in any way divide us, or endanger the triumphant success of the party, in the next election, by oter wbelming majorities in such number of States as will place the result beyond the reach vf infamous Returning Boards, or partisan Commissions, Very respectfully, your obedient ser vant, Joseph E. Brown. Camden, S. C., March 27, 1877. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist: I am in receipt of your circular re questing my views as to the policy of the Southern Democracy at this junc ture, affecting our attitude towards the Administration of Mr. Hayes, and re spond to the request without delay or hesitation. The propriety of the acceptance and exercise of a public office by a citizen should only be determined by a consid eration, first, of the interests of the pub lic, and, ne*t, gf those of the individual. If after due reference tp these points it is clear that the public gpod would be promoted and the private interest of tke individual would not be unduly sacri ficed, it is impossible to suppose a case in which it would not be proper to ac cept such office. To hold that one should not accept office at the hands of a party to which he has been politically opposed, would be to admit that the public would be better served by a mem ber of su.ch party, and to approve a poli cy whiph has cursed and degraded the country, who ß ® maxim is, “to tfie vic tor bplgnys tf\e spoils,’ a maxim whose fundamental vice is, that it substitutes as a motive the greed of gain for the love of country, and considers public office with reference to its emoluments of the holder, rather than to its duties to the public. It is considered that these principles exclude all those cases which involve in the acceptance of office degrading or dishonorable conditions, expressed or implied. If, for instance, office were tendered by Mr. Hayes and accepted by one of us with an understanding that the h,older should use the office to strengthen or support Mr. Hpyes politi cally, while his policy was really hostile to eur people, and injurious to the pub lic interests: or, if the acceptance of of fipe by an individual would, of itself, strengthen the Administration, whose policy was adverse tp the interests .of so ciety, it shonld be refused —because it is not compatible with the public inter est, in any case, that a citizen shonld permit himself to give strength to a Government which employs that strength to injure the people. To apply these principles practically, and to answer for myself, I would not seek or accept office under Mr. Hayes, so long as he maintains a guard of sol diers in the State House at Columbia, in violation of the Constitution and laws of the United States, and of this State, and of the rights of the people of South Carolina, unless with the distinct pledge that this unlawful exercise of military power 3jiould cease within such time as would practically avoid the in compatibility of holding office under a President whom my dnty as a citizen required that I should oppose and de nounce a tvxapnical usurper of arbi trary and unconstitutional power?. Jf, op the other h?no, Sir. Hayes did withdraw those trpops and udministgred his office $8 a Republican, within the limits of his eonstitntjonal powers with Bimple justice, even without any special kindness or favor to our people, I would accept office under him. Lastly, if the administration of Mr. Hayes was kindly and liberal towards ns and tended to restore peace, order and good government to the Sontb, with its attendant blessings of prosperity and happiness, I would give his administra tion a hearty support, whether an office holder or not. My party allegiance is subordinate to—nay, is founded upon mv love to my State and oountry. snail always link my political fortunes witb that party which, in m/indgment, best promotes the welfare of the coun try. My test of the effect of public meas ares upon the country IB found in its effect upon the State of which I am a citizen; whatever is best {pr my State is best for all, under our system, and vioe versa. My opinion, theiefore, is clear and de cided, that should President Hayes sincerely administer the function of his office in accordance with the principle avowed in his inaugural address (which I am still unwilling to doubt), we ought by all means cordially and earnestly to support sach administration, let the re sults npon present party organization lead whither they wonld. Very respect fully yours, Joseph B. Kershaw. Greesville, S. C., March 27, 1877. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist: I have just received your letter asking my opinion as to “ What the attitude of the Sonthern Democracy shonld be to President Hayes; whether Southern men should apply for or take office un der him, etc,” There is not an intelligent man in America, whether Democrat or Repub lican, who does not know that Governor Tilden was elected President of the United States and ought to have been inaugurated. General Grant most truly said that no one worthy of the office shonld desire it through a fraudulent count of the votes. But it was obvious, last Fall, that the Republican Senate was disposed to declare Governor Hayes elected, and Grant was concentrating the Federal army in Washington to have him inaugurated. This the Democratic House of Representatives was bound in honor to resist. A civil war wonld have been the consequence. In order to pre vent this, both parties acted wisely and patriotically in referring the contest to a Commission, composed, in part, of the Judges of the Supreme Court. _ It was thought that these learned jurists would, at least, divest themselves of all partisan feeling and decide the great question according to law, the Constitu tion and justice. How sadly disappoint ed the Democratic party have been is well known. But having referred the matter to ar bitration they were in honor bound to accept the arbitrament, however unjust and contrary to truth it may be. We must, therefore, accept Hayes as Presi dent of the United States, and support or oppose the measures of his adminis tration as if he had been legally and constitutionally elected. His inaugural promised fairly and his cabinet is better than was anticipated. The Postmaster- General is a Democrat; and the Secre tary of State and Secretary