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.’ttr. if.ives’ Speech-— Continued. The circular which he caused to be issued by the several beads of Departments, immediately after his induction into office, is in the following words: “ The President of the United States has seen with dissatisfaction, officers of the General Gov eminent taking, on various eocusiaus, active parts in elections ol the public lUDCtionanes, whether of the General or of the Stale Governments. F eadorn of elections being essential to the mu tual independence of Governments, and of llio different branches of the same Government, so vitally cherished by most of our Constitutions, it is deemed improper for officers, depending on llie Executive of the Union, to attempt to control or influence the free exercise of the elective right. This I am instructed, therefore, to notify to all officers within my Department, holding their ap pointments under the authority of the President directly, and to desire them to notify to all subor dinate to them. The right of ony officer to give his vote at elections as a qualified citizen, is not meant to lie r, strained, nor however given, shall it have any effect Vo Ins prejudice ; hut it is expected that he will not attempt to influence the votes of others, nor take any part in the business ot elec tioneering, that being deemed inconsistent with the spirit of the Constitution, and Ins duties to it.” )Naw, Mr. President,Moyou discern, or can any member ol tins body discern, in llicso solemn end-emphatic declarations, the slightest appear ance of an act of mere temporary expediency or ol party recrimination ! On tlic contrary, da they not proclaim the nan-interference of Federal Executive officers with popular elections to be a fundamental principle ol liberty and the Consti tution ; as "essential to the mutual independ ence 'ol the Slate and General Government,” "so vitally cherished" by American institutions, and Li in lisponsahle, indeed, to preserve from deslruc tont.e great ‘constitutional remedy” of the elective right itself! Could the principle he pla c’d on higher or more sacred or more enduring ground ? It is impossible, indeed, to read these noble monuments of the.principles of Mr. Jeffer son without seeing in them the same steady de votion to, and just appreciation of, popular rights, which, in the Declaration of independence, jih ■KerteJ the right of election to he r ght inesli m '/lie to freemen audfurmidable In tyrants only," end which, in his first inaugural address, incul cated "a jealous rare if the right of election /«/ the people, as the mild and sale corrective of abu ses which are lopped by the sword of election where peaceable remedies are unprovided.” These, sir, are the principles of a pure, unadul terated, conservative democracy, and I would lug leave’lo oommonil (hem to (ho meditation of the honorable Senator from New Jersey, , eforn lie cones forward with nnothcrdcfmice of the prag matic rights of office-holders. In regard to the legislation of England on the subject, the honorable Senator, confining his view to a single statute, (that of the filth year of William the 3d.) treated it as a special bargain between the King and the Commons, to procure supplies for the Crown, on the one hand, and to protect certain corporate rights of election held by the Commons, or their constituents, on the other; in other words, as a sort of mercantile contract,'by which the King agreed, if the (Join mans would grant him a stipulated sum In taxes, he would refrain interfering, hy his officers, with the elections o! the I 'ominous, lint, sir, this is most grossly to misconceive the dignity and cha racter ot the question, and to degrade it below the whole principles on which it vests, Tito ■freedom of elections from official interference, us a principle of Engli-h liberty, rooted in the glo rious revolution of IGBB, being intimately con nected both with the moving causes and the im mediiile results. If the. Senator from New Jersey will look at the hill of rights the great charter of British freedom,solemnly adopted by both Houses ot parliament in the nmne and enicnalf of the nation, lie will y enumerated in the pruaaUdcjjfjrfat act, among the causes by which •Janvt'V'ic 2d tiad fut{cited the throne, that "he I violated the. freed an us elections us mem bers In error in Parliament ,• and afterwards, in the body of the act, it is declared as an integral pact of “the ancient tights and liberties" of the people of England, “ that the election of me.m birs of Parliament ought to] be free. The history of the times shows that James the 2d re sorted to all sorts of influences, both upon his parliament and his people to carry his favorite object of the establishment of (lie Roman Catholic religion. Finding the existing Parliament in tractable ta liis purposes, after practising upon the loyalty us each member whom he supposed bound to him by any tics of interest or attach ment, by sending lor them and holding private audiences with them, separately, in his closet, (a royal expedient, which first gave rise to the term, closeting, ns a .political phrase, and which is, perhaps, not without examples of its practice In our own country.) lie determined to dissolve the old Parliament and to summon a new one. In order to mould this new Parliament to the de signs of tlic King, nil the resources of manage ment and influence were brought to l>ear on the eductions. Oliicers, appointed hy (lie Crown, were sent to every part of the kingdom to regu late, as it was called, the corporate bodies pus eesdng the