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ADDRESS OF Mil. R, R. RUE IT.
Op South Cakomka.
*J\t tht (.citizens oj Rf.au/nrt and (Jolrton Dis
Iriclt, upon Ikr tuhjfd of AhnlUinn.
Fallow Citizen*: I i a private and friendly
letter to the editor of llic Charleston Mereti
ty, amount o'hcr events accompanying the
tnvmorablc secession of the Hutihero mem
hers tonn the Mill of the House of Re pro
■entioives, I stated to him, that 1 hnd prepared
two resolution*, drawn an amendments to the
rmrflon of the member from Vermont, wh'lsl
lie wan discussing the institution ot slavery
in the Smi Ik ‘'declaring that the Oonatita
(tor. Imp ng filled to protael the South m the
peaceable possesdon and enjoyment of their
rights and peculiar institutions, it waa expe
dient that the Union rlioiild lie dissolved;
and the other, appointing a committee of two
members from each state, to rep irt upon the
best -wean* of peaceably dissolving it.” Ma
ny of the ne.vspapets in the Union have thot*
.proper to pass strictures upon this letter os
yon will percievo, by the following extract
from lint New Yorlt Evening Star, ol the (fill
mat. “Ilas too Charleston Mercury any oh
j ‘ctions to state who was the mcinner «l Con
gress who wro'e the above letter, and who, he
declares, was about to propose in Congress to
dissolve the Union* Ton people ol that State,
and the frien is of the South, and of the Union,
have n right to know who it s.” As I have
no private opinions that I am afraid openly to
avow; and have ever recognised the right in
I lie people to know them upon nil nutters ill- |
lading the public interest or honor—ol course, j
I coed not hesitate promptly acknowledging j
thn authorship of the Idler relorrcd to, and I
communicating to the pil'd c, the resolutions, j
wh'cli I had shown to many of my friends,
and was prepared to nflW in my gent, and j
maintain in the Congress ofthc United S’ale*. j
Von will perceive, that writing curttnle cuhtmn
to a friend, I d d not correctly describe their
whole purport. H.ich as they are, however,
Ih-j public arc welcome to them, in answer to
any question or demand touching any right,
real or imaginary; in tier premises, winch any
portion wf the people of the 11. Stales, east,
west, north, or south, may bo supposed to
possess. I am. however more iiimi uhatelv
responsible to you, and I seize the opportir i- j
ly their publication oilers, of addressing yon,
as your representative, upon the momentous
subjects they involve, llrd I presented them
in the House, I should h ive given my reasons
at large for presenting them; and to submit
ting them now to your consideration, I trust
yon will bear with inn, whilst I submit to you
some ol the reasons which caused them to
vx st.
Itofurc entering upon the merits o( Iho re
solutions, however,permit in -to remark (what
I suppose might he apparent to ull,) tint I
had no expectation of passing them, or of even
laking a vote upi >, them. They were inten
ded as amendments to n motion, to refer with
instruct ions to report, a hill ah dishing slavery
intlrt Dist. of Columbia I expected to share
the fate, which inevitably awaited the origi
nal motion, as soon ns I lie Moor could have
been obtained, viz. to he laid upon the table.
My design in presenting them was to place
before Congress and the people, what in my
opinion was the true issue upoo this great
and vital question; and to point out the course
of policy by which it should he met by the
Southern S'ales. 7'no roeolulions arc as fol
lows;
‘ami the Constitution of the United
States having proved inadequate to protect
the Southern States in tho peaceable enjoy,
■meot of llmir rights and property, it is expe
dient that the said Constitution should ho
•mended, or thu Union ofllio Stales he dis
•nlved.
Resolved, That a committee of two members
from each State, in the Union bo appointed
to report upon tho expediency and practica
bility of amending the Constitution, or 11 1 v
best means ol peaceably dissolving the
Union.”
These, resolutions contain two propositions;
first, a fact—that “the Constitution of the
United Stale* having proved inadequate to
protect the Southern Slates in the pen cable
enjoyment ot their rights and property;”—
second that it is ‘expedient that the said
Constitution should he amended, ortho Union
of the Slates he dissolved.” The li st of
these propositions, containing the fact, alle
ged, is, I trust, the only one concerning which
in the minds of reflecting men in tho North
■or South, there can he any diflicnlt.y. That
the South lias a right, under the Constitut ion,
to the peaceable enjoyment of her slave insti
tutions, no one will deny; and if the (1 insti
tution is perverted from the purposes for
which it was made, and proves ioadeq ule to
iprotocl the Southern Slates from aggression
<upen this vital insli ulion—none but an Abo
ditionist, open or secret, in the North, or a
tra tor in the Snath, could fail to come to the
conclusion that the Constitution ought to be
amended, or tho Union he dissolved. To ac
knowledge the right, or to tolerate the act ot
interference at all with this institution, is to
give it up—-lo abandon it entirely; and, as
this must he the consumm tlion of any inter
ferenco, tho sooner it is readied the better.