of the In terior both voted with the conservative party, four years ago, in opposition to the re-election of President Grant. Blaine, Morton, Logan and Cameron have been repudiated by Hayes in forming his Cabinet. Sherman is, perhaps, the most objectionable member of it. Knowing that his title to the Presi dency is bad, and that a large majority of the people of the United States voted against him, it is to be presumed that Hayes will be in some measure influenced qy these considerations in his adminis tration of government. We should make no factions opposition to him, bnt render all the assistance we can in sus taining all his wise, patriotic and just measures. In order to do this, I set no impropriety in a Democrat’s ac cepting office under President Hayes. It would certainly be desirable, in my opinion, to have as many of the Federal offices in the Southern States filled by good competent Democrats as possible Nor do I apprehend any division of the Democratic party by pursuing such a course. We all supported the election of Horace Greeley, an avowed leader of the Republican party, without any sacri fice of principle, because we thought he would make a better President than the corrupt military tyrant who sought to be and was re-elected. It has been, and I hope ever will be, the boast of the Democratic party to go for principles and not men. I am sorry to say that the signs of the times at present are not so favorable to a wise and just Southern polioy as they were supposed to be at the inauguration of President Hayes. But we must not despair of the Republic. Time, pa tience and forbearance will right us ulti mately. The Republican party must go down, with the load of infamy which it has to carry, as the old Federal party did after the passage of the alien and sedition laws, aimed at the liberty of the press and the immigration of for eigners. The situation or condition of the South is infinitely better than it was immediately after onr Congressional re construction. Then all the States were under Radical rule, governed by the most infamous set of scoundrels that ever disgraced civilization. Now all the Southern States, except one or two, have been redeemed and restored to hon est government. South Carolina and Louisiana will bo in a short time. The Southern States committed a fatal error when they declared that no one should acoept office under President Lincoln, who was legally and constitu tionally elected, though sectionally elected, by a minority of the people of the United States, owing to divisions in the Democratic party. We must not commit a similar error now, although Hayes is only de facto President by sufferance of the American people. I am, with great respect, very truly and sincerely yours, &0., B. F. Perry. Letter from Hon. A. C. Walker. Mcßean, Ga., March 24, 1877. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist: When the question, “Whether Sonth ern men should apply for or accept office under Hayes?” (on which you have honored me by asking the expression of my opinion) was first propounded to me in individual and interested cases, un der the glamour of a prospective “justice to the South” policy, I answered briefly that as the villainous character general ly of the Radical officeholders at the South had been all along one of the main sources of our many troubles, if Mr. Hayes was willing to appoint men of our own choice we should gladly accept the proffered relief. I am willing to stand by that, still, but I utterly con demn the general recognition of the principle that we should apply for and accept office under Hayes as we would have done under Tilden. Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes; I distrust the whole Radical party, from the most conspicuous leader to the low est bummer. There is not, in my judg ment, a single man who would hold hon or and honesty inviolate if individual or party interest was at stake. Can an in stance or a fact be pointed out in deroga tion of this belief ? The superstructure known as the Re publican party is built upon the g d less and desperate fanatics formerly styled abolitionists. The Commune of Paris was a God-fearing and patriotic association, compared with the wicked and vicious conglomeration of men and women who used and still use negro slavery and its pernieious sentimenta tism, in the attempt to reverse the de crees of Omnipotence, to uproot all that is venerated in governments,or sacred in human rights. This superstructure of Republicanism is saturated from turret to foundation stone with the virus flow ing from the frothingjaws of these rabid human beasts, and just a3 mad .dogs are affected by the sight of water, so are they affected by the mildeßt exhibition of justice or generosity to the Southern white people. As long as we were villi fied and oppressed and the negro unduly exalted, we were likely to forget in its motley garb of Republicanism the orig in and animus of the party in power, but the moment that “justice to the South” was barely hinted at, out rushed the same, but now toothless old brutes the Garrisons, Phil lips, Stantons, &c., who formerly so stunned our ears with their fiendish howls. They at least refresh our mem ory, as they seem to halve refreshed Mr. Hayes’ also. Every Northern Radical understands that the entire stock in trade of the party consists of a rather threadbare commodity known as the negro, and their mental calibre seems nnequal to the task of diversifying the contents of their peddler’s pack. Mr. Hayes has, it seems, attempted, in a feeble way, to add another exceedingly cheap article, known to commerce in Grant’s time as “let ns pave peace,” but now, ch' nging with the fashions, called “my Southern policy;” but his partners demur to this novel addition to the stock in trade. He seems to have found a numerous array of customers at the South; some are ready to take the goods without guaranty, others are eager to purchase, but, mindful of the past, are afraid of being cheated. This is abont the way matters now stand, and here, Mr. Editor, should properly come in my answer to your question. Now in view of the composition, the past history, and present status of the Republican party, of the evident weak ness and vacillation of Mr. Haves, with a tainted title to his office ever present