right of choosing members of Parlia ment, or, in other words, to prepurr, them for the choice of such members as would lie acceptable to the C"U t. Letters were written hy the King’s ministers to the lord lieutenants of the counties, and other men of influence, requiring their aid in the election of such persons as were known •to be favorable to the views of the King; calling •upon them, si the same time, to ascertain the sentiments of the several candidates in their re ■spective counties, and to obtain from them pledges to support the measures of the King, in the event of their election. All, even down to justices of the peace, who declined co-operation in this poli tical service, were immediately removed from office, and others of more pliable character sub stituted in their places, while eueh J as complied were continued in office, and promised further promotion and rewards.* It was by this licensed interference of the offi cers and servants of the Crown with the elec tions of members of Parliament, that James 2d was de dared in the preamble of the hill of rights, I as we have seen, to have “violated the freedom of election of members to serve in Parliament;” j and to frown upon all such interferences in future, it was solemly declared in the body of the same l instrument, as part and parcel of the “ancient rights and liberties” of the People of England, that “elect! ms of members of Parliament ought to be free." In order to carry out this great principle, consecrated and asserted by the revo lution of\6BB, various statutes have been passed, from time to lime, prohibiting, under heavy pen alties, any interference of officers, appointed by nny dependent on the Crown, with the election vs members of Parliament. A celebrated writer on the British Constitution, living near to those ti nes, tells us that (while the spirit of English liberty.dandled and fostered hy the revolution, was yet in tile flush of its youthful vigor) “no less than seven acts were passed in King William 3d's reign to prevent undue infl it nets on elections.”-) Tills great principle of the freednupof popular elections from all official interference is not only sanctioned anJ enforced by the positive legisla tion of England, in the purest period of her con stitutional history, but it is laid down as a funda mental can on of civil and political liberty in all the ablest treaties on the theory of free govern ment. Locke, it is known, wrote his immortal “Treatise on Government*” shortly after the re volution ofiaSd, ami under the inspiration of its * Sea Hittoryof the Revo’ution ig • England in 1*», by Sit James Mackintosh, chap VII. ’* e» Par. Istt. 13. I gr«Al example. It was from ins werfc, with liioet of Hooker, and M:lton, ami Sidney, that thegrea statesman of our own revolution drew those ani mating pieecpts of freedom which buie then triumphantly through the unequal contest for in dependence, and xvhicli they afterwards so deeply 1 impressed on all the institutions founded by tbei wiadornand valor. Mr. Jeflrrson, especially, «ai 8 trained to llic great part lie afterwards ac ed, liy i r thorough study and meditation of Locke’s work It is a curious fact, not geucrally known, that se vernl of the most striking passages ol tlie Uecla c ration of Independence arc taken almost vcrlmtio from the "Treatise on (government;" and it ii impossible to read the introductory f>srt of tlia sublime paper without perceiving through tin whole of that portion of it. how constantly tin ’ mind of the writer was recurring to the principle! taught by bis gieat master. * Lot us see, thru, what tills illustrious preceptoi of the founders of American liberty has said on thfi matter we have been discussing. lu the lasi chapter of his work, he is treating of the diesolu- Him of Government; and among other ways in which that may be brought about, he lays down tlie proposition, that whenever either of the grand departments—the legislative or the Executive— a•> contrary lu their trust , the Government is dissolved. He then proceeds to show that the Executive power, in attempting to influence or control the election of members of the Legislative department, or to influence or control their con duct as representatives, after they arc elected, commits a gross and flagrant violation ofits trust. The whole passage is fraught with the deepest wisdom, and should be written in living charac ters on the alters of freedom, in whatever land they may lie raised. I beg leave to read it to the .Senate, and to invoke their serious attention to every word of its venerable old English text—for every word insignificant and replete with instruc tion for tlie present times: ‘•He” (tlie Executive Magistrate) “acts also contrary to his trust, when lie cither employs the force, treasures or offices, of tlie society, to corrupt the representatives and gain them to his purposes, or openly pre-engages the electors and prescribes to their choice sucli whom he has, by solicitation , threats, promises, or otherwise, won to his designs, and employ s them to bring in such who have promised beforehand what to vote and what to enact. Thus to regulate candidates and electors, and new model tlie wavs of election what is it lint to cut up the Government hy the roots and poison the very fountains of pnh/ic security I lor the People having reversed to themselves the choice of their representatives, as the fence to their properties, could do it for no other end but that they might always be freely chosen, and so chosen, freely act and advise, as the necessity of the commonwealth and the pub lic