The South, must bold this institution, not
amidst alarm and molestation; but in peace—
perfect peace, from tho interference or agit
ation ot others; or, I repent it,she will—she
ran—hold it not at all. Let os, then, const,
/er.the tact maintained in the first proposi
tion ol the resolution. Has the Constitution
iproved inadequate to protect the Southern
Stales to the peaceable enjoyment ot their
rights and proper y!
Without going one step further; I might ap
peal to tho circumstance tinder which the as.
section was penned, to substantiate its truth.
In a ball designated for the purpose of dehb
enitioo upon the limited subjects contained in
the constitution, *ihree hunlred thousand pe
titioners arc allowed to outer for the purp ise
of assailing the institution of slavery in the
sooth. Day after day, and every day in the
week, we are denounced in these petitions, ns
file most atrocious offend rs against t!od and
*uan. Hut a few days before this juncture,
are board ourselves, and the people wo repre
sent, declared lobe actuated, as our habitual
characteristic, by the spirit of murder and ar
son. Wo were taunted with being afraid of
truth and light, and trembling for our totter
jog institution*. Throe years before, up m.
tins very floor, in the spirit of concession, (that
no collateral issues should be made as to the j
right of petition and their consideration) it
had been determined to receive Ihesepetiiions,
consider thorn immediate y, and lay them tip-1
on the table; bo', ns in a-ll cases ul agression, |
the demand rises with the concess.ou, mid
being endured, becomes sanctified into right,-
and it was now contended,that these petitions
should not only ho received, but bo treated ex
actly in the way the petitioners thought pro
per to require—-so referred to a committee
trom which slave-holders should be excluded
and composed of members a majority of whom
should be favorable to their demand.-; in other
•Statement of a Ougv.uilim of Abolition!*!* in
•words, I hat lliclr petition* should bo gran-
J ('•(!. And tins most reasonable request is
undo upon one branch of these petitions, hy
Ihe wi.ole delegation of a State, Another
!S ale had ho hi her memorial into the other
end of the C ip.tol, calling upon Congress lo
abohs'i shivery in the District of Columbia
j mid too Territories, to prohibit slaves from
passing from one state to another, tod to ex
ehnled Texas, on account of her slaves, from
the Union; and one of the representatives of
tins stale moves in the House instruction* to a
select committee, which lie requ rod to «bo|.
■alt slavery in the I). strict of Columb a. 'l'tie
occasion is seized, lodiscant upon slavery in
the southern Stales, and to prove that it is in
consiatrut with all natural and revealed law
a.id that those who uphold it are obnoxious
to the wraili and curso of(Jod and man. Now
under these circumstances of wanton aggres
sion and insult, are the people of the south in
tins the common hall of deliberation with their
conlbJcrates, in the peaceable enjoyment of
their rights and pecuhir institution-!
Dot ilmc arc other circumstances without the
halls of congress, under which these resolutions
were [leimed. A Urge body of citizens, consis
ting ol one hundred and (illy thousand,* organ
ized into otic thousand five hundred societies
increasing at the rate of one a day, with hound
less resources, and ably conducted presses and
agents, un i missionaries and in nt.rs, who pant
fur distinction in this holy cause as the best
proof of their virtue and sincerity, are permitted
in our sister stales to band together for the open
ly declared purpose of destroy log our inslito
j lions. Three years ago, these societies, lam
I told, were about three hundred; their numbers
j about six thousand; their petitions about ten
thousand. Now, they are hundr ds of Ihou
| sands; control two states;* increasing in all the
| non sbiveho'd ng stales, and icarcd by all United
together hut upon one principle, they throw
| their weight into the scale amongst the contend
ing parties of tho country, without Uniting with
any, so as to control the majority, and advance
thu gieul interest ill I heir organization. In dc
fiance to the constitution, the governor of Maine,
upon the demand ol i lie governor of Georgia, has
refused to render up two fugitives from justice,
bee.msc the felony coiiimi'loj was carrying off
slaves from a southern port. Massachusetts ha
passed a replevin law, giving lo fugitive vlavca n
Inal by jury, and her supremo court has deter-
I mined that a slave who enters Mim ichusetts,
I with the assent of bis master, slinll he fee. The
press; the fuiiglilie.st instrument of revolution
to all enlightened and civilized nations; through
out all Ihe northern and middle slates, pours
lorlh unchecked, its abominable libels, and by
the most arltut and pissiormtc appeals, arouses
whole masses—and, amongst them, some of the
most conscientious spirits in the land—against
our institutions. Was the subject of scull com
bination, legislation and agitation, a more üb
siract or constitutional tight, like the right of
taxation, we might lie content lo exercise onr
rights, an I let others pursue their follies, or »n>
lerlain their opinions. Hut hero is a subject in
which passion and feeling and religion are all
involved. All the inexperienced emotions of
the heart are against us; all the abstractions con
cerning lioinan rights can he perverted against
us; all the theories of political dreamers, atheis
tical utilitarians, self-exalting and self reghtcous
religionists, who would reform or expunge the
Hible; in short, enthusiasts and fanatics of all
sorts are against us. In truth, only those who
have had an opportunity of knowing what the
negro race really is, anil of being practically ac
quainted with slavery as it exists in the south,
behold it with any charity or approbation.