to his,thoughts; allowinghim todifferfrom his party in' having a conscience; in view of tne envenomed haired of the abolitionists, who will control him, to the SontyiefU of the fact that if they leave tfie negro in peape and to the operation and influence pf the natnral fjnd other laws whiph shonld pontrol his destiny they will virtually disrupt their only bond of ooheaion except that other bond of cohesion, public plunder; in view of the fact that infractions of the Constitution can never be repaired, the Government restored to its ancient pnritv, or the rights of the people re spected nnder Republican rule; that compromises and concessions always eventually enure to the advantage of the stronger; in view of the fact that Georgia has worked out her own salva tion through the union and co-operation of her own gallant sons, not- only with out Federal help, but in spite of Fed eral hinderance, and that one great cause of our union and success has been the presence among us (a constant source, by comparison, of our self-re spect), of the generally abject and con temptible Federal office holders; in view of the fact that one Federal officeholder, a Democrat, must inevit ably be brought into constant business contact, and eventually into political association with other Federal office holders, Republicans, carpet-baggers, scalawags ai.d negroes, friends and family finally follow, and the result— party and social disintegration; last ly, but not leastly, in view of the fact that John Sherman is a member of the Government, one of the very mean est and bitterest of our enemies—he would taint purity itself, I would place no faith in any administration where he had a voice—ln view of all these things and many others, which space forbids me to mention, I believe that Georgians, at least, are bound by every considera tion of manhood and safety for our selves, to maintain the same attitude of law-abiding, but manly and unrelenting opposition to the tyrants and robbers, who, for twelve long years of persecu tion, of poverty, hardship and suffering have never, from the brutal Grant down, uttered one kindly sentiment or per formed one gracious act toward a gallant people who found neither “strength in their arms nor mercy in their woe.” We have done without Federal pat ronage for many weary years. I think no man has fared the worse for that. We should at least have learned patience. Let us wait a while longer; preserve in tact a solid South ; keep faith with the true Democrats of the North. The money changers will yet be driven from the temple, and the offices will come to us enhanced by self-respect and a clear conscience and as our rightful inherit ance. Very respectfully, yours, A. 0. Walker. THE NINTH DISTRICT. A Defense of tlie Candidacy of Mr. Emory Speer. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist: The official returns of the vote for Congressman in the Ninth District are all finally received. Mr. Bell is elected, and now the ringmasters of all the little political performing troupes are holding up the Ninth as a warning to independ ent candidates, and mustering thereby their little forces into line. It is with no view to attacking an organized De mocracy, or of encouraging independ ent candidates, but soiely to set Mr. Speer and his move aright, that I ask the use of your oolumns. Mr. Speer’s can didacy arose first from a conviction that the Convention as at present organized would succeed in foisting upon us a candidate who was not the choice of the Demooruoy and whose Democraoy is doubtful and doubted. After the nom ination had, in the minds of many, con firmed these fears, he continued in the field, believing that the nomination of Mr. Bell was not a true expression of the will of the party. It is needless to comment upon the methods by which Mr. Bell was nominated. They were extraordinary, to say the least. It is sufficient to say, in vindication of Mr. Speer, that af er the nomination he was encouraged to remain in the field by many prominent members of the Con vention, including the gentleman who presided over its deliberations. If Mr. Speer has erred he has had the best of company in his error. It was charged against Mr. Speer that his selfish ambi tion would take the control of this Dis trict from the Democrats, by dividing the party, and give it to the Repub licans, and many honest minded though ignorant people believed this, even when there are known to be nine teen thousand Democrats to less than five thousand Republicans in the Dis t ict. In the election just held there were three candidates in the field, two Democrats and one Republican, and though the Democratic vote was exceed ingly small, both Democrats distanced the Republican. It is useless in the face of this election to say there was a reckless disregard by Mr. Speer of all else except his own advancement and an indifference to the good of the Democra oy, as the event has proved beyond a peradventure what Mr. Speer and all well informed people knew all the time, that there was no earthly danger of electing a Republican in this District. This race has shown another thing, that the people of this District were with Mr. Speer, and the result of the election shows that they will be no longer man aged to suit the wishes of politicians. Mr. Speer had to oontend with the or ganized and well drilled politicians of both parties, with the press of the Dis trict, except the Gainesville Southron, with many meddling outsiders, and with almost all the lawyers and speakers of the District. His race under the cir cumstances is more than creditable. Many good Democrats who preferred Speer voted for Bell, influenced by the fear that a Republican would run in, and excited by the dreadful threats that they would be responsible for such a calamity should it befall our District. This fear, skilfully managed, in the opinion of many, changed enough votes to defeat Mr. Speer. The Republican candidate was brought out for the ex press purpose of defeating Mr. Speer, who is far more objectionable to that party than Mr. Bell. The people of this District have found out their power and they have found out that the Republi can party managers and the Convention proxy gatherers work for tho same end, and in the future they will demand that the Conventions shall be organized and conducted upon such fair and just prin ciples that the true choice of the party may be nominated. When this is done no man in the District will be found la boring more zealously for the election of the nominee, no matter who he may be, than Emory Speer. An Old Line Democrat, THE MOUNTAIN MEADOW MASSACRE. Confession of the Condemned Murderer—A Number of Confederates Implicated. New Yoke, March 22.