good should, upon examination and mature debate, he judged to require.” “ 'Voprepare such an assembly as this and endeavor to set up tlie dccla ed abcl/i.rs of his itwn will for tlie true rep resentatives of the ‘People, and the law makers of the society, is certainly as great a breach of trust and as perfect a declaration of a design to subvert (lie Government as is possible to lie met with. To which, if we shall add rewards and punishments,” (mark Mr. President, how similar arc the practices of power in all ages and coun tries,) “v isibly employed to the same end, and all the arts of perverted law made use of to lake oil' and destroy all that stand in the way of such a design, and will not comply and consent to be tray the liberties of their country, ’twill he past doubt what is do ng. Here wc find, Mr. President, this great apostle ofliberty, of American as well as English liberty, (for our own great statesmen, the fathers of tlie republic, were his disciples,) asserting the very doctrines which I have been maintaining against the Senator from New Jersew, dpeJjttqHg-fhSTany""' interference ol Ilia Executive (whether indirectly ►fftrough ’ins officers and agents, or directly by himself, i« immaterial) with popular elections, any attempt to “ pre-engage the “lectors, and pri son'be lu their choice,” those whom they should elect, is n fundamental ‘ breach of trust" —a gross violation of that right of "freely choosing their representatives which ihe People have reser ved to /hems- lues,” and is, in fact, to use bis own energetic and noble language, "to cut up the Gov ernment by the roots, and to poison the very fountain of public security■” It was in this school that the great men of our Revolution were taught the principles of liberty; and it is easy to trace, indeed, in the very passage I have read to the Senate, the principles which, early impressed on the mind of Mr. Jefferson, led him to proclaim, in the outset of his Administration, that noble, self-denying ordinance which, we have seen, he laid down ns the rule of his own conduct, and ol that of all in authority under him. Bill the Senator from New Jersey in his report tells us that tliis is English doctrine—that “such a plan is indigenous in sucli a soil !” We have seen, sir,that it is American doi trine, sanctioned by tlie most venerable names in the calendar ol republican statesmen, as well as English doctrine derived from llio purest sources of English con stitutional freedom. Util I would ask, Mr. Pres ident, in what .*o/7 (with the exception of ourown favored land) has the tree of liberty ever struck deeper root, or spread out larger and more vigor ous branches than in tlie soil of England! Is it not the land of our glorious ancestors, whence they brought tlie most valued principle of our in stitutions, with their instinctive love of freedom, and hatred of tyranny and oppression; and, above all, that sturdy spirit of independence which, if now revived, would he the happiest omen of the perpetuity of our liberties !—ls it not Ihe laud of mayor chart a, of the p tition ofr : ghl, and of the bill of rights .- Is it not the land of tlie habeas corpus, of the trial Ivy jury, and of representative gov rnment itself ! Is it not from those monu ments of British freedom that Mr. Jefferson him self (“-the great apostle of democracy,” as the Senator from New Jersey has learned to call him.) tells us we have derived “the materials of which our own happy Government is construc ted !"• And has it come to this, that principles and doctrines of the most vital importance to the | preservation of our free institutions are to lie scornfully rejected because they have come down | to ns from our English ancestors I Are Locke j and Sidney, Milton and Hooker, and that 1 mg ! line of illustrious sages and patriots Irom w hom * The coincidence here noticed is so curious and ] instructive that it may not be amiss to present it to | tlie view of tlie reader in a few parallel passages taken from tlie Declaration of Independence and tiie “ Treatise on Government:” Declaration of Independ Locke on Government. cnee- “ People are not so ea -1 “Prudence, indeed,will sily got out of their old | dictate that Governments forms as some arc apt to I long established should suggest. They are hard j not be changed for light ly to be prevailed with to I and transient causes; and. amend tlie acknowledged accordingly, all expert- faults in the frame they •once hath fliowii that have been accustomed to. | mankind arciuirc liispn.s. till the mischief become , ed to suffer while evils general, and the ill dc ; an sufferable, than to signs of the rulers become I right themselves hy nbol- visible, or their attempts j isiting the forms to whichl sensible to Vic greater they are accustomed.” v.irt. the People, who are tore disposed to suffer him right themselves hy distance, arc not upl to « But when a Ion; tir.” j train of abuses and tistir “ But if a long train pi potions.pursuing invari buses, prevarications. 