Throughout the northern Wla'cs, throughout the
whole civilised world, the feeling of condemna
tion of this institution may lie said to he univers
al. Even in our sister Steles, those who forbear
interfering upon this subject from a regard lo the
constitutional compact or the Union, ore aboli
tionists in principle and feeling. Although they
do not approve of the unprincipled course of the
abolitionists, they desire and hope to see slavery
abolished; mid if they had ihe power, or lay no
dcr the responsibility of its existence, they would
destroy it in a day. Hence they stand passively
by and permit us to be assailed, approving of the
end, although condemning the means; and the
Union, which was designed 10-guaranis*, or
at leaslVtot lo affect injuriously our institutions,
is perfidiously used tor their overthrow.—
And mark the history of this fanaticism in
foreign nations. Horn in atheism, and bap
tised in tho blond of revolutionary France,
it accomplished iis purpose there. In Eng
land it has sprung up under Ihe guise of
religion, and it has accomplished its purpose
lln iv, ft has never yet failed, and never will
fail, in accomplishing its purpose, where the
s f tivrholder ilues not control his&t o ’ 1 tletlinict,
II is now flaming in the United tSlaics, and fX- I
lending its numbers with a rapidity far surpass,
ing the operation oftha gospel itself, in bringing
converts to ils cause. All efforts hitherto made
for ils suppression, have only fanned, instead of
extinguishing tin- H um'. The people 111 sonic
parts nl tho country, indignant at their open vio
lation of their constitutional faith, and the prin
ciples of the Union, rise up and crush thorn.—
The cry of persecution is raised, and new con
verts crowd their ranks. Congress, in the spirit
of conciliation, in the vain hope of reconciling
their demands with the powers ofthc Constitution
instead of rejecting, receive and act upon their
petitions. The right of petition is said to be in
fringed, and a sovereign iSialcj us tho confedera
cy demands that Congress shall rescind the
rules by which their agitation is attempted to he
suppressed. The spirit of abolition has advanced
ami is advancing. It increases by opposition. It
triumphs by defeat. Every concession invigor
ates ils powers, and has increased its capacity
lot evil, In view ol those tacts and opinions, am
I wrong in supposing that the Constitution has
failed in protecting the south in the peueabte en
joyment of their righ’s and properly! Unless
systematic interference, agnation, aggression, and
insult, with respect to our institutions, is peace
—it will be difficult lo prove, that the southern
Slates arc in the peaceable enjoyment of their
rights and properly. Such a course of deliber
ate hosli Ity ns has characterized ibc i ■ luct of
the citizens of the northern States towards the
south, tor the last three years, would justify, by
the laws of nations, a declatalion of war between
independent sovereignities.
If, then, fellow-citizens, the South is no longer
in the peaceable enjoyment of her rights nod pe
culiar institutions, under the Constitution of
t-ho United States,the question arises upon
j the second proposition in the resolution. Is
; H expedient that tho Constitution should he
j amended, or Ihe Union be dissolved?
1 hose, ot course, who design using the
Union and the Constitution, for the purpose
j "f destroying the institution of slavery in the
j South, will recognise no such expediency.
With them, the bonds of the Union consti-
I lute the curds hy which they propose to bind
the victim to the altar.—With such designs,
next to the atrocity ol ho'ding slaves, will be
the least resistance lo the moans by which
they expect to accomplish the r purpose. Trai
tors, themselves, to the Constitution, and
every principle of faith or honor »Inch brought
wa together, they may imagine, that by cia
morously accusing others us a want of'fideli
ty to their Constiutional engagements, they
may conceal their own base perfidy towards
theirs; and when they suppose that we can
he frightened into an abandonment of our
*.Vial*menlof Arthur Tappan.in n letter to Mr.
Oolli-vun.
t Massachusetts.