—A Herald special from Pioche, Nevada, gives the full confession of John D. Lee, regard ing the Mountain Meadow Massacre, in which he states that it was the result of the direct teachings of Brigham Young. It was done by order of those high in authority in the Mormon community, and its perpetrators believed it a duty which they owed to God and the church. The immediate orders were issued by Col. Dame, Lieut.-Col. Isaac C. Haight and the council at Oedar City, Utah, at that time. Lee says he had no position either in the civil or military depart ments or in the church. Haight gave Lee an account of the emigrants who were coming, and Lee was ordered to raise the Indians to attach the train, run off the cattle, and have the Indians kill the emigrants. The Indians were to receive all the blame. In the first attack the Indians killed seven and wounded sixteen emigrants. The latter then for tified themselves. It was arranged be tween the Indians and the Mormons that the emigrants should be enticed from their fortifications by treachery. Major Higby had made a speech saying that all emigrants who could talk were to be killed. At the council at which the programme for the massapre was ar ranged, there wero about §8 whites and 400 or 600 Indians. A flag of truce was sent forward, and the surrender by the emigrants of their arms agreed upon. Lee was to get the arms of the emi grants and their sick and wounded, and also the children into the wagons, and start ahead. The Indians were to re main in ambush; the women were to fol low after the wagi ns. The Indians were to kill the women. The militia to kill the miD, and Lee and the drivers to kill the wounded k&d sick in the wagon3. This programme was carried out ; the firing commence 4 when the wagons were half a mile off. Seventeen chil dren were left. The horrors attending the massacre were beyond description. The brethern were all sworn to secresy. Lee was sent te Report the massacre to Brigham Young, who said, “Brother Lee, not a drop of innpcent bloofl has been shed. I have gone to God in a prayer, and God has shown it was a just act; the people did right, bqt were only a little hasty. I haye direct evidence from Go'd that the act was a just one; that it was in accord with God’s will. I sustain you and the brethren in all that you did; all I fear is treachery on the part of the brethren concerned. Go home and tell the breth ren I sustain them ; keep all secret as the grave; neyer tell any one, and write me a letter laying all the blame on the Indians. I will then re port to the United States Government that it was an Indian massacre.” Lee further says that it was years afterward before he knew that he had been the tool of his leaders. He had only obeyed the orders of his superior®. He then beliewd he was serving God, and would receive a celestial reward. Now he knows it is wrong and that his reward will not be celestial. He complains that the witnesses at his trial did not tell the whole truth, ahd that they were all guilty of helping to kill the emigrants. Chamberlain invites the prayers of the church for his administration. — Washington at Valley Forge did his own praying and if it is not too late we ad vise Dan'l to use his own orisons. Caroline Smith, a kind of colored seerese living in Fort Pickens, alarmed the natives laat week by telling them that Jesus would come in three days and that they had better put their ho'i* is order. HAYES ATTACKED, WENDELL PHILLIPS CALLS THE PRESIDENT TO ACCOUNT. Political Tinkering—Nicholls nml Hampton Promise—To Deceive—The Sooth Unchang ed—A Cabinet of Compromise A Con queror's Hand Needed. Philadelphia, March 26. —Mr. Wen dell Phillips, of Boston, delivered a most remarkable lecture in the Academy of Music, under the auspices of Mr. Pugh's star course, this evening. It was, in fact, more a political speech than a literary lecture, or rather a com prehensive and eloquent criticism of men and measures, and ou account of the boldness and source of the senti ments is likely to attract universal at tention. “The Holy Alliance—Rom and the Revol ver.” This was the significant and expres sive subject which Mr. Phillips announc ed for the evening’s consideration. He referred in the beginning to the fact that this was the Centennial period of the country’s existence, and then went on to say that we may, without lack of modesty, call on the world to notice the grandeur of our work. We have actual ly done what no nation ever dared to attempt. We have tested government ou every grown up man. This was never risked before. Neither Greece, Rome, Switzerland nor Holland ever ventured it. Our duty is to show the same bold ness in searching for the dangers that threaten us, and the same courage in facing them that our fathers did. The epoch in which we live is one given over to a struggle between two organizations. The Northern rests on the Declaration of Independence—the Southern on a denial of it. Ever since Calhoun was graduated at Yale College the South has been educated to believe that universal suffrage was the road to ruin. She be lieves that as sincerely as Massachusetts believes the opposite. In due time the antagonism cnlminated in the rebellion. Both sections were equally sinoere and equally in earnest—the North sincerely right, the South sincerely wicked—“be lieving a lie.” Does human nature or history allow us to think that the deep-rooted convic tions of seventy years have been chang ed by a dozen defeats in battle and a dozen years of angry submission ? Tne struggle between Cavalier and Round bead lasted a century. The struggle between similar forces iu France began in 1780 and has not yet ended. How can sixteen years be expected to finish the war here between forces as angrv and as radical as these which shook England and France for a century ? A single man may change his opinions. Millions of men rarely do, and when such changes take place it requires gen erations to ripen and complete them. If Lee had driven Grint into Ohio, and our men bad been paroled at Columbus, would Massachusetts have taken down Bunker Hill Monument or set fire to Faneuil Hall with her copy of the Dec laration of Independence ? No. We should have closed up our ranks and sworn to live and die with Sam Adams. Billiots vs. Bullets.