4 j ably Ihe same object, win ut fives, all lending tin ers a design to reduce same tray, male the dr \ them under absolute Au-\sign visible to the People I minion, it is their right, jv4'C. 4 < . j is their duty, to throw off) “Ibis doctrine of : i such Government, and to vower in the People p j provide new guards for providing for their safe! j , their future security," anew,” Sr c. he. + See his letter to John Nerve 1, Esq. in the ltd ' volume of bis Wiitlngr, Be Jefferson and Iris immoftal aasaoutts drew the.r nt lessons of political wisdom. to be thus dishonored d- and contemned, and held as witlings and "idiots,’ ru I suppose,compared with ike guiding lights of n- modern loci f icoitm'i ly The Senator from New Jersey also tells us in or ' substance that there is niucii less reason fur throw as ; ing up legal barriers against Executive imerfer a ' cure and en. roachmenl in this country than in k. England—that in E*gland the chiel Executive e- Magistrate is hereditary—here he is elected by rv- -.the J’euple; and hence the Senator would seem m to inli-rtlial he should he free from constitutional is or legislative restraints. But this very cireurn at stance of the popular election of the chief Magis te trate, in another and more philosophical view of ir the subject, creates the greater necessity for rat es sing harriers by law against the abuse of his au thorily; being chosen by the People, he nalurally or has their sympathies an I confide oe. 1 hey see hi in him the creature ol llioir power— the nHeeled st image of flieir sovereignly. They are, therefore, i- very nalurally less disposed to he jeduus or dis n trustful of him, than they would he of an heredi- .• n lary chief magistrate, holding his existence and d power independently of their will. f)n the olli - er hand, the elective chief magistrate himself, res ts lying on these natural sympathies and liberal dis c positions'in the popular mind, would often he >i templed tn abuse them ; and. unless restrained by e inn, to venture on stre ch sofinffu n ior act r i- ily wliirh an hereditary mug s'rale, the con taut l, ohjeci of pul lie vigilance and jealousy, would he I. nnwillii gl l risk. Accordingly, one of the most it Ihealaswe 1 as profound pulitii al wrilers of the age. one whom his own country no n (Talleyrand) 1 pionounccd t*he a second Montesquieu, has ie e maiked in bis generally candid view of American o inslnth n-, that public officers here are ordinarily r ‘ far more independent within their sphere, of ac - lion than the civil officers of his own country;” and from a reliance on the sympathy and indul -0 gence of the People, whose agents they are, they s “sometimes venture an man if tat ions of their > power which astonish even an European." “Ily s this means” he. adds “hi hits are farmed in the / he. ret of a free country which may one day he fa -1 tut to its liberties.” i These remarks of l)e Tocqucville arc not made i with reference to the President particularly, but I are app ied to American public officers in general. t His-boi kis by far the most fuvuiable virw of Airwri- an institutions that has been presented by any lo eign writer; and he holds them up, indeed, • for imitation and gradual introduction into Eu , rope, as tin as the diHi-rent circumstances of the !• old and the new world will admit. The remark I , have quoted from him. therefore, coming from so enlightened and friendly a source, deserves at least t ie candid consideration of every man who cher ishes, and wan'd preserve and perfect, our free nopulnr institutions. It shows that we should not be content wiih tlie fact, important us that is, that our principal public officers are chosen by, and ac, at fixed periods, responsible to the People. That very i ircumstance may embolden them, from ' are iance on the sympathies and protection of the People, to venture on unwarrantable excesses. The true security of freedom is to throw up, be fore-!! ind, harriers by law against the abuses of oi w. r, though it be conferred by the People; and then ihe r sponsibility of elective agents will he somethingicil and effectual. "It would he a dangerous delusion,” Mr. Jefferson has (old us, “ were a confidence in the men if our choice to* ill nee our fears for the safely of our rights.” ‘‘ln quest! ins of power, then, let no more lie board of confidence in man, but bind him down from mis chief by the chains of the Constitution.”* - _ And yet how often liar, i)jj s B j lon B ong about the men of our ohiilte been sung to lull the jealousies of a l.ee Pettyfe, and-to strengthen the i rin id dclqgiiU'ilgjuYny, J n this very report of Hie Senator from New Jersey, the sympathies of the People are constantly invoked on behalf of the offier-holders, (whose interference with their most! sacred rights is sought to he subjected to some gal restraint.) by being told, in not less than half " i dozen doleful passages, that these poor “pro ribedoffi - crs” arc the. People's officers —“honor- ed by the choice and confidence of the People /” In like manner, if a measure ®f the President,, deemed dangerous to the liberties amd best inter ests of the country, is opposed, and opposed with effect, the generous feelings of the People are au once appealed to, to come forward and sustain tha President of their choice. From whatever cause it has arisen, whether from lhat suggested by De Tooqueville, from tHu operations of parly discipline, from the political! organisation of public officers, or from the prero gatives conferred on the President by the Consti tution itself, or from all combined, the fact is urn doubtedly true l at Executive, power has attained! a strength and development here which it does not possess at this moment in any other constitu tional system existing in the world. In England mil In France, we know the Executive veto has fallen into total disuse. Here, it has become an ordinary and habitual resort. In England and in France, if a measure of the -Executive he defeated by the representative branch of-the Government, ministers resign, and a new system of adminis- M alien, accommodated to tlie views ol the Legis lature. is formed, H re, a favorite measure of the Executive may have been condemned and reject ed, time after lime, and yet it is again and again presented and urged upon the Legislature and the nation without the slightest regard to the repeated manifestations of the opinions of the People and their Representatives against it. And, in this very matter of elections, the most vital in a free representative Government, the interference of Executive officers (as was lately, not to speak of other instances, most publicly shown in the two largest cities of the Union,) is open, systematic and undisguised. On no subject is the spirit of liberty in England more jealously awake than on this.