right,* by tin cry of‘<3 simian' they only prove
how toon wo despise those whom we liave
wrmgod. With those however, who have
any regard for the r own rights or the Union,
the expediency of one of those alternatives
will be o»s ly understood.—The evil must be
I arreatel. It is vim, utterly vain, to suppose
| 1 hat the South will submit to the present s'ate
l of things Hence we must have in, or out,of the Un
ion. Our first duly i«, to endeavor to obtain it con
j aistently with our alliance with oar aistcr Slates in
; the Confederacy. It has through the Con
stitution, under the cover id the Union, that our
security has liccn threatened, and our peace dis
turbed. To amend ihe Constitution is the moat
ohvioui remedy. Make that clear in the Consli*
Union, which they I not the Abolitionist* only
hut the northern people generally) affect to con
aider doubtful. Take away the power to abolish
slavery in ihe District of Columbia, and in the
Territories south of the line established by Ihe
Missouri compromise. Shut the subject of slave
ry for ever out of the halls of Congress, where,
it has been must faithlessly introduced! and let
our sister Stales agree to do, what the laws of
nations require of every friendly people—restrain
ing tlieir citizens from combining and plotting
Ihe overthrow of our institutions. If such amend
menlsare proposed, and adopted by the constitu
tional majority, the South will have repose, and
the Union perpetuated. Hut if Ibey are rejected j
it will conclusively prove to the South that the j
Union ought to he dissolved. We can hold no I
terms of alliance with deliberate open enemies;
who seize, (or permit their people to seize,) upon
the opportunity affnded by a friendly connection
with them for other purposes, to accomplish the
overthrow of our institutions; and when required
to disavow the hostility, and cea -c the aggression
—decline to do either. Hut I have no doubt
such amendments to the Constitution, if propo
sed in lime, before lh« spirit of abolition has in- J
fected the public mind, will be adopted. Thoy
lake nothing from I lie North, while they arc ne
cessary to the South. And when consi IcrcJ, as
undoubtedly (hey will lie, as presenting the al
lernalivo of a dissolution of the Union, I cannot
bellow that fanaticism has already so fir mad
dened public opinion as to induce their rejection.
—The Union with the South, is too valuable to
the North, in the estimation ol all sober men, to
be surrendered for the mere privilege, (which can
not, in fact, he preserved,) of aggressing upon
the rights of others. The Union is their best guar
antee for the continuance of their free institutions.
The lime is rapidly approaching when, their po
pulation becoming dense, tbs competion for bread
will be intensely increased ; and universal sul
fragn will givclollioso who have no property; the
alisolute control of the properly and legislation of
the country. Their history may then grow dar
ker, and present a new page for the reading of
man. They may then learn the truth in all Us
horrors, that the despotism of numbers may lie the
most terrible that can scourge a fallen people, [n
the South, ihe laborer does not control the desti
nies of the cou ilry. Every while man is a priv
alegcd being. Selfishness anddionor aliku im
pels liim to an alliance with lm race and (whe
ther be possesses properly or not) to upbuld the
institutions in Which, in fact. chiefly cxis's the
property of the country! whilst the very existence
of Slavery around him gives him a lotlier tone of
independence,& a higher estimate of liberty. Let
it he remembered that no republic has tiler
yet been tons' maintained vnlhoul Ihe institu
tion of slavery, Now arc these United States
by any means a clear exception to this great tact.
Slavery has not existed, it is true, in the North
ern States; hut these Stales have been in intimate
alliance with the Southern States,through whom
its salutary influence has been experienced.
The South lias heen Irom its origin, Ihe balance
wheel; injthis Confederacy. That londmry to
the absorption and concentration of all power in
Government, which is Ihe natural tendency of
their democracies has boon continually pressing
upon Iho Confederacy from the North, and as
continually counteracted by the South. Upon
what question ha* the Constitution ever proved
any harrier‘.to the wishes of Ihe people of Ihe
North? If their views had prevailed, what now
would have been it* situation, with all its special
grants construed away into a few general ab
sorbing powers? Alien and sedition law* would
have placed the Government above the animad
version of the people, Hy protecting tariffs, and
systems of inietn.il improvements, tint whole
property of the cottony would have been under
the control of one mighty—central agency, to he
collected and dishutsod as a sectional majority
should require.
All those checks and balances which the selfish
ness of man renders necessary to freedom in Go
vernment, would have bsett annihilated—the
Constitution virtually destroyed; and a simple
despotism creeled in its atc.nl. The South, on
account of her institutions of slavery,has been the
I sentinel over Iho Constitution; and if the cx
pcriid'tnt of wri'ten constitutions has succeeded
amongst us, it has b-cu her fidelity in guarding,
the Constitution of tits United Slates that this
success should be mainly a«i.."'hcd. Hut those
are speculative benefits, which, howe' er correct,
lam aware may bo disputed or denied. Let Its. I
then, turn to thing* indisputable; the profit and
loss account with the northern Slates, under
the fiscal opeiatlon of the Union. Took to the
protection given to the stuping interest, belong
lug almost exclusively to Iho north; a monopoly
«f the whole cosling trade, and heavy tonnage
duties, hy which prodigious advantages over the
shipping of foreign nations arc given for its en
couragement. I will not recur to the vexed ques
tion under the tariff, whether, producing three
fourths of the exports of the Union, the South
does not pay three-fourths of the revenue of
the Government collect id upon the imports;
hut, supposing the different section* of the
Union to pay iho revenue equally, mark the
prodigious benefit resulting to the Northern and
Middlu’Srates hy the sysicm of indirect,instead of
i direct, taxation. If the latter system of tsxat o r
) was adopted, (unqueslionably the faires;, upon
i every principle of justice,) every citizen would
| have to pay for the support of the Government
in proportion to his properly. The taxes would
I nor then he laid and raised upon particular ar
i tides, by which they arc enhanced in price to the
! consumer, for the licriclii of rhe domestic manu
facturer; but the labor of all would be left to find
ilsj natural exposed to competition
! with the capital and labor of foreign nations.