| The South went home, an idle mass, to plot for getting by the ballot what the bullet had lost. Our soldiers melted into lawyers, mechanios, merchants, every profession and trade of busy men. The South had no Buch resource. She was never trained to earn a living. She must steal it from somebody. Her burglars’ tools are the revolver, domi neering over the ballot box, and cabal blinding polities and Congress. If the Democratic party had succeeded it would have owed its success to a “solid South,” the old slave power with anew name. Her ally was, as of old, the rot ten mass of the great cities. Under our present working of universal suffrage the magistracy of cities represents and is chosen by their criminal and danger ous classes. The journals proclaimed last October that Tilden could have New York city if Morrissey, Kelly ami O’Brien chose. How could they give it to him ? By their control of its Blums. If Tilden had entered the White House it would have been the revolvers of Carolina the grog shops of New York that lifted him there. The white South believes to-day that she is contending for good government and the highest in terests of civilization. In political mat ters the two sections do not speak the same language. Right and jus tice mean different things at the North and at the South. The South clings to her ideas with all the energy of angry defeat. Men always love what they suf f4r for. The North has abolished sla very, but it lasted loDg enough to make almost every Northerner a fluDky, hence the danger that the South will be finally victorious. Oh ! that Rarey were living and President of these Stateß ! His is the hand to save us. The South needs the Rarey treatment—first show that we can crush it and are determined, at any cost, to be obeyed; then you may “gen tie” the brute and conciliate all you please. Until then the South sees that all this conciliation is only cowardice trying to pass for magnanimity. What Graul Gained at Appomattox Surren dered by Hayes at Washington. History repeats itself. What the South needs to-day is the element which Charlemagne, William the Conquerer, and Cromwell contributed to their times —the heavy hand and fearless grasp which holds disorderly and struggling forces quiet, until peace tempts and wins to action the elements which mould our modern civilization —capital, labor, com merce, education, hope and (quality be fore the law. This grasp Grant would fain have used, but the senseless clamor of timid Congressmen and silly jour nalists prevented. Hayes proclaims his purpose to forego and surrender it.— When he took office Appomattox ;faded out of sight and the South was victorious in spite of it. Half of what Grant gained for us at Appomattox Hayes sur rendered in Washington on the sth of March. The South has no purpose to use such forces as I just named. Peace and honesty on her part, in Andrew Johnson’s day, would have won ample capital to her use. She defied law, en couraged Ku-klnx and laughed at good faith—the cement of States—and hence she starves and rots to-day. She hasno business training—no part or lot in the spirit of the century. Her only trade is politics ; that is her only tool. Bullets failed. She has neither finance nor trade, mechanics nor educated class to work with. Plot and cabal are her only tools. With these she plans to force from the North the wealth she cannot earn, lost the opportunity to attract, and must wither and rot without. In An drew Johnson’s day the North urged the Southern white to take his place at the head of society and heartily aid the new order of things. Hampton and his caste fluug scorn cm the offer and haughtily bid us build with such mate rials as we could find. If the days are dark now, whose fault is it ? Theirs. It is useless to deny that the South cher ishes the color line. We need no com mittees of investigation, no testimony of individuals. Laws are unexception able evidence of a people’s purpose. Examine the statute books of Virginia and Tennessee. The cruel ingenuity with which the tools are there fnrnished to oppress the negro is equalled ody in the bloody and infamous code which England built up, in 200 years, to crush Ireland, and drive the Irish race out of it. Capital is the most delicate test snd thermometer to measure the heat or cold of men’s confidence in the peace of a community. If the Southern white man were really moved by such feelings as he professes capital would eagerly seek that golden field of matchless invest ment, as, for the last forty years, it has sought the West. But neither the oily rhetoric of the journals, nor the soft solder of Presidential messages, can draw dollars from Republican or Demo cratic pockets for investment in the Gulf States. Yet in spite of this indn dubitable evidence the President af fects to believe Hampton and As sissin Butler, of South Carolina, and he calls on Joseph Surface to write his inaugural of “fine sentiments.” We need only that and his Cabinet to fore cast his future. TheOabinet of Lincoln was one made of trimmers. Except Stantop and Cameron every member be lieved in whittling down justice to suit customers. Grant’s Cabinet was one of mediocrities. He seems to have shrunk from counselling with £rst rate men. Hares and His Slave-Honnd Cabinet. Hayes’ Cabinet reminds one of a story of Turner, the English painter. He had hußg up at the Exhibition a painting snbdued in color. As he studied it on the wall the canvas seemed to fade out of sight in the presence of its bright rivals. After gaspngawhile Tnruerflnng a drop of bright red on the centre of his piece, and the picture glowed into startling effect. So I can see Hayes gathering his Cabinet. There is Sher man, who will leave a name linked to no measure or idea—his qnly record that he entered Congress poor and leaves it rich. Eyarts reminds one of the Pro testant riots in London, when men chalked oh their closed