—Under the administration of Lord North even, the Lord Lieutenant of a county (an officer appointed by the Crown) having written letters to some of his friends recommending to them the support of the ministerial candidate for Parlia ment. the matter was promptly brought to the no i lice of the House of Commons, and the minister showing some disoositlon to treat the suhjeit j rather lightly, the House immediately entered up | on their journals the following indignant rebuke of the minister, and noble vindication of the Irec doin of elections: “Resolved, That it is highly criminal for any minister or ministers, or any other servant of the Crown in Great Britain directly or indirectly, to make use of the power of his office in order to in- I fluence the election of members of Parliament; and that an attempt to exorcise that influence, is an alia k upon the dignity, the honor and the i»dep{“d nee of Parliament, an infringement of ' the rights and the hlvrties of the people, and an ’ attempt to sap the basis of our free and happy Constitution.” And vet. if a statement repeated through many j of the public journals of (he country, and never, i so far as I have seen, contradicted, is to he credi e I ted. a high Executive officer of this government - I actively interfered in an important election then e 1 pending, by addressing letters to his friends, eall * | ing on them, by their fealty to the administration, , v s j to vote against an honorable member of the other house. (Mr. T.egare) who, by his short but hril ,y j liant career in Congress, has left a bright light to ! on the Parliauieyitary annals of his country, and I to whom future tithes will look hack as the model ''t of an accomplished legislator, and of an eloquent f j and trained statesman. Let the doctrines of the _ report now under consideration, amounting as ' e they do to a hold justification of these practices, be sanctioned and this Executive power, already a so formidable, re-nforoed by the organized i lec of tioneering activity of the whole corps of ofliee lil holders and of numerous auxiliary troops of ex kh j * The celebrated Kentucky resolutions of 1795, i drawn by Mr. Jefferson pedants, will be iiistaCed in a virtual suprematlj | | over the laws and Constitution of the country. ; , The author of this report, Mr. Presidant, has sacrilegiously. as he must pardon ine lor say- i ing, invoked the authority of the Virginia rcsolu- ! lions and report of 1798 and ’99, and has, here and there strangely perverted their text to give a semblance of support to his most dangerous doc trines. Now, I take upon myself to say. there never were two documents more thoroughly op posed, in their whole spirit and substance, than this report of the Judiciary Committee of the Senate, and the resolutions and report of the Vir ginia Legislature in ’9B and ’99. The object and entire drift of the Virginia report and resolutions were to assert the rights of the people as against the Government. The whole scope of the report of the. Judiciary Committee is to maintain the alleged rights of the officers if the Government as against the People. The V irginia report and resolutions asserted the right of the People free ly to discuss and examine the merits of public men and measures, us the means of subjecting » the Government to its just responsibility to the People. This report contends for the right of t e officers of the Government to interfere with electrons as a means by which the People will be inevitably subjected to the undue influence of the Government. • (To be continued. J CHRONICLE AND SENTINEL, A U GUST A. SATURDAY MORNWO, MAY 25. The pertinacity with which some of the Van Buren papers in the South attempt to fasten up on every opponent of the administration, a con nection of some sort, with the designs of the ab olitionists, has often excited our indignation With the recorded fact before our eyes that Mr. Van Buren himself has voted under oath, against t he admission of any state into the Union, which t olerated slavery, and for the continuance of free n egro suffrage in Mew York, it is not a small tax u pon our patience to hear his friends herald him fa, - th as the peculiar friend and champion of South, ern rights and institutions. Among those editors who have been most fro wn rd and pertinacious in their attempts to abuse the public mind at the South, is the editor of the Nashville Union, the organ of the administration in Tennessee. He has for some time past, been abusing John Bell, Judge White, and other dis tinguished Southrons, and charging them with being leagued with the abolitionist*, because, for sooth, they arc opposed to the immaculate Van Buren. It noW turns out that this very editor himself is an abolitionist , and one 100 of the worst order .' He came to Tennessee, or rather was imported into that State, in February last, to be come the champion of the administration party. He became so noisy about abolition, that suspi. dons began to be entertained that he bimsel l might not he altogether untainted, and upon being accused, he acknowledged that wdiile he was the editor of Uedfor^Ussax^^^ abolition produc tions for ttHie purpose of procuring for the Van Boron party, the votes of the abolitionists! that ■“ be Usd labored to convince the abolitionists that it was their duly to support the administration.’’ This much ho has admitted, and the testimony has k been produced to prove that at the time above as laded to, has was a rank, out and out abolitionist himicf— that in o'der to propdiae the free ne. goes of New Bedford, and scan e their votes fm the Van Buren ticket, he proposed that they should be allowed to name one of the candidate to be run upon that ticket, which being agreed t 0 by his political friends, he himself, then editor of the New Bedford Gazette, now editor of the Nashville Union, teas named by the free negroes as the man of their choice to be run upon the ticket, and he was run and beaten by the Whigs ! This was in 1837, and now in 1639, not two short years having elapsed, this man, this candid ate of the free negroes of New Bedford, is iin' ported to the South and placed at the head of a leading administration paper, for the purpose of abusing high-minded and distinguished sons of the South as abolitionists, because they refuse to ' support Van Buren ! He is now one of the apostles of Democracy—a painted saint among lh e faithful—a Missionary sent out to enlighten u s upon politics, and convert us to Van Burcnism! With such doctrinaires as this, the party ought to be eminently successful in the South. They ought to carry every thing before them in this benighted region ! We commend him to the right hand of fellow-ship, among our democratic brethren of the press. He preaches Van Buren" ism like, a crusader, and chaun.s democracy like a Psalmstcr. There is but one drawback upon his exalted merits, —free negroes are not allowed to vote in the South, and therefore his eminent skill and long experience in winning the votes of that class will be utterly lost to the cause. We think however ho will do for a sample nevertheless ! « The Savannah Georgian and (’onstitutionalis j have manifested some little surprise, real or pre. j tended, that we should have taken the liberty of criticising Judge Wayne’s oratory. The less they say upon that subject the letter. The Judge’s effort in the Convention was one of the weakest arguments ever heard from any man, making pre tensions to distinction—it was a perfect point-no point concern—a mass of confused ideas, and a worse contusion of language. Sometimes it was difficult to tell for some, minutes what he was aiming at, and finally the hearer would have to guess at what the orator sumed utterly incapable of expounding, satisfied with some lamely asserted conclusion which had no sort of conncc" tion with his premises. The whole speech was like the Fcdec farmer’s wheat, “ for every grain’ a bushel of chaff,” ami the concluding portion of j jt, in which he talked about the “ wool hats,” was | the merest stuff we ever heard in our lives, fit for 1 a stump demagogue in the backwoods of Arkan I saw, hut in the mouth of a Judge of the Supreme j Court of the United States, utterly ridiculous and disgusting. We could not help remembering what Tristan Burges once said of Judge Wayne. Where the Force bill was under discussion in Congress, as ! ter Mr. McDuffie had concluded one of his pow erful and thrilling speeches against it, Judge i Wayne claimed that he should be allowed to rc j ply to him end close the argument on the part of the friendiy\ e bi u. His claim was yielded t o and hereJuL, Mr. McDuffie. When Mr. i Purges weinNLe, he was called upon at a pub- lit meeting roV) ls constituents the reason why I MchulHe wag\t jjjiwercd. He said that Nr. j W’ajue insisted, on the ground of j his Southk'n man, on being allowed to | reply V\,j c h was yielded to him and then-fort rtLuffie u\ ta unanswered.” Judge Wayne’s in the Convention satisfied us, as Mr. Burges ,J his constituents, that he had given a very got| cason. v . “Emerson’s first p the title of a small school book, a copy of' !kdi has been forwarded to us through the Post OftiS It is designed to leach the principles of arithmdc to small chil dren. It is for sale at Thomas Regards, A pamphlet, entitled an “ Answer to'N. letter from the Hon. F. H. Elmore, of South Cardfoa. by E. M. S. Spencer, has been laid on our taljo by Messrs. Browne. Cushey & Mc’Cafterty, the\ publishers. The object of the letter is to devel ope the plans, and practices of the abolitionists and the manner of proceeding in their sociclit.| We have not had time to peruse it. It is for sale at the book stores. Communicated. Messrs. Editors t — l had on Wednesday last the pleasure of attending what is termed a “Pick Nick” given by the “Pioneer Club” at their usual place of rendezvous “Pick Nick Grove.” If on that occasion any thing had been wanting to give variety and interest to the scene— if the banquet had been less profuse—its projec tors less munificent—or the attractions of the com pany less enticing, nature herself could have sup plied this deficiency ; and in the absence of ther enjoyments, have inspired the lover of her charms, with reflections amply compensating for a mo mentary seclusion from the worlds bustling, glit tering throng. Pick Nick Grove, Messrs. Edi tors, is one of those arcadian spots of which the poets dream in fancy—its deep and emborrowing shade—its still and solitary loneliness—its quiet and its gloom, impart a