1 We need no prophecy to tell us that, under such
circumstances, the manufacturers of the North
I would soon have to cease their vocation. Hut by
j the system of indirect taxation—laying duties
upon our imports—a borne market is created for
the U. S*. Turn, to the expenditures oflhc Gov’t.
For twenty years prior lo 1836. thero, were four
himdred and twenty millions of revenue raised
from the people of the United Slates. Os this,
one hundred and thirty millions were paid lo our
national debt, two hundred and ten millions ex
pended in the Northern and Middle Slates, and
but eighty millions in the Southern and Wcsti r.r
Stales of the Union. The consequence of the
Union, in all iis operations, lias been, that the
Northern and Middle Stale* have advanced in
wealth and power, unparalelled in ho history of
nations. Tire Union has been to them the grea
test temporal blessing that God ever bestowed
upon any |ioople. Suppose them to lie so drunk
with ftuiaiicisin as to dissolve it, —what would lie
their situalion at home and abroad? The
great importing trade for the South would tie
lost. The chief market far their manufactures,
| and with it the great instrument with which they
wield their commerce, our agricultural staples,
would l>e Ins'. They produce nothing lliai civil
ized European nations vv.ml. In commerce, in
manufactures, in navigation, they would be their
riva's. Their position, therefore, Jvrould be
that of opposing interests—of obvious bos
lilily lo all those canons; and contention, and
war, would be the natural relation which would
spring up between them. What, on the con
trary, would he the situation of the South, if the
Union was dissolved? Peace with all the civil
ized nations of the glolie; for her agricultural
necessary Tor their manufacturing
population, whilst their manufac urea arc neces
airy for our consumption. A bond of interest,
more potent than armies or navies, would secure
us peaceful and friendly relations with every
civilized and powerful nation in the universe.
Our agricultural productions now constitute the
best guarantee to the Union for peace with foreign
nations. The South would then, under the in
fluence of free trade,buy cheapest and sell dearest.
Hut I pause in this painful prospect. When the
alternative is presented to the North of dissolu
tion nf the Union, or the suppressing of alt inter
vention in our domestic institutions, I cannot
doubt her dsierm nation. Interest, honor, all the
recollection of the past, all the prospects of the
future, will plead for the Union and the South
We have never wronged them. If we have had
power in the Confederacy, it was never used in a
spirit nf sectional selfishness, for the purpose of
opposing others, or advancing our own aggran
dizement. Our policy, since the existence of the
Union, has been simply defensive. We have
! insisted upon the Constitution as it is. All the
I advantages which it fairly gives in the North,attd
they arc immense, wb have cheerfully accorded.
To require more, and to insist upon the right of
wantonly disturbing the peculiar institutions, is
pliinly equivalent to a demand that the Union
shall he dissolved; and if, under such circumstan
ces, it shall be dissolved, upon them will he the
responsibility of breaking up the most glorious
fabric of liberty that the genius of man has ever
invented, anil casting his shattered fragments
upon the wide ocean, of new mid untried experis
1 incnts,
I have thus, fellow-citizens, endeavored to show
you your true situation, and the remedy, which,
in my opinion, it requires. If lam mi"taken in
the signs of tho times, 1 shall mingle my joy with
yours, in finding rny errors consistent with
your security and peace. Hut admitting that I
am not mistaken, and that it is expedient that
the Couslituli n should be amended—in what
way shall we best accomplish this end? That
it is not easy to amend the ('onsljtution, is ohvi
ous from the fact, that although the most violent
differences and contentions concerning it have
arisen since it went into operation, all efforts to
amend it have hitherto failed. 1 do not think
the separate action of the States will be suffi
ciently imposing and authoritative to accomplish
this end. If the members of Congress from the
Southern Stales would Unite in fecomniending
the amendments, they would probably be adopt
ed; for they would bo considered as representing
the determination of the South! hut I have no
hope of seeing union amongst them for such a
purpose. It is vain, of coursa, to look to Con
gress. The only efficient method of attaining
this end; appears to me to he by a meeting of
the Southern States in Convention. The 'nice
of such a Convention will he heard and respect
ed, ami its recommendations adopted; Tile very
fact of its assemblage, would show that we arc
united and determined upon this great subject;
and tills is all that is necessary to give us peace.