shutters “no popery,” to colefliste the mob. ©ne timid citizen, anxious to stand well with both sides, chalks np “no religion ” Amid this death grapple between Caste and the Declaration of Independence Evarta writes on bis flag “No princi ples. ” Then comes Scburz, the' Swiss soldier, always to let. Hayes gazed at the colorless piece, which was hardly visible. Suddenly he remembers Slave hound Devons—the low monotony of whose life rose only once into noticeable infamy, when, with his own hands, he Eut chains on Thomas Sims and dragged im down State street. Hayeß flung that blood-red drop on the canvas, and, behold 1 it glows immortal—the slave* hound Cabinet! Perhaps yon will say Devens sinned long ago; so did Judas Iscariot. And Jndas besides repented and hung himself. If Devens had done that Judas would have no right to resent the comparison. But in spite of repent ance, and after 1,800 years, I hear of no proposal to add a St. Judas to Mark, Luke and John. No years can sweeten a slave catcher any more than the whole ocean would cleanse Lady Macbeth’s hlordy hand. I can forgive Foote and Longstreet; O’Conor, who voted for slavery; yes, and Lincoln, who helped to extend the area of slave hunting; for I remember where all of them lived and were born. But the being base enough actually, with his own bands, to crush back into slavery the hero who proved his title and firmness for freedom by the courage of flight—such a hound has, in this world, no forgiveness. It is not safe, considering the moral training of the world, to risk forgiving such a one. A Massachusetts man, in the full blaze of anti-slavery truth, in theoity of Chan ning, Parker and Garrison, to volunteer at slave catching ! Such a hound should ever after be hidden in privacy and her mitage; he has no right to obtrude him self on the disgust of mankind. Fanoy him entering the Cabiuet chamber ! Sherman, never an abolitionist, neither knows nor cares about his history. Evarts received him with the suave in difference of one who is “everything by turns and nothing long.” Schurz has neither brain nor heart enough to un derstand why slave hunting should dis credit any one, provided it pays well. Key, accustomed, like all Southerners, to use slave catchers and dispise them, makes no effort to hide his disgust. Sucb a Cabinet—a s’lave-houud Cabinet—to pilot this ship, tossed on the hot indig nation of twenty million Northerners and the tireless hate of ten millions at the South*! Only “ gush” and idiooy would dream of such a thing ! A gush ing thing was the younger Miss Peck sniff, but that lovesick girl would not take passage on such a oraft. Alas far Blaine, Morton anil Butler ! What name shall we give to the cool and bare-faoed assumption whioh claims that the Cabinet represents all the ele ments of our politics ? Where do you find in it the element whioh Blaine, Morton and Butler stand for ? Without that idea in tho forefront of the canvass Tilden would be to-day iu the White House and the Republicans not only de feated, but humbled by their over whelming annihlation. Every other ele ment appears in the Cabinet. This only —the Hamlet of the place—is omitted. There is Evarts, who represents ‘the neutrals—men so indifferent that, in this battle of giants and struggles of princi ples,’they could see nothing either in the Republican or Democratic party worth working for. Schurz stands for the treachery, self-conceit and morbid office seeking that rebelled with Greely. Key brings in Tilden and secession. Devens keeps fresh before us the men who ate diet and wore collars in the pro-slavery days. If the Presidential canvass had contained only these forces Hayes would dwell quietly to-day in Ohio. Blaine and the bloody shirt elected our Presi dent. During the long doubt of Decem ber and January the only words that reached us from Governor Hayes was the assurance how “deeply he felt for the negroes; how he pitied them if the count should show Tilden elected !” He knew well enougjf then what chord would reach the nation’s heart and make them pray for his success. If Tilden had been counted in what more would the South have asked of him ? what more would he have dared to do than to with draw the troops ? Fanoy Hayes pro claiming in October that he contemplat ed calling home the troops ! If the tel egraph had announced such a purpose on his part that moment the canvass would have virtually ended, and Tilden would have walked unchallenged over the course. If tV.e Cabinet calls home the troops I affirm they hold seats whioh have been obtained ou false pretences. Besides, the almost unvarying custom and courtesy of our polities is for the President to offer to the next strongest candidate of his party the position of Secretary of State. When Hayes omit ted this ofier to Blaine, and, further, excluded from his Cabinet the idea Mr. Blaine represents, he not only insulted Blaine, he revealed himself as purposely betraying the ranks that elected him. But Lamar and Hill “prophesy soft things.” Yes, while their white con stituents will not speak to Longstreet. Besides, Blaine’s spear once revealed Hill’s black heart. Does any cun Ding man, after notice, stumble twice over the same stone ? They both are behav ing well before company. We have tried conciliation before. Andrew John son, made Vice-President, was our first experiment. No one will claim that as a success. Acker a an, Mosby, Long street are later instances. The South lost three men and we gained just three; that is all. But Wade Hampton and Nicholls promise that, if recognized, they will keep the peace and protect the negro. Promise ! Why, the whole soil of tlie South is hidden by successive layers of broken promises made the last forty years. She never yet has kept a promise. To trust a Southern promise would be fair evidence of insanity. The white South stands to-day perjured be fore the world, her cartel of honor broken and forfeited. Unasked she offered her oath of submission, and took life, land, citizenship and all its privi leges, in return pledging herself to obey the Constitution and secure to every man of every race his rights. Deliber ately, in the face of the world, over and over again she has broken the oaths she volunteered to take, and stands perjured before the world. Such men presume to call