charm, of which even mirth and gaidly cannot divest it. Here too, the troubled waters of the Savannah as they pass in their onward course o’er rocks and rapids, fur nish to the listening ear a tale of its “ untiring history.” And here too—hut I must stop. Messrs. Editors, ifyou have never been to a Pi k Nick— go. The party —the cause of this digression, con sisted of some fifty or sixty, of which number the boats “Pioneer” and “Clide,” with their jjendants flying, manned by those who made a toil of plea sure. carrietLun in carriages and put in requisite n for the occasion, repaired to the spot where plea sure held her court; making when assembled, “even busy life wake in that quiet dell,” music too, was there with its enlivening strains, and beauty with its blandest, sweetest smile, waking to life and cheerfulness the stillness of the scene. There 100, the rosy cheek, the sparkling eye. the sunny smile, told of youth, of health, of gladness, while nature as if secondary their wishes, pre sented an allurement sot the dance, and on they “tripped the light, fantastic toe,” There was in fine, good eating and drinking— much talking, and laughing, and dancing—a little ogling—some angling—(though on dry land) and if not a “feast of reason,” at least a. “ flow of soul.” It was there too, that pride and corn fort paid their tribute to pleasure, while more than one cheerfully submitted to the sacrifice, and re turned from the banquet as the warrior from the battle field, with garments rent—shoes wo rn— stockings dirty, and dresses soiled ; but it was a tribute only for the day, which promised, ij ‘ ei/cs told nn tales, a reward for all the future. The banquet was, indeed, all that could bo -wished ; and not until night, as if envious of the day, had thrown her mantle over them,did they take their homeward track, the last of whom reached the city about 9 o’clock. Reader have you ever been to a Pick Nick 7 If not, go. A. Crops in Mississippi. The Natchez Courier of the 17th, represents tho cotton crop ns extremely unpromising. A letter from a planter in Washington county states that he had planted his whole crop twice, and a part of it three times, and that it dies almost as fast as it comes up. It seems that the fields are ravaged by a small insect, which appears in im mense numbers upon the last, and devours it. The same letter states that the corn crops look very flattering. From the New Orleans Bee rif the 2 2d. From Mexico. The schooner Verarrusana arrived on Satur i day from Tampico whence she sailed on the 9th. i She brings but little information of interest. Wo ! learn that the federalists were falling hack upon Tuipan Bustamenle at the head of his army was in the vicinity of Tampico which place he was expected to enter without resistance. The Vcracrusana brought 20(10 dollars in spe cie. Consignees per South Carolina Hail Rond. Hamburg, May 2t, 1839. G. R. Jessup, T. Richards, Haviland, Risley & Co., J. li. Murphy, K. Mugin, Rees Si Beall, W. & J. Ne’son, G. Parrott, J. F. Benson. TURTLE SOUP ■ | Served up this day at 11 o’clock, at the Cornucopia. may 2ij TEMPER INCF. NOTICE —The Total Absti nence Society will bold its next meeting in the Presbyterian Lecture Room, on Monday evening next, at which time the following question will be presented for debate by any who may choose to participate: Has the Legislature the constitutional right to prohibit the sale of ardent spirits; and if it be constitutional, would it be proper and conducive to the public good to pass a law prohibiting entirely except for medicina," purposes,' the sale of a I in toxicating drinks > C. F. oTURGES may 25 "-y BENEVOLENT SOCIETY, for the benefit of the Sick Pour of Augusta and its vicinity.— The Visiting Committees for the ensuing month are as follows: Division No. I.—Mr. P. H ' T antz, Mr. 0. Bland, \ rs. Meredith-; Mrs Charles Jones Division No. 2.—Ur. E Osborne, S. U. Groves, Mrs. Tiemb y, Mrs. J. W. Stoy. Division No 3.—Mr- E. W. Collier,Jas. Panton* Mrs. J-C. Snead, rs. A. Whitlock. Any member of the committees may obtain funds by calling on the President, (W. W. Ho t, Esq.) at his office, Gumming’? Piaza. may 22 C. F. STURGBS, Secretary. NOTICE.—' The Rail Road Passenger Train, between Charleston and Hamburg, will leave as foI.OWS: — UPWARD. Not to leave Charleston before 700a. m. i> i* Summerville, “ - -8 30 a •> Georges’, - “ - 10 00 ii “ Branchvhle, “ - 11 00 n “ Midway, - “ - H3O m. J <• »« Blackvi le, - “ -100 p. m. ii “ Aiken, - - “ - 300 Arrive at Hamburg not before - 400 downwaiid. Si Not to leave Hamburg before 600 a.m. \ “ “ Aiken, -“ - - 730 \i< “ Blackville, “ - • 930 “ Midway, “ - -10 30 Branchville, “ - - 11 00 „ “ - - 12 00 M. ]Vnmerville,“ - - 2 00p. m. Arrive at Chat cstOT not before 300 Distance-1 36m!fc«- KareThrough-ilO OO Speed not over 2(lV« a » ho^- . 1 V™* " 2 ® minutes each, for brl akfast and d ' nnt ’ r - and »°* longer than 5 minutes\ or wood and water at an y St To n stop for passengW s > w^ ( n a whit s%' n 8“ , hoisted, at either of the ab«?Y® stations; an ? * ( Sineaths, Woodstock, I^ ne ‘V 41 "" ° Rives’, Grahams, . and Marsh’s T. O. Passengers up will breakfast at Woodstock and dine at Blackville; down, will breakfast at Aiken and dine at Summerville. may 21 (ry HIGHLY IMPORTANT. .