We have only to vtrill oUr protection, and it will
he secured. Hut tVhen will such a Convention
meet? Not until the Presidential question shall
he subordinated to this; and nnr local parly dif
ferences shall he absorbed in the one great'duty
of self preservation. Until then, “wait!” will he
the cry; “Vou are too rash and precipitate, arnL»
may endanger the Union. Step until we can
all be United. So long as people merely peti
tion, merely ptay, what oc -asion for alarm ? what
need for action? Wait until something is done
—until Congress acts;’’ fthat is, I suppose, pass
es a bill to emancipate slaves.) It is very difll
cult to reconcile this counsel for delay ami tolera
tion, with the dosigh of ever acting at all. A
man who talks in this way may think that he
Will resist some day or other, hut it will ever flee
before him, like his shadow. Even, in his esti
mation, the laurel of the victor will hardly bloom
for his brow. Who that knows any thing of
human atfairs, but must he sensible that the sul\
ject of abolition may be approached in a thousand'
ways without direct legislation? Hy perpetual
discussion, agitation, and lineals, accompanied
with the real or imaginary power to perform,
there will be need of no other action than words,
to shake tho confidence of men in the safely and
continuance of the institution of slavery, and
its value and existence will he destroyed.
These are all the weapons that Abolitionists de
sire to he allowed to use to accomplish their
purpose. When Congress moves it will he the
fust act in the drama; and it will It - prepated t»
enforce its legislation. All fegard to our rights
and tho constitution will then he gone, ami it
wil he a question of mote named, unprincipled
power. And we are lo wait until tin issue is
thus presented, before we seek to pro
tect ourselves! Why, even the last poor
privilege of the Indian (Brahmin, of lighting
I our own funeral fires,.will then be denied us.
There is no one so weak hut he must perceive
that whilst the spirit of abolition in the North is
increasing, slavery in the South, in all the lion
ncr Stales, is decreasing. Took at Maryland,
Virginia, Kentucky— once powerful slave Stales.
With the decline of the value of their great sta
ple, tobacco, and the immense demand for slaves
in the rich cotton-fields of the South, their slaves
have left, and ate. leaving, their soil. It is true
that in these Stales, in common with the rest of
the South, the iml dent pretentions and wicked
interference of Abolitionists have aroused a spirit
of resistance, and settled more deeply the deter
mination lo maintain as their undoubted right, '
the institution of slavery, at every hazard. With
them, als , as with us. 1 un ler.tand, the question
of slavery, in its moral and religious aspects, lias
been lately most carefully examined; and tlie ro
suit is. amongst the slaveholders, at least, a thor
ough conviction, that the institution is sanctions
ed hy Christianity and heal for the race over
whom it prevails. Hut interest may accomplish
what neither conscience commands, nor power
can exlert: and in a few years, these States may
only nominally hold slaves. They may he lake
worm upon this subject. Hut it is for us—for us
whose climate and soil will permit na other la
borer to cultivate our plains,—for us, with whom
it is a question not of expediency hutofexis
tance, personal and national-slernly and prompt
ly, to place this vital matter at rest. Delay, not
only physically hut morally, will weaken every
day our capacity to redress ourselves The mo t
delicate sensibilities will become dull hy habitual
outrage. The proudest spirit being broken by
insult long tolerated. That high sense of na.
lional honor and character, which is the strongest |
bulwark of a people’s liberty, may become
j wasted and lost under the influence of toa
! sing agitation—vain, li.irrassing contention i
and insults, ami contumely continually endured; I
and that apathy to the public interest and wel- j
fare, which is the Mire prelude lo « nation’s fall, |
gradually steal over the public mind. Men will i
then be looking out for chances, and be tilled j
with vain hopes and fears. Instead of relying
upon themselves, they will be leaning upon j
others, until the dread eatas tropbo comes, and i
sweeps them shrieking down the rapids. The
path of safely and honor is evsr the same. To
delay demanding our rights, is generally to
abandon the in.
The Southern States are destined to no
common fate in tho history of nations. They
will be amongst the greatest and freest, or the I
most abject of nations. History presents no I
such combination for republican liberty,as that
vvlnoh exists amongst them —The African lor 1
- '
the laborer —the Anglo-ftaxcm fur the
and ruler. Both races will he exalted and 1 ,
benefited by the relation; Wo dare not be ,
passive with the responsibilities which our
situation involves. Wo must, we will awake—
if not to glory, to infamy; if riot for defence,
for destruction most miserable; i( not to tri
umph—to fall, to die, with the epitaph upon
our graves, (if graves we are allowed;) writ
ten by the pen of philanthropy.—‘•Here lies
the meanest oppressors and cowards who ever
polluted the earth with their blood.”
I. . .. ■!■■■ «■— I —I
CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL
’ AUfiIJST I.
l uctilay Morning-, Feb. 0.
The Match Race yesterday between Zip Coon
and Cow Driver, ovel the Hampton Course, re
sulted in the success of the latter.
We publish today, Mr. Rhelts Address to his
constituents, in defence of the resolutions he in- i
iroduccd sometime since in the House of Reprc* i
scnlatives, i
It is with no small degree of pleasure that we (
publish the 'news contained in the letter eforr
Washington Correspondent, giving U 3 the in-
formation that Messrs. Claiborne and Ghtilsott
have lost their seats as members of Cohgress
from Missise ippi. It is not yet determined that 1
I Messrs. Prentiss and Word will be allowed to
take their scuts, or the election again sent habit
to the people of Mississippi. At all events Clai
borne and (Hudson are turned out.