themselves gentlemen and talk of promises ! It was a gross insult to the American people when the President re ceived the Hamburg assassin, Butler, into consultation. What can consulting with assassins lead to? Nothing but more murders of innocent men. No, the epoch is not. Whoever says so is either a dupe or a knave. The bat tle is only adjourned from Waterloo to the coup d'etat of 1851 and the stuffed ballot boxes of November, 1852. Then France tried to create a republic; wo are trying to save one. What do we owe the men of ’76? Not empty eulogies. Rhetoric is the talent of decaying States. The debt we owe our fathers is to give the world proof that they really launch ed the best Government ever framed. What is that proof ? Not swelling numbers, nor vast wealth, nor wide lands. If that were so Russia could compete with us. The test of govern ments is the men they produce. Hum boldt said the “fi est fruit earth holds up to its Maker is a finished man.” So of States. If this be so, then what we owe the fathers is to show that the government they founded—and which we claim to be the best—does produce men; wise, brave, far-seeing, devoted men; able and ready to save the State their fathers created; men cheated by no juggle of words, blinded by no tinsel of pretense, able to discover the foe of liberty and justice under any disguise; and whether he comes as Southern as sassin, Northern panderer to vice, or a cheat disguised as patriot—sure to un mask and orush him under foot. After a day’s weary march, Mohammed was ca-r ping with his followers. One said ; “I will loose my camel, and commit it to God.” Mohammed said, “Friend, tie thy camel, and commit it to God.” Beware of the Future. Let us heed the moral. Do not melt into gush. Do not believe that human nature has all of a sudden changed, and history is no longer any lesson. Do not think, with childless, guileless inno cence, that now-a-dav grapes do grow on thorns and figs on thistles; that we have been mistaken when we believed the South to be a tiger—she had been all the time a cooing dove, whose plum age we have cruelly ruffled while misled by this mistake! Do not fling the reins loose on the neck of an angry people in suoh senseless fo ly, and then fancy God will bless us. He promises no blessing to such improvidence. Tie the State to good common sense, to the les sons of history, to the great forces of civilization, law, order, justice and peace. Use all possible means to secure the aid and protection of these, and then, only then, trust the great future to God. Three Old Boys. There arrived at the" Wheeler House last night by one of the Northern trains, three young gentlemen by the name of French. They are brothers, from Fall River, Massachusetts. The wife of each accompanies her lad, and np to this point there is nothing remarkable in their appearance in oqr midst, but when we take into consideration the fact that the average age of the brothers is 75, and that the youngest is 72, and that the ladies to whom they are married are their first and only wives, and that none of them have been married less than forty years, it loqk ß tt little remarkable. A hearty welcome is extended to the visitors, and we hope that fifty years more may be added to the lives of every one of the six by their visit Sonth.— Columbia Register, 27?d to the Bar. Last Tuesday Capt, F. Edgworth Eve, after a very creditable examination in Columbia Superior Court, by a com mittee composed of Judge Wm. M. Reese, Maj. W. T. Gary, Judge Snead, and Solicitor General Salem Dnteher, was admitted to plead and practice in all the Courts of law and equity, except the Supreme Court, in this State. Gapt. Eve was complimented upon the knowl edge of common and statute law which be gave evidence of throughout the ex amination. WaYNKHBORO LYNCMNO. The Ciliaens of Burke County Dill Not ■nit tlie Crime. Editors Chronicle and Constitutionalist: Allow me to occupy a short space in the columns of your valuabl" journal for the purpose of exonerating the peo ple of Burke from any censure that they may apparently deserve relative to the recent lynching of the negro Ed. Welsh, the murderer of Mr. O’Brien. Burke has always been one of the most con servative counties in the State, and her people have borne much and suffered more at the hands of the law breakers ; but they have never allowed their pas sions or prejudices to prevail over their cool judgment,'nor have they permitted outrageous wrongs which probably de served quick judgment and immediate -xccution to influence their notions, but they have ever preferred to yield their wrongs to be redressed by the majesty f the law. I have made many inquiries if any of the oitizens of Burke were en gaged iu the recent lynching, and the information received was that the law breakers were from an adjoining county, and it is to be presumed that they acted from hasty passions and ill-oonceived judgment, which does not rel.eve them from the orime they committed, and it is to be sincerely hoped that tbe authorities of Burke county will have sufficient nerve to offer a reward for the apprehension and conviction of the men who had the te merity to invade a neighboring county to commit a crime which admits of no excuse, as the laws of Georgia are am ple and sufficient to eonviot and punish all criminals, and any set of men who presume that they are the Judge, the law, and tbe sheriff of the State, it is then time that the law-abiding people have such meu punished as the law di rects. Welsh deserved death through the process of the law, as the crimes he committed were murder aud robbery in their most heinous and dastardly form; but the manner in whioh he was exe cuted simply amounted to murder, as the priest properly designated it. Asa people we have no cause to complain, as our State aud local affairs are in our own hands, and if we do not enforce the laws, we are alone to be oensured. Let passiou and hate have no abiding plaee in Georgia, but let judgment, reason and justice rule her people, thereby making the law supreme. Burke. Waynesboro, March 30. CAPITAL CONJECTURES. The Political aud Bintiuess Outlook in Atlan tii'-Indepeudenta— Journalistic There is 1 Jvely Work Ahead. I Correspondence Chronicle and Constitutionalist Atlanta, March 29. —Atlanta has been opposed to a Gonvention from the start, and her opposition will be disguised no longer. The wrangle over the location of the Capitol has stirred the Gate City to her deepest depths. The cotton fac tory, in tbe language of a disgusted “rural rooster,” is a “plumb bust,” but the average Atlantese is consoled by the reflection that his burg can run the !