£0 Nervous diseases, liver complaint, bilious dis eases, piles, rheumatism, consumption, coughs, colds, pain in the chest and side, ulcers, all deli cate and mercurial diseases are successfully treated at Ur. EVANS’S Office, 100 Chatham-street, New York. DR. WILLIAM EVANS' MEDICINES, Arc composed of vegetable substances, which exert a specific action upon the heart, give an impulse or strength to the arterial system ; the blood is quick ened and equalized in its circulation through al the vessels, whether of the skin, the parts situated in ternally, or the extremities ; and as ail the secre tions of the body are drawn from the blood, there is a consequent increase of every secretion, and a quickened action of the absorbent and exhalent,or discharging vessels. Any morbid a tion which may have taken place is corrected, all obstructions arc removed, the ulood is purified,and tue body ie sumes a hea thful state. These medicines after much anxious toil and re search, having been brought by the proprietor to the present state of perfection, supersede the use of the innumerable other medicines; and aie so well adapted to the frame, that the use of them, by main- i taming the body in the due performance of its tlle v .ital stream in a pur* and healthy stale,causes TfTo nwtJPany years, htflg er than it otherwise would, and the mind to be come so composed and tranquil, that o d age when it arrives will appear a b essing, and not (as too many who have neglected their constitutions, or had them injured by medicines administered by ig norance) a source of misery and abhorrence. They are so compounded, that by stiengthening and equalizing the action of the heart, liver, and other visera, they expel the bad, acrid or morbid matter, which renders the blood impure, out of the circulation, through the excretory ducts into the passage of the boweis, so that y the brisk orslight evacuations which may be regulated by tire doses, always remembering that while the evacuations from the bowels are kept up. t e excretions f.om all the other portions of the body will aGo be going on in the same proportion, by which means the blood invariably becomes puiilied. steady perseverance in the use of the medicine will undoubtedly eli'ect a cure even in the most acute or obstinate diseases; but in such cases the dose may be augmented, according to the inveteracy of the disease ; the medicints being so admirably adapted to the constitution, that they may be taken at al. times In all cases of hypochondriacism, low spirits,pal pitations of the heart, nervous irritability, nervous weakness, lluur albus, seminal wea ness, indiges tion, loss of appetite, flatulency, heartburn, general debility, bodily weakness, chlorosis or gieen sick ness, flatulent or hysterical faintings, hysterics, headache, hiccup, sea sickness, night-ivare, gout, rheumatism asthma, tic doulorcaux, cramp, spas modic affections, and those who are victims to tnat most cxcrutiating disorder, Gout, will find relief from their sulferings, by a course of Ur. William Evans’s H Is. Nausea, vomiting, pains in the side, limbs, head, stomach or back, dimness or confusion of sight, noises in the inside, alternate flushings of heat and chilliness, tremors, watchings, agitation, anxiety bad dreams, spasms, will in every case be relieved by an occasional dose of Ur. Evans’s medicines. One of the most dangerous epochs to females is|, at the change of life; and it is then they require a medicine which will so invigorate their circulation and thus strengthen tlier constitutions as may ena ble thorn towitiistand the shock. Those who h ive the care and education of Fe males, whether the studious or the sedentary part of the community, should never be without a sup ply of Ur. Evans’s Pills, which remove disorders in the head, invigorate the mind, strengthen the body, improve the memory, and eliven the imagin ation. When the nervous system has been too largely drawn upon or overstrained, nothing is better to correct and invigorate the drooping constitution than these medicines. Dr. William Evans’s Medical Office, 100 Chat ham street, New York, where the Doctor maybe consulted. d/* A Case of Tic Doloreux. Mrs. J. E. Johnson, wife of Capt. Joseph John son, of Dynn, Mass., was severely affiicted for ten y-ears with Tic Doloreux, violentpa in her head, and vomiting with a burning heat in the stomach, and unable to leave her room. She could find no relief from the advice of several physicians, nor from medicines of any kind, until after she commen ced using Ur. Evans’s medicines, of 100 Chatham street, and from that time she began to amend, and eels satisfied if she continues the medicine a few days nnger, will be perfectly cured. Keferene, can be had as to the truth of the above, by calling at Mrs. Johnson’s daughter’s store, 359 Grand St N Y, A REAL BLESSING TO MOTHERS. Ur. Wm. Evans’ Celebrated Soothing Syrup for Children Cutting theiii Teeth. This infallible remedy has preserved hundreds of ehi dren, when thought past recovery, from con- I vnlsions. As soon as the Syrup is rubbed on the “ gums, the child will recover. This preparation is so innocent, so efficacious, and so pleasant that no child will refuse to let its gums be rubbed with it. W hen infants arc at the age of four mouths. though there is no appearance of teeth, one bottle of the Syrup should he used on the gums to open the pores. Parents should never he without the Syrup in the nursery where there are voungclifdren ; for if a child wakes in the night with pain in the gums, the Syrup immediately gives ease by open ing tho pores and healing the gums; thereby pre venting convulsions, feveis, &c. Sold by ANTONY & HAINES, Sole agents in Augusta, J. M.& T. M. TURNER. Savannah, P. VI. COHEN & Co.. Charleston. SHARP * ELLS, Mil edgevil e, C. A. ELLS. Macon, . . .A. VV. MARTIN, Forsyth, BENJ AMIN P. POOH E. Athens, MARK A. LANE, Washington. I ~4pC