Nnw Jkdset.—The Act to repeal so much of /
certain acts ns prohibit the issue and circulation
of notes of incorporated Banks of New Jersey
under the denomination of five dollars, passed
(be Legislature of that Stale on Wcdiiesday, and
is now a law of that State. The act contains an
unconditional repeal of the rcstrdiiling laws upon
the subject of small bills.
The N. Y. Daily Express of the 31st ult.
says:—“The Money market continues un.
commonly tight. Our Banks have had a
conference with those ot Philadelphia The
Directors there arc of opinion that no day
ought to be named for the resumption of spe
cie payments, Until the Treasury Dill is dis
posed of by Congress. If that Bill should bo
defeated in the Senate, of which there is a
possibility but very little probability, and the
Legislature of this Stale should pass the Bill
permitting small bills to be issued, there
would he a sudden and most favorable change.
Our Banks probably could then, if aided by
>he Phi.ndelphia /tanks, fix a day on which
they could resume.”
_■»
BY EXPRESS MAIL.
riioMoen caiiarsr bxDKSt.
yS WASHINGTON, Jan. 31, 13:13.%,
The great debate of the session was com
menced in the Senate to day. After some
uniiUpertatlt morning business, the chair an
nounced the new Sub-Treasury Bill as among
the orders of the day. Mr. Hubbard moved to
postpone all of them except the sub-treasury
bill, and to take that under consideration. Mr.
Clayton of Delaware, wished that a private bill
. of some importance should be fust acted on.
Mr. Wright of Net* York, opposed this propo
sition very strongly, and expressed his hope that
the financial project of the administration would
considered without further delay. S\
Mr. CLA\ next to«k the floor and spoke
with great spirit and force on the general subject.
He characterized it as a measure of greater rnag-
I nitude ami fraught with more important conse
quences than any that had ever been presented
to the people of this country. All the calamities
of a war with the most powerful nation in the
world, would in his •pinion, he blessings com
, pared to the effects which would follow from the
i adop ion of this scheme. It would certainly lead
to a consolidation of all the powers of govern
ment hi the Federal executive. It would pros
trate and utterly destroy the state sovereignties,
I It would place in the hands of the Secretary of
the i reasury power equal to the combined pow
er of eight hundred hanks, dispersed throughout
the Union, added to the power of the Bank of
the United Slates;—and the Secretary himself
being at the feet of the Chief Magistrate,
Mr. CLAY said he was anxious, before a
measure of such moment should be taken up,
that the constituents of Senators, the State Le
gislatures, the people should be heard from, Tho
three greatest western states, are deliberating on
the subject. Deliberations arc going on in
Richmond. He wished to hear from the west;
from Richmond; from Albany; from Harrisburg;
from all parts of the Union. Mr. Clay objected
to the first introduction of a measure of this
kind in the Senate. He declared that the pro
fessing democrats of the day, had in this respect
entirely reversed the order of legislation, which
was uniformly practised in 1798; and under the
truly republican administration that followed.
Then all great measures in relation to taxes, the
army, the navy, and the public treasure origina
atod with the peoples immediate representatives
in the other house. Why was the order rc
verred? Was it because the senate was further
from the pe iple.J and nearer jtho executive,
that the measure is pressed upon it? He con
tended that the measure ought to have been pre
sented in the House of Representative!!, and
above all, he thought it was due to the character
; and constitution of the Senate, to wait (ill those
; Stales in which instructions arc ponding could
I be heard from.
Mr. WRIGHT made a few words in reply, and
, against any postponement; but he goon gave way
| to Mr. Cxuiuv.x who is evidently regarded,
and looks upon himself as the principal advocate
and defender of this pernicious experiment upon
the heart’s blood of the jicople. Ho spoke of it
emphatically as ms “cause," and of his con
j fuJencc •" bisj ability to repel every allacl up.
on it—to prove that it would lend to diminish
| executive power and patronage—and that it was
antngonistical to consolidation —that it cnircly
accorded with State rights principles! He regar
ded the fact that the subject was under consid
eration in the Slate legislatures as a good reason
why the debate should be begun here at once; so
*f?v AV/wi.i, cU,y
Ihsft the Stales might have the advantage of the ■
discussions in Congress, lie defended (lie cours* m
of the Administration in first presenting the mat- *
ter to Ihe Senate; and in short the whole speech I
of Mr. Calhoun proved that he indeed regards this
iportt scheme of the Experimenters as hit cause-
Mr. CLAY in reply said that whatever confi"
donee the Senator f/om S. C. might have in his
ability, he felt assured that far less ability than
was professed by the redoubtable champion of
(he measure would be sufficient to shew that it
proposed a concentration of all power in the
Hands of one man—and would lead to the tre
mendous consequences he had depicted. He
again urged the propriety of delay until the state
legislatures should have time to act. As to
making Senators advocates to send out argu
ments to the jury in the country, Ve pointed out
the extreme inconvenience which would result to
gentlemen who might gel up here and speak in
support of the measure, and afterwards receive
instructions which would compel them to vote
against it, if not eat their own words. ‘
Mr. ('lay concluded by declaring that if Ibn
friends of the hill were determined to go on; and
precipitate themselves in that downward path in
which they had entered he and his friends would
he ready to come to the rescue of the counliv,
and arrest if possible the progress et its great in
terest on this road to ruin.