-tate government, even if she can’t run a fao tory. Besides, it isn’t a good day for factories, anyhow. They are a low, Yankee invention. They make the atmosphere smoky, and the falling soot would iujure the immaculate shirt bosoms of the dainty politicians who most do congregate about the Capitoline Hill. Yes, the Capitol is a good thing for Atlanta. It brings crowds of wealthy strangers to the city. It has organized sooiety, aud it keeps the retail mer chants up. * With this much promised, you will understand the situation when I state that tbe Atlanta politicians now feel as sured that no Convention will be called. They ridicule the very mentiou of the con-con. They admit the waywardness of the populace in general, but in this particular matter they know that the people will kill the Convention by the biggest majority ever heard of. And the “ killing” is to be done by the nigger vote ! But while this is the drift of the loud talk you hear anent the subject, there is an underourrent iu favor of get ting thiDgs ready iu case the con-con should be called. In that event splen did bids will be made to secure the Cap itol. There is considerable talk here about Independents. It is perhaps rath er early iu the day to devote much time to the discussion of such a problemati cal movement, but still it is discussed. Grady is keeping the thing before tbe people. He is said to be strongly in fa vor of the movement, and expects to be the chief grinder of an organ in its interests, if he can find somebody who has wit and cheek enough to buy Bob Toombs press and seven barrels of type —on time, of course. Grady, at the head of an independent paper, would; have a slashing time while it lasted. Bat there is another journalistic rumor. It is whispered that the Hon. William L. Scruggs, recently Minister to Bogota, contemplates starting a political journal on the independent, conservative line. Scruggs is one of the ablest political writers in the country. If he enters journalism again in Atlanta he wilt make himself felt. Interest in na tional politics is on the ware. Hayes is universally objurgated. The 450 Democrats here who expected to ob tain office under him, now decline to en ter into entangling alliances. But they haven’t been invited to tangle to any very great extent. Business is duller than I ever saw it. Nobody has any money. Nobody sees any prospect of getting any. Nobody has any trade to speak of. George Adair’s failure naturally cre ated a sensation. But there is Dothiug very remarkable in it. Within the last four years real estate has been a fancy stock in Atlanta. Cotton futures afford ed about as safe an investment. The men here who have dabbled in real estate and contracted liabilities are in a bad fix. Some property here has depreciated fifty per cent, with in the last three years. This is fright ful. The retail merchants are doing nothing, and some of the best wholesale houses saj that they do not expect to be in existence until Fall. The Spring trade is opening late, and not muon is expected from it. About the cotton fac tory, I hear that a Northern firm haa attached some of its maohinery for thei purchase money. This is pretty rough on the budding Manchesterof the South. But I must close and make a rush for tbe Goober train on the Georgia Road. Perhaps I’ll enjoy the fun of hearing Tom Howard talk all the way to Kirk wood. A. B. BLOODY COLLISION. An Armed Band of Neirroet* Attack Che Mar* tdial of Oglethorpe County—Two Whites Badly Wounded—MuchExcitement) and Arrest* of Suspicious Characters. [Special to the Chronicle and Constitutionalist.l Lexington, Ga., via Athens, March. 91. —A collision between the Marshal of Crawford, Oglethorpe couDty, and an armed band of negroes occurred Friday night. Jasper Hopkins, the Marshal, and Mr. J. M. Norton were badly, though not mortally wounded. Consid erable excitement prevails, and the in stigators are being sought alter. A few suspicious characters have been arrested. A Fearful Fall. Yesterday morning, abont half past seven o’clock, a little boy about two and a half years of age, son of Mr. 0. A. Robbe, was leaning ont of one cf the first story windows of the Augusta Hotel, where its parents are living, it suddenly lost its balance and fell to the pavement below, a distance of nearly twenty feet. Capt. J. T. Denning and Mr. Geo. W. McLaughlin, who saw the little fellow fall, ran to him and picked him np. He was earned up stairs to his mother’s room and a physician sum moned. Examination showed that no bones were broken. The child struck bis head and hip on the pavement.— While it was impossible to determine the exact extent of the injuries yoster day, it was thought that they were net of a serious nature. HAMPTON’S! REQUEST TO HAYEB. He Want* to be Avonnd When the Troop* Aro Withdrawn. Washington, Marsh 30.— 1n his con ference with the President to-dsy, Gov ernor Hampton requested, in case the troops are ordered to be withdrawn, that the order be postponed until his (Gov ernor Hampton’s) return to Columbia. It is expected that Governor Hnmpton and Chamberlain will both be on the ground before a final decision is made. Legal Advertising. By a notice elsewbeie it will be seen that all aheriff’s advertisements of Seri -1 ven county will hereafter be published i in the Weekly Chbonicee and Constitu tion alist, Obstinate minds must surrender and admit that the wonderful cures of Coughs, Colds and Bronchitis are effect ed by Dr. J. H. McLean’s Cough and Lung Healing Globules. This new > way, new principle, producing a gas, : going direot to the affected parts, is the only remedy. Trial boxes by mail, twenty-five cents. Dr. J. H. McLean’s office, 314 Chestnut street, St. Louis, Mo. w Catching a Tartar Is unpleasant, but a tartar on the teeth i far worse. Obliterate it with the de lightful Bozodont, which yields tbem beauty and health, hardens and im proves the gums, and impregnates the breath with a most delectable aroma, t