Mi. WRIGHT took the floor, and made nn
tlabotatc exposition of the provisions of the bill,
nod a very lengthy defence of its principles.
WJjefi be finished ||M
irTugnilicd bis intention to
prrssliis objection to tho measure, but gave way
to a motion of Mr. King of Ala, to go into exec
utive session. Mr. Webster will speak to mor
row.
The House lias been occupied during tbe
principal portion of the day with the Mississip
pi election case. Mr. Premiss, who was in .
possession of the floor; made a most ingenious ~
and elegant reply to his opponent.
Mr. HAYNES of Ga. made a brief reply.
The question was thcn’pul on the amendment
of Mr Bell for the resolution of Mr. Brnnsan;
which amendment was to the effect that the
resolution of tho House at the last session de
claring Messrs Gholson and Claiborne duly elec
ted members of the 251 h Congress be recindnl.
and that those gentlemen were ntvr duly elected
members of the 35tlx Congress. This amend
ment was carried ayes 119—nayes 112; a major
ity of seven.
Mr. HOWARD of Md, then offered as a fur
ther amendment a resolution lital Messrs. Pren
tiss and Word Xre not entitled to seals in tha
House; and that the seats of the representatives
of Missisisppi are vacant; and that the speaker
inform the government of that state.
A long and ei citing debate arose on this ex.
traordmary preposition; and the House adjourned
, without coming to any ecision. M.
WASHINGTON. Feb. I, 18S8.
To day the .Hcriaie resumed the consideration
of the Sub Treasury Bill, imposing additional
duties as depotitories on certain public officerst
&c., and fur other purposes.
Mr. WEBSTER rose and addressed Ilia
Senate an hour and a half, in general opposition
to the hill.
Mr. WRIGHT said he had given hia views nn
this point yesterday, and now merely asked for
Uic yeas and nays on the question, which
* ordered.
Mr. CALHOUN staled that his object was to
disembarras the bill: he thought that under the
tystem provided by the bill no excess or surplus
would be likely to arise, and if it should it wonlrl
ho readily provided for by a seperate measure.
The 21st section was ordered to btf stricken
out, yeas 21, nays 13.
The Senate, on motion of Mr. WRIGHT,_/
proceeded to TiII up liib' blanks of the bill, for
salaries, expenses, &c
Mr. CLAY, of Kentucky, on the motion to
allow the receiver-general at New York $3,000
salary, raid hs would suggest, since these blanks
were filled on the suggestions of the Secretary
ol the Treasury, whether it might not ho as well
to leave it all to his discretion. But as they
must take a vote upon it, he called for the yeas
arid nays, which was ordered, anil the 3,000 was
carried, yeas 28, nays 17.
Salaries of $2,500 each were also carried fur
the receivers general at Charleston and 81.
Louis.
The Mdnk in the bill for per centago to hanks
for keeping (he public money was filled with
'•not to cxcftcdjan eighth of one per cent.”
The question having been announced from
the Chair, “ Shall this bill be engrossed fort
third reading!”
Mr. RIVES said he wished to offer a substi
tute for this bill: but not expecting so rapid a
progress, he was now unprepared, but would
endaavor to be ready by tomorrow.
The bill was therefore suspended by genera
consent till tomorrow.
The House today resumed the subject of the
Mississippi contested Election, the question be
ing on the amendment moved by Mr. Howard, to
resolution moved by Mr. Bell, as heretofore rela
ted.
Mr. HOWARD modified his amendment
made last evening, so as to present it in the fol
lowing form: “ Jictolved, That Sergeant S. r
Prentiss and Thomas J. Word are not members
-•f the 2511 i Congress. U - 1 <e"
Mr. UNDERWOOD then took the floor in
opposition to the amendment, and went at length
into an argument to show that the action of the
House at the called session furnished no good
ground for sotting aside the regular constitution- 9
al election in Mississippi, in November.
After Mr. Underwood had finished his remarks
in vindication of the validity of [the elec
tion of members of Congress, held in Mississip
pi, on the first Monday in November, 1837, .anJ
tbe day thereafter ; and of tbe consequent right
of Messrs. Prentiss and Word, to seats in the
23th Congress, and in opposition to the amend
ment of Mr. Howard.
Mr. CILLEY, of .Maine, replied. Hia re
marks were based upon the hypothesis that, in
Nov r.ibcr last, there was, de facto, no vacancy
in the Mississippi Representation in Congress.
Mr. ROBERTSON moved to strike out the